These artifices not succeeding very well, they made use of the other

emperor, Galerius Maximianus, who was son-in-law to Diocletian, in order

to effect their purpose. This Emperor, who was of a ferocious character

and ill-informed in everything except the military art, continued to

work upon his father-in-law, being urged on partly by his own

inclination, partly by the instigation of his mother, a most

superstitious woman, and partly by that of the pagan priests, till at

last, when Diocletian was at Nicomedia, in the year 303, he obtained

from him an edict by which the temples of the Christians were to be

demolished, their sacred books committed to the flames, and themselves

deprived of all their civil rights and honors. This first edict spared

the lives of the Christians; for Diocletian was averse from slaughter

and bloodshed. Yet it caused many Christians to be put to death,

particularly those who refused to deliver up their sacred books to the

magistrates. Seeing this operation of the law, many Christians, and

several even of the bishops and clergy, in order to save their lives,

voluntarily surrendered the sacred books in their possession. But they

were regarded by their more resolute brethren as guilty of sacrilege.

Not long after the publication of this first edict, there were two

conflagrations in the palace of Nicomedia; and the enemies of the

Christians persuaded Diocletian to believe that Christian hands had

kindled them. He therefore ordered many Christians of Nicomedia to be

put to the torture and to undergo the penalties due to incendiaries.

Nearly at the same time there were insurrections in Armenia and in

Syria; and as their enemies charged the blame of these also upon the

Christians, the Emperor by a new edict ordered all bishops and ministers

of Christ to be thrown into prison; and by a third edict, soon after, he

ordered that all these prisoners should be compelled by tortures and

punishments to offer sacrifice to the gods; for he hoped, if the bishops

and teachers were once brought to submission, the Christian churches

would follow their example. A great multitude, therefore, of excellent

men, in every part of the Roman Empire, Gaul only excepted, which was

subject to Constantius Chlorus, were either punished capitally or

condemned to the mines.

In the second year of the persecution, A.D. 304, Diocletian published a

fourth edict, at the instigation of his son-in-law and other enemies of

the Christians. By this edict the magistrates were directed to compel

all Christians to offer sacrifices to the gods, and to use tortures for

that purpose. And as the governors yielded strict obedience to these

orders, the Christian Church was reduced to the last extremity. Galerius

Maximianus therefore no longer hesitated to disclose the secret designs

he had long entertained. He required his father-in-law, Diocletian,

together with his colleague, Maximianus Herculius, to divest themselves

of their power, and constituted himself emperor of the East; leaving the

West to Constantius Chlorus, whose health he knew to be very infirm. He

also associated with him in the government two assistants of his own

choosing, namely, Caius Galerius Maximinus, his sister's son, and

Flavius Severus; excluding altogether Constantine, the son of

Constantius Chlorus. This revolution in the Roman Government restored

peace to Christians in the Western provinces, which were under

Constantius; but in the Eastern provinces the persecution raged with

greater severity than before.

But divine Providence frustrated the whole plan of Galerius Maximianus.

For, Constantius Chlorus dying in Britain, in the year 306, the soldiery

by acclamation made his son Constantine, who afterward by his

achievements obtained the title of "the Great," Augustus or Emperor; and

the tyrant Galerius was obliged to submit, and even to approve this

adverse event. Soon after a civil war broke out. For Maxentius, the

son-in-law of Galerius Maximianus, being indignant that Galerius should

prefer Severus before him, and invest him with imperial power, himself

assumed the purple, and took his father, Maximianus Herculius, for his

colleague in the empire. In the midst of these commotions Constantine,

beyond all expectation, made his way to the imperial throne. The western

Christians, those of Italy and Africa excepted, enjoyed a good degree of

tranquillity and liberty during these civil wars. But the oriental

churches experienced various fortune, adverse or tolerable, according to

the political changes from year to year. At length Galerius Maximianus,

who had been the author of the heaviest calamities, being brought low by

a terrific and protracted disease, and finding himself ready to die, in

the year 311, issued a decree which restored peace to them, after they

had endured almost unbounded sufferings.

After the death of Galerius Maximianus, Caius Galerius Maximianus and

Caius Valerius Licinius divided between themselves the provinces which

had been governed by Galerius. At the same time Maxentius, who held

Africa and Italy, determined to make war upon Constantine, who governed

in Spain and Gaul, in order to bring all the West under his authority.

Constantine anticipated his designs, marched his army into Italy in the

year 312, and in a battle fought at the Milvian bridge, near Rome,

routed the army of Maxentius. In the flight the bridge broke down, and

Maxentius fell into the Tiber and was drowned. After this victory

Constantine, with his colleague Licinius, immediately gave full liberty

to the Christians of living according to their own institutions and

laws; and this liberty was more clearly defined the following year, A.D.

313, in a new edict drawn up at Milan. Caius Galerius Maximinus, indeed,

who reigned in the East, was projecting new calamities for the

Christians, and menacing the emperors of the West with war; but being

vanquished by Licinius, he put an end to his own life, in the year 313,

by swallowing poison, at Tarsus.

About this time Constantine the Great, who was previously a man of no

religion, is said to have embraced Christianity, being induced thereto

principally by the miracle of a cross appearing to him in the heavens.

But this story is liable to much doubt. His first edict in favor of the

Christians, and many other things, sufficiently evince that he was

indeed at that time well disposed toward the Christians and their

worship, but that he by no means regarded Christianity as the only true

and saving religion; on the contrary, it appears that he regarded other

religions, and among them the old Roman religion, as likewise true and

useful to mankind; and he therefore wished all religions to be freely

practised throughout the Roman Empire. But as he advanced in life,

Constantine made progress in religious knowledge, and gradually came to

regard Christianity as the only true and saving religion, and to

consider all others as false and impious. Having learned this, he now

began to exhort his subjects to embrace Christianity; and at length he

proclaimed war against the ancient superstitions. At what time this

change in the views of the Emperor took place, and he began to look upon

all religions but the Christian as false, cannot be determined. This,

however, is certain, that the change in his views was first made

manifest by his laws and edicts in the year 324, after the death of

Licinius, when Constantine became sole emperor. His purpose, however, of

abolishing the ancient religion of the Romans, and of tolerating only

the Christian religion, he did not disclose till a little before his

death, when he published his edicts for pulling down the pagan temples

and abolishing the sacrifices.

That the Emperor was sincere, and not a dissembler, in regard to his

conversion to Christianity, no person can doubt who believes that men's

actions are an index of their real feelings. It is indeed true that

Constantine's life was not such as the precepts of Christianity

required; and it is also true that he remained a catechumen all his

life, and was received to full membership in the Church, by baptism,

only a few days before his death, at Nicomedia. But neither of these is

adequate proof that the Emperor had not a general conviction of the

truth of the Christian religion, or that he only feigned himself a

Christian. For in that age many persons deferred baptism till near the

close of life, that they might pass into the other world altogether pure

and undefiled with sin; and it is but too notorious that many persons

who look upon the Christian religion as indubitably true and of divine

origin, yet do not conform their lives to all its holy precepts. It is

another question whether worldly motives might not have contributed in

some degree to induce Constantine to prefer the Christian religion to

the ancient Roman, and to all other religions, and to recommend the

observance of it to his subjects. Indeed, it is no improbable conjecture

that the Emperor had discernment to see that Christianity possessed

great efficacy, and idolatry none at all, to strengthen public

authority, and to bind citizens to their duty.

The sign of the cross, which Constantine most solemnly affirmed he saw

in the heavens, near midday, is a subject involved in the greatest

obscurities and difficulties. It is, however, an easy thing to refute

those who regard this prodigy as a cunning fiction of the Emperor, or

who rank it among fables; and also those who refer the phenomenon to

natural causes, ingeniously conjecturing that the form of a cross

appeared in a solar halo, or in the moon; and likewise those who ascribe

the transaction to the power of God, who intended by a miracle to

confirm the wavering faith of the Emperor. Now these suppositions being

rejected, the only conclusion that remains is that Constantine saw, in a

dream while asleep, the appearance of a cross, with the inscription, _In

hoc signo vinces_ ("By this sign thou shalt conquer"). Nor is this

opinion unsupported by competent authorities of good credit.

The happiness anticipated by the Christians from the edicts of

Constantine and Licinius was a little afterward interrupted by Licinius,

who waged war against his kinsman Constantine. Being vanquished in the

year 314, he was quiet for about nine years. But in the year 324 this

restless man again attacked Constantine, being urged on both by his own

inclination and by the instigation of the pagan priests. That he might

secure himself a victory, he attached the pagans to his cause by

severely oppressing the Christians, and putting not a few of their

bishops to death. But all his plans failed; for, after several

unsuccessful battles, he was obliged to throw himself upon the mercy of

the victor, who, nevertheless, ordered him to be strangled, in the year

325. After his victory over Licinius, Constantine reigned sole emperor

till his death; and by his plans, his enactments, his regulations, and

his munificence he endeavored as much as possible to obliterate

gradually the ancient superstitions and to establish Christian worship

throughout the Roman Empire. He had undoubtedly learned from the wars

and the machinations of Licinius that neither himself nor the Roman

Empire could remain secure while the ancient superstition continued

prevalent; and therefore, from this time onward, he openly opposed the

pagan deities and their worship, as being prejudicial to the interests

of the State.

After the death of Constantine, which happened in the year 337, his

three surviving sons, Constantine II, Constantius, and Constans, assumed

the empire, and were all proclaimed emperors by the Roman senate. There

were still living two brothers of Constantine the Great, namely,

Constantius Dalmatius and Julius Constans, and they had several sons.

But nearly all of these were slain by the soldiers at the command of

Constantine's sons, who feared lest their thirst for power might lead

them to make insurrections and disturb the Commonwealth. Only Gallus and

Julian, sons of Julius Constans, escaped the massacre; and the latter of

these afterward became emperor. Constantine II held Britain, Gaul, and

Spain, but lost his life, A.D. 340, in a war with his brother Constans,

who at first governed only Illyricum, Italy, and Africa; but after the

fall of his brother, Constantine II, he annexed his provinces to his

empire, and thus became emperor of all the West, until he lost his life,

A.D. 350, in the war with Maxentius, a usurper. After the death of

Constans, Maxentius being subdued, the third brother, Constantius, who

had before governed Asia, Syria, and Egypt, in the year 353 became sole

emperor, and governed the whole empire till the year 361, when he died.

Neither of these brothers possessed the disposition or the discernment

of their father; yet they all pursued their father's purpose of

abolishing the ancient superstitions of the Romans and other pagans, and

of propagating the Christian religion throughout the Roman Empire. The

thing itself was commendable and excellent; but in the means employed

there was much that was censurable.

Rhetoricians and philosophers, whose schools were supposed to be so

profitable to the community, exhausted all their ingenuity, both before

the days of Constantine the Great and afterward, to arrest the progress

of Christianity. In the beginning of this century Hierocles, the great

ornament of the Platonic school, composed two books against the

Christians, in which he had the audacity to compare our Saviour with

Apollonius Tyanæus, and for which he was chastised by Eusebius in a

tract written expressly against him. Lactantius speaks of another

philosopher who endeavored to convince the Christians they were in

error; but his name is not mentioned. After the reign of Constantine the

Great, Julian wrote a large volume against the Christians, and Himerius

and Libanius in their public declamations, and Eunapius in his lives of

the philosophers, zealously decried the Christian religion. Yet no one

of these persons was punished at all for the licentiousness of his

tongue or of his pen.

How much harm these sophists or philosophers, who were full of the pride

of imaginary knowledge and of hatred to the Christian name, did to the

cause of Christianity in this century appears from many examples, and

especially from the apostasy of Julian, who was seduced by men of this

stamp. Among those who wished to appear wise, and to take moderate

ground, many were induced by the arguments and explanations of these men

to devise a kind of reconciling religion, intermediate between the old

superstition and Christianity, and to imagine that Christ had enjoined

the very same thing which had long been represented by the pagan priests

under the envelope of their ceremonies and fables. Of these views were

Ammianus Marcellinus, a very prudent and discreet man; Chalcidius, a

philosopher; Themistius, a very celebrated orator, and others, who

conceived that both religions were in unison, as to all the more

important points, if they were rightly understood, and therefore held

that Christ was neither to be contemned nor to be honored to the

exclusion of the pagan deities.

As Constantine the Great and his sons and successors took much pains to

enlarge the Christian Church, it is not strange that many nations,

before barbarous and uncivilized, became subject to Christ. Many

circumstances make it probable that the light of Christianity cast some

of its rays into both Armenias, the Greater and the Less, soon after the

establishment of the Christian Church. But the Armenian Church first

received due organization and firm establishment in this century; in

the beginning of which Gregory, the son of Anax, commonly called "the

Illuminator," because he dispelled the mists of superstition which

beclouded the minds of the Athenians, first persuaded some private

individuals, and afterward Tiridates, the king of the Armenians, as well

as his nobles, to embrace and observe the Christian religion. He was

therefore ordained the first bishop of Armenia, by Leontius, bishop of

Cappadocia, and gradually diffused the principles of Christianity

throughout that country.

In the European provinces of the Roman Empire there still remained a

vast number of idolaters; and though the Christian bishops endeavored to

convert them to Christ, the business went on but slowly. In Gaul, the

great Martin, bishop of Tours, was not unsuccessful in this work; but

travelling through the provinces of Gaul, he everywhere persuaded many

to renounce their idols and embrace Christ, and he destroyed their

temples and threw down their statues. He therefore merited the title

"Apostle of the Gauls."

It is very evident that the victories of Constantine the Great, and both

the fear of punishment and the desire of pleasing the Roman emperors,

were cogent reasons, in the view of whole nations as well as of

individuals, for embracing the Christian religion. Yet no person well

informed in the history of this period will ascribe the extension of

Christianity wholly to these causes. For it is manifest that the

untiring zeal of the bishops and other holy men, the pure and devout

lives which many of the Christians exhibited, the translations of the

sacred volume, and the excellence of the Christian religion were as

efficient motives with many persons as the arguments from worldly

advantage and disadvantage were with some others.

Although the Christian Church within the Roman Empire was involved in no

severe calamities from the times of Constantine the Great onward, except

during the commotion of Licinius and the short reign of Julian, yet

slight tempests sometimes beat upon them in certain places. Athanaric,

for instance, a king of the Goths, fiercely assailed for a time that

portion of the Gothic nation which had embraced Christianity. In the

more remote provinces, also, the adherents to idolatry often defended

their hereditary superstitions with the sword, and murdered the

Christians, who in propagating their religion were not always as gentle

or as prudent as they ought to have been. Beyond the limits of the Roman

Empire, Sapor II, the king of Persia, waged three bloody wars against

the Christians in his dominions. The first was in the eighteenth year of

his reign; the second was in the thirtieth year; and the third, which

was the most cruel and destroyed an immense number of Christians,

commenced in his thirty-first year, A.D. 330, and lasted forty years, or

till A.D. 370. Yet religion was not the ostensible cause of this

dreadful persecution, but a suspicion of treasonable practices among the

Christians; for the Magi and the Jews persuaded the King to believe that

all Christians were in the interests of the Roman Empire.

FIRST NICENE COUNCIL

RISE AND DECLINE OF ARIANISM

A.D. 325

J. L. VON MOSHEIM A. P. STANLEY

Controversies in the Christian Church concerning the mystery of the

Trinity began in the second century, prior to which the word

trinity--a term not found in the Scriptures--had scarcely been used

in Christian writings. It was prominently introduced by theologians

of the second century, who employed new metaphysical methods in

their attempts to explain the divine nature. The dispute turned

upon the questions whether Christ was God or man or an intermediate

being, whether or not he was created, and like inquiries. Arius, a

deacon of Alexandria, early in the fourth century, held that Christ

was a created being, though superior to all other created beings.

The Son, he maintained, is of a nature similar to--not the same

as--that of the Father, to whom the Son is subordinate. This heresy

obtained such currency in the Church that, in 321, a provincial

synod at Alexandria excommunicated Arius, who in his learned

writings had set them forth since 318. Once started among the

people, the controversy begun in the schools became very bitter,

and in many of the churches partisans of the heretical view

equalled in number those of the orthodox. Meanwhile Arius continued

to publish his doctrines.

The emperor Constantine, having become the patron of Christianity,

conceived that the controversy might be settled by an assembly of

the whole Church, and in the year 325 he convoked the first council

of Nicæa, which was also the first ecumenical or general council.

At this council, before which Arius defended his views, over three

hundred bishops were in attendance, and pronounced in favor of the

orthodox doctrine--that of the equality of the Son with the

Father--and condemned the Arians to exile and their books to be

burned. This council also promulgated the Nicene Creed in its early

form. The chief opponent of the Arians was Athanasius, the "Father

of Orthodoxy," whose name was given to a modified creed later

adopted into the Greek, Roman, and English services. The Arian

heresy, however, continued to spread in the East, and had the

strong support of Constantine and his son Constantius. The

controversy was renewed again and again, and for a long time

Arianism was an important factor in theological and political

affairs. Some phases of its peculiar doctrine have reappeared in

various teachings and sects of modern times. But the orthodox

doctrine affirmed at Nicæa has prevailed in the great branches of

the Christian Church, and the acceptance of its fundamental

principle--that of the Incarnation--in the post-apostolic age was

destined to have an incalculable influence upon the development of

individual and national life, civil as well as religious,

throughout the world.

JOHANN LORENZ VON MOSHEIM

In the year 317 a storm arose in Egypt which spread its ravages over the

whole Christian world. The ground of this controversy was the doctrine

of three persons in the Godhead, which during the three preceding

centuries had not been in all respects defined. The doctors explained

this subject in different ways, and gave various representations of the

difference between the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, without offence

being taken.

Alexander, the bishop of Alexandria--it is uncertain on what

occasion--expressed himself very freely on this subject in a meeting of

his presbyters, and maintained, among other things, that the Son

possesses not only the same dignity as the Father, but also the same

essence. But Arius, one of the presbyters, a man of an acute mind and

fluent, at first denied the truth of Alexander's positions, on the

ground that they were allied to the Sabellian errors, which were

condemned by the Church; and then, going to the opposite extreme, he

maintained that the Son is totally and essentially distinct from the

Father; that he was only the first and noblest of those created beings

whom God the Father formed out of nothing, and the instrument which the

Father used in creating the material universe, and therefore that he was

inferior to the Father both in nature and in dignity. No one of the

ancients has left us a connected and systematic account of the religion

professed by Arius and his associates.

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