PART I

THE

EARLY CHRISTIANS IN ROME

BY THE SAME AUTHOR

DREAMLAND IN HISTORY

THE WHITE ROBE OF CHURCHES

THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND: A HISTORY FOR THE PEOPLE (in Four Volumes)

CLOISTER LIFE IN THE DAYS OF CŒUR-DE-LION

CHRISTIANITY AND PAGANISM

THE GOLDEN AGE OF THE CHURCH

[Illustration: PAINTING IN THE CATACOMBS, CENTURY II OR III. THE GOOD

SHEPHERD IN THE CENTRE. ON THE LEFT DANIEL IN THE DEN OF LIONS. ON THE

RIGHT THE THREE CHILDREN IN THE FURNACE.]

THE

EARLY CHRISTIANS

IN ROME

BY THE VERY REV.

H. D. M. SPENCE-JONES

M.A., D.D.

DEAN OF GLOUCESTER

PROFESSOR OF ANCIENT HISTORY IN THE ROYAL ACADEMY

WITH A FRONTISPIECE IN COLOUR AND

TWELVE OTHER ILLUSTRATIONS

SECOND EDITION

METHUEN & CO. LTD.

36 ESSEX STREET W.C.

LONDON

_First Published_ _October 27th 1910_

_Second Edition_ _1911_

TO

EDGAR SUMNER GIBSON, D.D.

LORD BISHOP OF GLOUCESTER

A GREAT SCHOLAR AND A WARM FRIEND

PREFACE

Of the five Books which make up this work, the _First Book_ relates

generally the history of the fortunes of the Church in Rome in the

first days.

The foundation stories of the Roman congregations were laid largely by

the Apostles Peter and Paul--Peter, so with one accord say the earliest

contemporary writers,[1] being the first apostle who preached in Rome.

Paul, who taught many years later in the Capital, was also reckoned

as a founder of the Roman Church; for his teaching, especially his

Christology, supplemented and explained in detail the teaching of S.

Peter and the early founders.

The First Book relates how, after the great fire of Rome in the days of

Nero, the Christians came into prominence, but apparently were looked

on for a considerable period as a sect of dissenting Jews.

From A.D. 64 and onwards they were evidently regarded as

enemies of the State, and were perpetually harassed and persecuted. No

real period of “quietness” was again enjoyed by them until the famous

edict of Constantine the Great, A.D. 313, had been issued.

Although, through the favour of the reigning Emperor, a temporary

suspension of the stern law of the State, sometimes lasting for several

years, left the Christian sect for a time, comparatively speaking, at

peace.

The Persecutions, which began in the days of Nero, with varying

severity continued all through the reigns of the Flavians (Vespasian,

Titus, Domitian).

Nerva, who succeeded Domitian, only reigned two years, and was followed

by the great Trajan: still the persecution of the sect continued. This

we learn from Pliny’s letter to Trajan, _circa_ A.D. 111-113.

Hadrian, who followed Trajan, virtually pursued the same policy.

In the latter years of Hadrian, from A.D. 134-5, the result of

the great Jewish rebellion definitely and for ever separated, in the

eyes of the government, the Christian from the Jew. Henceforth the Jew

generally pursued his quiet way, and found new ideals, new hopes. The

State feared the Jew no longer.

Not so the Christian. Rome saw clearly now that a new and influential

sect had arisen in their midst; a sect absolutely opposed to the old

Roman sacred traditions and worship, a sect, too, that evidently

possessed some mighty secret power which enabled the Christians

fearlessly to defy the magistracy of the Empire. This partly accounts

for the greater severity of the persecution under the Antonine Emperors.

The policy of the Antonines (Pius and Marcus), which endeavoured to

restore and to give fresh life to the old Roman traditions and worship,

which they looked upon as indissolubly bound up with the greatness

and power of Rome, was absolutely hostile to the spirit of Christian

thought and teaching.

The _First Book_ brings the history down to A.D. 180, the date

of the death of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus.

The “Inner Life” of the Christian congregations is now dwelt on, and

forms the subject-matter of Books II., III., IV.

The subject-matter of the _Second Book_ is the _everyday life_ of the

Christian in the first, second, and third centuries, during which

period the religion of Jesus of Nazareth was in the eyes of the Roman

government an unlawful cult, and its adherents were ever liable to the

severest punishment, such as confiscation of their goods, rigorous

imprisonment, torture, and even death.

After dwelling on the question of the numbers of Christians in very

early times, their public _assemblies_ or meetings together are

described with considerable detail in Book II. The importance of these

“meetings” in early Christian life is dwelt upon. _What took place

at these gatherings_ is commented upon at considerable length. The

position occupied by the _slave_ at these “meetings,” and in Christian

society generally, is examined briefly.

Some of the various difficulties which Christians in the age of

persecution had to face, and the way by which these difficulties were

combated, are described.

Instruction as to the way of meeting the difficulty of life for a

Christian living in pagan Rome, was given by two different schools of

thought. A sketch is given of (1) “Rigourists,” and (2) of the “gentler

and more practical” schools which strove to accommodate the Christian

life with the life of the ordinary Roman citizen.

The important part played by the “Rigourist” or ascetic school in the

ultimate conversion of the Roman World to Christianity is examined.

Finally, some of the inducements are indicated which persuaded the

Christian of the first three centuries to endure with brave patience

the hard and dangerous life which was ever the earthly lot of the

followers of Jesus.

The _Third Book_ treats especially of the hard and painful nature of

the “life” which, from A.D. 64, was the lot of the Christian

in the Roman Empire. For the members of the community ever lived under

the dark shadow of persecution. The severity of the persecution varied

from time to time, but the dark shadow lay on them, and constantly

brooded over all their works and days. We possess no direct detailed

history of this state of things, but all the early contemporary

writings of Christians, a good many of which, whole or in fragments,

have come down to us, are literally honeycombed with notices bearing

on this perpetual apprehension; and indeed so real, so constant was

the danger, and so grave were the consequences to Christianity of any

flinching in the hour of trial, that among the congregations of the

first days, numerous schools existed for the purpose of training men

and women to endure the sufferings of martyrdom.

The number of martyrs in these early years has been probably

understated. Pagan contemporary writers of the highest authority,

casually, but still definitely, allude to the great numbers of victims,

while the tone of early Christian writings (already referred to) is

deeply coloured with the pathetic memories of these blood-stained days.

Besides the references even of eminent pagan authorities and the

perpetual allusions in early Christian writings to the great numbers

of Martyrs and Confessors, a somewhat novel testimony to the vast

number of martyrs is quoted here at some length from the history

of the Catacombs, where the numbers of these Confessors are again

and again dwelt on in the “handbooks” to the Roman subterranean

cemeteries, compiled in the fifth and following centuries as “guides”

for the crowds of pilgrims from foreign lands visiting Rome. These

“Pilgrim Guides,” several of which have in later years come to light,

have been recently made the subject of careful study.

The _Fourth Book_ is devoted exclusively to the story of the Roman

Catacombs. In the course of the second half of the nineteenth century,

the vast subterranean City of the Dead, known as the Roman Catacombs,

has been in parts patiently excavated, and carefully studied by eminent

scholars. This study, which is still being actively pursued, has

thrown much light upon the “life” lived among the early generations

of Christians. The inscriptions and epitaphs graved and painted, the

various symbols carved upon the countless tombs in the Catacombs, have

told us very much of the relations between the rich and the poor. They

have disclosed to us something of the secret of the intense faith of

these early believers on the “Name,” and have shown us what was the

sure and certain hope which inspired their wonderful endurance of pain

and agony, and their marvellous courage in the hour of trial.

All this and much more the inscriptions on the thousand thousand

graves, the dim fading pictures, the rough carvings, speak of in a

language none can mistake. It is, indeed, a voice from the dead,

bearing its strange, weird testimony which none can gainsay or doubt.

The work of excavation and the patient study of these Catacombs are yet

slowly proceeding, but from what has been already discovered we have

learned much of the “Inner Life” of this early Christian folk.

The history of these wonderful Catacombs, this subterranean city of the

dead beneath the suburbs of ancient Rome, is told at some length and

with considerable detail in the Fourth Book.

The _Fifth Book_ may be considered as a supplement to the work, which

in the first four Books has dwelt on (1) the very early history, and

(2) on the “Inner Life” of the Christian Church in the first three

centuries, especially in Rome.

Christianity sprang from the heart of the Chosen People, the Jews.

The Divine Founder in His earthly life was pleased to be a Son of the

Chosen People, and His disciples, who laid the early stories of the

Faith, were all Jews, as were the earliest converts to the religion of

Jesus.

The history of the Jews--their past and present condition--is

indissolubly bound up with the records of Christianity. It constitutes

the most important confirmation which we possess of the truth of early

Christian history. It is the weightiest of all evidential arguments

here, and it cannot be refuted or disproved.

The general account of the Chosen People before the coming of Messiah

is well known, and the historical accuracy of the Old Testament records

is generally admitted. But the memories of the fortunes of the Jewish

race after A.D. 70, when the Temple and City were destroyed,

and when the heart of Judaism, as it were, ceased to beat, are

comparatively little known.

The Fifth Book tells something of that eventful history. It sketches

first, very briefly, the last fatal wars of the Jews. Then it tells how

directly after the Temple was burnt a remarkable group of Rabbis arose,

who, undismayed by what seemed the hopeless ruin of their race, at once

proceeded to the reconstruction of Judaism upon totally new foundation

stories.

These strange and wonderful scholars gathered together a mass of

memories, traditions, and precepts which from the days of Moses

had gradually been grouped round the sacred Torah,--the Law of the

Lord,--and which had formed the subject-matter of the teaching of the

Rabbinic schools of the Holy Law during the five centuries which had

elapsed since the Return from the Captivity.

All these memories--traditions--comments, the great scholar Rabbis

and their disciples arranged, codified, amplified. This work went on

for some three hundred years or more; their labours resulted in the

production of the Talmud.

The great object of this marvellous book, or rather collection of

books, the Talmud, was the glorification of Israel; but no longer as a

separate, a distinct nation, but what was far greater, as a separate

People, a People specially beloved of God, for whom a glorious destiny

was reserved in a remote future, a destiny which only belonged to the

Jews.

In the several sections of this Fifth Book the Talmud is

described:--the materials out of which it was composed, the method of

the composition, the marvellous power which it exercised upon the sad

Remnant of the Jewish people, how it bound them, exiles though they

were in many lands, and kept them together,--all this is told at some

length.

The ten or twelve millions of Jews, scattered through many hostile

nations, living in the world of to-day, more powerful, more influential

by far than they were in the golden age of David and Solomon, linked

together by a bond which has never snapped, are indeed an ever-present

evidence of the truth of the story of the early Christians dwelt on in

the first four Books of this work.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

BOOK I

THE BEGINNINGS OF CHRISTIANITY

IN ROME

PART I

INTRODUCTORY

PAGE

A sketch of the early Jewish colony in Rome--Allusion to

Jews by Cicero--Favour shown them by Julius Cæsar--Mention

of Jews by the great poets of the Augustine

age--Characteristic features and moral power of Jews--Their

numbers in the days of Nero 3

I

(_a_) FOUNDATION OF THE CHURCH IN ROME--INFLUENCE OF

S. PETER

Into this colony of Jews came the news of the story of Jesus

Christ--Was S. Peter among the first preachers of

Christianity in Rome?--Quotations from early Christian

writers on this subject--Traditional memories of S. Peter in

Rome 7

II

EARLY REFERENCES

Quotations from patristic writers of the first three

centuries, bearing on the foundation of the Church in Rome,

including the oldest Catalogues of the Bishops of

Rome--Deduction from these quotations 13

PART II

I

(_b_) FOUNDATION OF THE CHURCH IN ROME--INFLUENCE OF

S. PAUL

S. Paul in Rome--His share in laying the foundation stories

in the Capital--Paul’s Christology more detailed than that

contained in S. Mark’s Gospel, which represents S. Peter’s

teaching 21

II

POSITION OF CHRISTIANS AFTER A.D. 64

The great fire of Rome in the days of Nero brought the

unnoticed sect of Christians into prominence--The games of

Nero--Never again after A.D. 64 did Christians enjoy

“stillness”--The policy of the State towards them from this

time was practically unaltered 25

III

THE VEILED SHADOW OF PERSECUTION--POLICY OF THE

FLAVIAN EMPERORS

Silence respecting details of persecutions in pagan and in

Christian writings--Reason for this--These writings contain

little history; but the Christian writings are coloured with

the daily expectation of death and suffering--In spite of

persecution the numbers of Christians increased rapidly--What

was the strange attraction of Christianity?--Persecution of

the sect under the Flavian Emperors Vespasian, Titus,

Domitian 35

PART III

INTRODUCTORY

The correspondence between Trajan and Pliny, and the

Imperial Rescript--Genuineness of this piece in Pliny’s

Letters 45

I

THE LETTERS OF PLINY

Nerva--Character of Trajan--Story of correspondence here

referred to--Pliny’s Letters--Reply of Trajan, which

contained the famous Rescript--Tertullian’s criticism of

Rescript--Pliny’s Letters--They were no ordinary letters,

but were intended for public reading--Pliny’s character--The

vogue of writing letters as literary pieces for public

reading--Pliny’s Letters briefly examined--The letter here

under special consideration--Its great importance in early

Christian history 48

II

VOGUE OF EPISTOLARY FORM OF LITERATURE

Letters of public men considered as pieces of literature--After

Trajan there were very few Latin writings until the close

of the fourth century--In that period some celebrated

letters again appear (written by Symmachus and by Sidonius

Apollinaris a few years later)--These letters were evidently

written as pieces of literature intended for public

circulation 63

III

THE NEW TESTAMENT EPISTLES, AND LETTERS OF APOSTOLIC

FATHERS

Adoption of favourite letter-form as literary pieces--in

Epistles of the New Testament, and in letters of Apostolic

Fathers 69

PART IV

I

(_a_) HADRIAN--HIS POLICY TOWARDS CHRISTIANITY

_Hadrian_--His life of travel--His character--Early policy

towards Christians--He insults Christianity in his building

of Aelia Capitolina on site of Jerusalem--The great Jewish

war--Its two results--(_a_) Complete change in the spirit of

the Jews--(_b_) A new conception of the Christian sect on

part of Roman Government--It was now recognized that the

Christian was no mere Jewish dissenter, but a member of a

distinct sect, dangerous to Roman policy 75

II

(_b_) HADRIAN--HIS ENMITY TOWARDS CHRISTIANITY GRADUALLY

INCREASED

Last years of Hadrian--Persecution of Christians more

pronounced--Undoubted authorities for this graver position

of Christians throughout the Empire--Table showing succession

of Antonines to the Empire 81

III

ANTONINUS PIUS AND MARCUS ANTONINUS--THEIR IDEALS

Character of Antoninus Pius--His intense love for Rome--His

determination to restore the old simple life to which Rome

owed her greatness--His devotion to ancient Roman traditions,

and to the old Roman religion--Antoninus Pius and

his successor Marcus lived themselves the simple austere life

they taught to their court and subjects 84

IV

INTENSE ANTIPATHY OF THE ANTONINES TO CHRISTIANITY

Reason of the Antonines’ marked hostility to the Christian

sect--The Christians stood resolutely aloof from the ancient

religion which these two great sovereigns believed was

indissolubly bound up with the greatness of Rome--With such

views of the sources of Roman power and prosperity, only

a stern policy of persecution was possible--This policy,

pursued in days of Pius, was intensified by his yet greater

successor Marcus--The common idea that the Christians were

tolerated in the days of the Antonines must be

abandoned--Their sufferings under the rule of these great

Emperors, especially in the days of Marcus, can scarcely be

exaggerated 91

BOOK II

THE LIFE OF A CHRISTIAN IN THE EARLY

DAYS OF THE FAITH

INTRODUCTORY 101

I

NUMBERS OF CHRISTIANS IN THE EARLY DAYS

Certain reasons to which the rapid acceptance of

Christianity was owing--The great numbers of the early

converts is borne witness to by pagan authors, such as

Tacitus and Pliny, and by Christian contemporary writers

such as Clement of Rome, Hermas, Irenæus, and others--The

testimony of the Roman catacombs described in detail in

Fourth Book is also referred to 102

II

THE ASSEMBLIES OF CHRISTIANS

These “assemblies” constituted a powerful factor in the

acceptance and organization of the religion of Jesus--Their

high importance is recognized by the great teachers of

the first days--Quotations from these are given 107

III

OF WHOM THESE PRIMITIVE “ASSEMBLIES” WERE COMPOSED

Information respecting these early meetings of Believers

is supplied by leading Christian teachers--Quotations from

these are given 110

IV

WHAT WAS TAUGHT AND DONE IN THESE “ASSEMBLIES”

A general picture of one of them by Justin Martyr--(_A_)

Dogmatic teaching given in these meetings--(_B_)

Almsgiving--Is shown to be an inescapable duty--Is pressed

home by early masters of Christianity on the faithful--All

offerings made were, however, purely voluntary--No communism

was ever taught or hinted at in the early Church--(_C_)

Special dogmatic instruction respecting the value of

almsgiving was given by some early teachers--Several of these

instructions are given here--(_D_) Apart from this somewhat

strange dogmatic teaching on the value of almsgiving, the

general duty of almsgiving was most strongly impressed on the

faithful--Passages emphasizing this from very early writers

are here quoted--(_E_) Special recipients of these alms are

particularized; amongst these, in the first place, widows and

orphans, and the sick, appear--(_F_) These alms in some cases

were not to be confined to the Household of Faith--(_G_)

Hospitality to strangers is enjoined--References here are

given from several prominent early teachers--Help to prisoners

for the Name’s sake enjoined--Assistance to be given to poorer

Churches is recommended--(_H_) Burial expenses for the dead

among the poorer brethren are to be partly defrayed from the

“alms” contributed at the assemblies, partly from private

sources--Lactantius, in his summary of Christian duties,

dwells markedly on this duty--Important witness of the Roman

catacombs here 113

V

THE SLAVE IN EARLY CHRISTIAN LIFE

Position in Christian society--How the slave was regarded

in the “assemblies”--Paulinus of Nola quoted on the general

Christian estimate of a slave--How this novel view of the

slave was looked on by pagans 134

A general summary of the effect which all this teaching

current in the primitive “assemblies” had on the policy

and work of the Church in subsequent ages 137

VI

DIFFICULTIES IN ORDINARY LIFE AMONG THE EARLY CHRISTIANS

Difficulties in common life for the Christian who

endeavoured to carry out the precepts and teaching given

in the “assemblies” are sketched--In family life--In

trades--In the amusements of the people--In civil

employments--In the army--In matters of education--A

general summary of such difficulties is quoted from De

Broglie (_l’Église et l’Empire_) 140

VII

THE ASCETIC AND THE MORE PRACTICAL SCHOOLS OF TEACHING

Two schools of teaching, showing how these difficulties

were to be met, evidently existed in the early Church--(_A_)

_The school of Rigourists_--Tertullian is a good example of

a teacher of this school--Effect of this school on

artisans--On popular amusements--On soldiers of the

Legions--On slaves--On family life--From this stern school

came the majority of the martyrs--(_B_) _The gentler and

more practical school_--exemplified in such writings as the

Dialogue of Minucius Felix and in writings of Clement of

Alexandria, etc.--Results of the teaching of the _gentler

school_--Art was still possible among Christians, although

permeated with heathen symbols--The Christian might still

continue to live in the Imperial court--might remain in the

civil service--in the army, etc.--Examples for such

allowances found in Old Testament writings--(_C_) The

_Rigourist_ school again dwelt on--Its great influence on

the pagan empire--The final victory of Christianity was

largely owing to the popular impression of the life and

conduct of followers of this school--This impression was

voiced by fourth century writers such as Prudentius and

Paulinus of Nola, and is shown in the work of Pope Damasus

in the catacombs 144

VIII

WHAT THE RELIGION OF JESUS OFFERED IN RETURN FOR THIS HARD

LIFE TO RIGOURISTS, AND IN A SLIGHTLY LESS DEGREE TO ALL

FOLLOWERS OF THE SECOND SCHOOL

(_A_) Freedom from ever-present fear of death--S. Paul,

Ignatius, and especially epitaphs in the Roman catacombs

are referred to here--(_B_) New terminology

for death, burial, etc., used--(_C_) The ever-present

consciousness of forgiveness of sins--(_D_) Hope of

immediate bliss after death--The power of the revelation

of S. John in early Christian life--(_E_) Was

Christian life in the early centuries after all a dreary

existence, as the pagans considered it? 153

BOOK III

THE INNER LIFE OF THE CHURCH

PART I

A.D. 64-A.D. 180

INTRODUCTORY

The early Church remained continually under the veiled

shadow of persecution--This state of things we learn, not

from the “Acts of the Martyrs,” which, save in a certain

number of instances, are of questionable authority, but from

fragments which have come down to us of contemporary

writings--Extracts from two groups of the more important of

these are quoted 163

I

QUOTATIONS FROM APOSTLES, ETC.

_First Group._--From writings of apostles and apostolic men,

including the Epistle to the Hebrews--1 Peter--Revelation

of S. John--First letter of S. Clement of Rome--The seven

genuine letters of S. Ignatius 166

II

QUOTATIONS FROM WRITINGS OF THE SECOND CENTURY

_Second Group._--Early writings, dating from the time of

Trajan to the death of Marcus Antoninus (A.D. 180);

including--“Letters of Pliny and Trajan”--“Letter to

Diognetus”--“The Shepherd of Hermas”--“1st Apology of Justin

Martyr”--“Minucius Felix”--“Writings of Melito of

Sardis”--“Writings of Athenagoras”--“Writings of Theophilus

of Antioch”--“Writings of Tertullian”--the last-named a very

few years later, but bearing on same period 177

PART II

TRAINING FOR MARTYRDOM

INTRODUCTORY

The sight of the martyrs’ endurance under suffering had a

marked effect on the pagan population. This was noticed and

dreaded by the Roman magistracy. Efforts were constantly

made by the Government to arrest or at least to limit the

number of martyrs 193

I

OF THE SPECIAL TRAINING FOR MARTYRDOM

The Church conscious of the powerful effect of a public

martyrdom upon the pagan crowds--established a training

for--a preparation in view of a possible martyrdom--This

training included: (_a_) A public recitation in the

congregations of Christians of the “Acts,” “Visions,” and

“Dreams” of confessors--(_b_) The preparation of special

manuals prepared for the study of Christians--In these

manuals our Lord’s words were dwelt on--(_c_) A prolonged

practice of austerities, with the view of hardening the

body for the endurance of pain 197

II

QUOTATIONS FROM TERTULLIAN, ETC.

Certain of Tertullian’s references to this preparation, and

to the austerities practised with this view, are quoted.

(His words, written _circa_ A.D. 200, indicate what was in

the second century a common practice in the Church.) S.

Ignatius’s words in his letter to the Roman Church are a good

example of what was the use of the Church in the early years

of the second century--Some of the words in question are

quoted 202

PART III

THE GREAT NUMBERS OF MARTYRS IN THE FIRST

TWO HUNDRED AND FIFTY YEARS

INTRODUCTORY

Christian tradition by no means exaggerates the number of

martyrs--the contrary, indeed, is the case--In the first two

hundred and fifty years the general tone of the early

Christian writings (above quoted) dwells on those

blood-stained days--But the great pagan authors of the

second century, Tacitus and Pliny, are the most definite on

the question of the vast number of martyrs--Here is cited a

new piece of evidence concerning these great numbers from

notices in the “Pilgrim Itineraries” or “Guides” to the

catacombs of the sixth and following centuries--These tell

us what the pilgrims visited--The vast numbers of martyrs

in the different cemeteries again and again are dwelt upon 207

I

List of the various cemeteries and their locality, with

special notice of numbers of martyrs buried in each 210

II

SPECIAL REFERENCE IN THE “MONZA” PAPYRUS, ETC.

The “Monza” Catalogue--made for Queen Theodolinda by

Gregory the Great, with notices of number of martyrs from

the catalogue in question--Inscriptions of Pope

Damasus--References by the poet Prudentius on the number

of martyrs 214

III

DEDUCTIONS FROM THE “MONZA” CATALOGUE AND

“PILGRIM” GUIDES

General summary, allowing for some exaggeration in the

“Pilgrim” Guides and in the “Monza” Catalogue, on the great

numbers of these confessors and martyrs 215

BOOK IV

THE ROMAN CATACOMBS

PART I

INTRODUCTORY

The nature of the catacombs’ witness to the secret of the

“Inner Life” of the Church--A brief sketch of the contents

of the Fourth Book 219

I

THE ROMAN CATACOMBS--THEIR PLACE IN ECCLESIASTICAL

HISTORY

Early researches--Their disastrous character--De Rossi--His

view of the importance of the testimony of the catacombs

in early Christian history--Much that has been considered

legendary is really historic--Witness of catacombs to the

faith of the earliest Christians 223

II

DE ROSSI’S WAY OF WORKING IN HIS INVESTIGATIONS

Among the materials with which De Rossi worked may be cited:

Acta Martyrum of S. Jerome, Liber Pontificalis, the

“Pilgrim Itineraries,” and the “Monza” Catalogue, which is

specially described--Decoration of certain crypts--Basilica

(ruins) above ground--Luminaria--Graffiti of

pilgrims--Inscriptions of Pope Damasus _in situ_, and also

preserved in ancient syllogæ 226

Certain of his more important discoveries in the cemeteries

of SS. Domitilla, Priscilla, Callistus--The yet later

discoveries of Marucchi and others 230

III

GENERAL ACCOUNT OF THE VASTNESS AND SITUATION OF

THE CATACOMBS

(1) The Vatican cemetery and the groups of catacombs on the

right bank of the Tiber 232

IV

(2) On the Via Ostiensis--Basilica of S. Paul--Cemeteries on

the Via Ardeatina--Grandeur of cemetery of S. Domitilla--The

small basilica of S. Petronilla 236

V

(3) Groups of cemeteries on the Via Appia--S. Sebastian (_ad

Catacumbas_)--Group of S. Callistus--The Papal crypt--S.

Soteris--Catacomb of Prætextatus on left hand of the

Via Appia--Tomb of S. Januarius in this catacomb 242

VI

(4) Cemeteries on the Via Latina and Via Tiburtina--S.

Hippolytus--S. Laurence--S. Agnes’ cemetery on the Via

Nomentana 248

VII

(5) Cemeteries on the Via Salaria Nova--S. Felicitas; the

great cemetery of S. Priscilla, and the ancient Roman

churches connected with it--Legends--Remains of basilica

of S. Sylvester over the cemetery of S. Priscilla--Memories

of S. Peter in this cemetery--Its waters--Recent

discoveries--Popes buried in the basilica of S. Sylvester 258

VIII

(6) Unimportant cemeteries on the Via Salaria Vetus--S.

Pamphylus--S. Hermes--S. Valentinus, etc. 274

APPENDIX I.--S. PETRONILLA

Suggested derivation of Petronilla--De Rossi and other

scholars still hold to the ancient Petrine

tradition--Reasons for maintaining it--Early mediæval

testimony here--Traces of the early cult of this Saint 277

APPENDIX II.--TOMB OF S. PETER

Probable situation of the tomb in present basilica of

S. Peter--Account of what was found in the course of the

excavations in the seventeenth century, by Ubaldi, Canon

of S. Peter’s, who was an eye-witness of the discoveries

made in A.D. 1626, when the works required for the great

bronze Baldacchino of Bernini were being carried out 279

PART II

TWO EXAMPLES OF RECENT DISCOVERIES

I

THE CRYPT OF S. CECILIA

The old story of the famous Saint no longer a mere

legend--Reconstruction of S. Cecilia’s life--The crypt

is described--Her basilica in the Trastevere

quarter--once S. Cecilia’s house 289

II

REMOVAL OF S. CECILIA TO HER BASILICA

Discovery of remains of S. Cecilia by Paschal I., A.D.

821--Appearance of the body, which he translated from the

crypt in the catacomb of Callistus to her basilica--Her

tomb in the basilica opened in A.D. 1599 by Clement

VIII.--Appearance of the body--Maderno copied it in

marble--How De Rossi discovered and identified in the

original catacomb the crypt of S. Cecilia 292

III

THE TOMB OF S. FELICITAS, AND OF HER SONS

Discovery and identification of the burial-places of S.

Felicitas, of S. Januarius, and of her other

sons--Reconstruction of her story--Tomb of S. Januarius

found in cemetery of Prætextatus on the Via Appia--Original

tomb of S. Felicitas found in the cemetery bearing her name

(Via Salaria Nova)--Identification of the burial-places of

her other sons 298

PART III

TEACHING OF THE INSCRIPTIONS AND CARVINGS

ON THE TOMBS

I

EPITAPHS IN THE CATACOMBS--THEIR SIMPLICITY

Uncounted numbers of graves in this silent city of the

dead; computed at three, four, or five millions--belonging

to all ranks--Some of these were elaborately adorned--Greek

often the language of very early epitaphs--Great simplicity

as a rule in inscriptions--No panegyric of dead--just a

name--a prayer--an emblem of faith and hope--Communion of

saints everywhere asserted 307

II

EPITAPHS IN THE CATACOMBS CONTRASTED WITH PAGAN

INSCRIPTIONS

A few of these epitaphs quoted--never a word of sorrow for

the departed found in them--Question of the catacomb teaching

on efficacy of prayers of the dead for the living--S. Cyprian

quoted here--Desire of being interred close to a famous

martyr--Marked difference in the pagan conception of the

dead--Some pagan epitaphs quoted 310

III

EPITAPHS IN THE CATACOMBS--THEIR DOGMATIC TEACHING

The epitaphs on the catacomb graves tell us with no

uncertain voice how intensely real among the Christian

folk was the conviction of the future life--They talk, as

it were, with the dead as with living ones--Dogmatic

allusions in these short epitaphs necessarily are very

brief, but yet are quite definite--The supreme divinity of

Jesus Christ constantly asserted--The catacombs are full

of Christ--Of the emblems carved on the graves--Jesus

Christ as “the Good Shepherd” most frequent--The

“Crucifixion” became a favourite subject of representation

only in later years 314

APPENDIX

On the wish to be interred close to a saint or

martyr--Quotation from S. Augustine here 321

BOOK V

THE JEW AND THE TALMUD

INTRODUCTORY

The story of the Jew--his past--his condition now, is the

weightiest argument that can be adduced in support of the

truth of Christianity--What happened to the “sad remnant”

of the people after the exterminating wars of Titus

and Hadrian, A.D. 70 and 134-5, is little known; yet the

wonderful story of the Jew, especially in the second and

third centuries, is a piece of supreme importance--How

Rabbinic study and the putting out of the Talmud have

influenced the general estimate of the Old Testament among

Christian peoples 325

I

THE LAST THREE GREAT WARS OF THE JEWS

_The First War_, A.D. 66-70--Revolt of the Jews--The

dangerous revolt was eventually crushed by Vespasian, and

when he succeeded to the Empire his son Titus completed

the conquest--Fate of the city of Jerusalem, A.D. 70--Why

was the Temple burned?--The recital of Sulpicius Severus

gives the probable answer--The account in question was

apparently quoted from a lost book of Tacitus--The Roman

triumph of Titus--The memories of the conquered Jews on

the Arch of Titus in the Forum--The great change in

Judaism after A.D. 70, when the Temple and city were

destroyed--The change was completed after the war of

Hadrian in A.D. 134-5 (the third war)--Brief account of

the _second and third wars_--The bitter persecution after

the third war soon ceased, and the sad Jewish remnant was

left virtually to itself 329

II

RABBINISM (_a_)

The conservation of the remnant of the Jews was owing to

the development of Rabbinism--Rabbinism, however, existed

before A.D. 70--Traditional story of the rise of Rabbinism

contained in the “Mishnah” treatise Pirke Aboth--Effect

of the great catastrophe of A.D. 70--Mosaism was destroyed,

and was replaced by Rabbinism 338

III

RABBINISM (_b_)

Extraordinary group of eminent Rabbis who arose after the

catastrophe of A.D. 70--Their new conception of the future

of Israel--The Torah (Law of Moses) and other writings of

the Old Testament from the days of Ezra had been esteemed

ever more and more highly--The “Halachah” or (Rules

round the Torah) gradually multiplied--The elaboration

of these “Halachah” and “Haggadah” (traditions) formed

the “Mishnah”--this work roughly occupied the new Jewish

schools during the whole of the second century--Explanation

of term “Mishnah”--The next two or three centuries were

occupied by the Rabbis in their schools of Palestine and

Babylonia in a further commentary on the “Mishnah”--This

second work of the Rabbis was termed the “Gemara” 342

IV

THE TALMUD

Portions of the “Talmud” had existed before A.D.

70--probably some few of the “Halachah” and “Haggadah”

even dating from the days of Moses--some from the times of

the Judges, and others belonging to the schools of the

Prophets--In the times of Ezra arose the strange and unique

“Guild of Scribes,” devoted to the study and interpretation

of the sacred writings and the traditions which had gathered

round them in past ages--R. Hillel a little before the

Christian era began the task of arranging the results of the

labours of the scribes--R. Akiba after A.D. 70 continued the

work of arrangement, but was interrupted--His fame and

story--R. Meir further worked at the same task, which was

finally completed by R. Judah the Holy, who generally

arranged the Mishnah in the form in which it has come down

to us--This “Mishnah” served as the text for the great

academies of Palestine and Babylonia to work on in the third

and two following centuries--Their writings are known as the

“Gemara”--The Mishnah and Gemara together form the Talmud--A

picture of the great Rabbinic academies of Palestine and

Babylonia--Their methods of study 347

V

HOW THE TEXT OF THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT WAS

PRESERVED

Description of the Massorah--The work of the Massorites in

the preservation of the text of the sacred books--Present

condition of the Massorah 361

VI

CONCLUDING MEMORANDA

Inspiration of the Old Testament Scriptures, according to

the Talmud account 364

The story of the Talmud through the ages 365

The Talmud and the New Testament 366

Influence of the Talmud on Judaism 368

Influence of the Talmud on Christianity 370

VII

(_A_) AN APPENDIX ON THE “HAGGADAH”

“Haggadah” in the Talmud and in other ancient Rabbinical

writings--Signification of the “Haggadah”--Its great

importance--Its enduring popularity 371

Examples of “Haggadah” quoted from the Palestinian Targum

on Deuteronomy 373

VIII

(_B_) ON THE “HALACHAH” AND “HAGGADAH”

The general purport of the “Halachah”--Some

illustrations--Further details connected with the

“Haggadah”--It is not confined to the later Books of the

Old Testament--The “Haggadah” also belongs to the

Pentateuch--Examples of this quoted--Instances of the

influence of “Haggadah” in the New Testament Books 376

IX

WOMEN’S DISABILITIES 380

INDEX 381

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

PAINTING IN THE CATACOMBS, SECOND AND THIRD CENTURIES.

THE GOOD SHEPHERD IN THE CENTRE. ON THE LEFT,

DANIEL IN THE DEN OF LIONS. ON THE RIGHT, THE THREE

CHILDREN IN THE FURNACE _Frontispiece_

From Palmer’s _Early Christian Symbolism_. By permission

of KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & CO.

FACING PAGE

THE “COME AND DINE” OF THE LAST CHAPTER OF ST. JOHN’S

GOSPEL--THE MYSTIC REPAST OF THE SEVEN DISCIPLES

(CEMETERY OF CALLISTUS, SECOND CENTURY. A FAVOURITE

PICTURE IN THE CATACOMBS) 219

ENTRANCE TO THE CEMETERY OF S. DOMITILLA (CRYPT OF THE

FLAVIANS, FIRST CENTURY) 240

From _Roma Sotterranea Cristiana_. By permission of the

Author, ORAZIO MARUCCHI

PAINTINGS IN A CHAPEL OF CATACOMB OF S. CALLISTUS, SHOWING

A TOMB SUBSEQUENTLY EXCAVATED ABOVE THE ORIGINAL TOMB OF

THE SAINT 245

Photo, S. J. BECKETT

MOSAIC IN THE APSE OF THE CHURCH OF STA. PUDENZIANA, ROME 263

Photo, MOSCIONI

IN THE CATACOMB OF S. PRISCILLA (SECOND OR THIRD CENTURY) 267

Photo, S. J. BECKETT

CHAPEL OF THE TOMBS OF THE THIRD-CENTURY BISHOPS OF ROME,

PARTLY RESTORED--CATACOMB OF S. CALLISTUS 273

Photo, S. J. BECKETT

S. PETER’S, ROME--THE CONFESSION 281

Photo, S. J. BECKETT

A REPLICA OF MADERNO’S EFFIGY OF S. CECILIA--AS SHE WAS

FOUND--IS IN THE NICHE OF THE S. CALLISTUS CHAMBER, WHERE

THE BODY ORIGINALLY WAS DEPOSITED 293

Photo, S. J. BECKETT

SEPULCHRAL INSCRIPTIONS FROM THE ROMAN CATACOMBS 310

Photo, S. J. BECKETT

THE TEMPLE--JERUSALEM--THE HOLY PLACE 330

From the _Jewish Encyclopædia_. By permission of FUNK &

WAGNALLS CO.

THE “WAILING-PLACE” OF THE JEWS, BEFORE THE RUINED WALLS

OF THE TEMPLE 332

Photo, THE PHOTOCHROM CO.

THE TEMPLE, JERUSALEM, BEFORE ITS DESTRUCTION BY TITUS,

A.D. 70 340

From a drawing in the _Jewish Encyclopædia_. By permission.

“Assured the trial, fiery, fierce, but fleet,

Would, from his little heap of ashes, lend

Wings to that conflagration of the world

Which Christ awaits ere He makes all things new:

So should the frail become the perfect, rapt

From glory of pain to glory of joy.”

BROWNING, _The Ring and the Book_, x. 1797

BOOK I

THE BEGINNINGS OF CHRISTIANITY IN ROME

PART I

INTRODUCTORY

THE JEWISH COLONY IN ROME

At the beginning of the first century of the Christian era the

Jewish colony in Rome had attained large dimensions. As early as

B.C. 162 we hear of agreements--we can scarcely call them

treaties--concluded between the Jews under the Maccabean dynasty and

the Republic. After the capture of Jerusalem by Pompey, B.C.

63, a number more of Jewish exiles swelled the number of the chosen

people who had settled in the capital. Cicero when pleading for

Flaccus, who was their enemy, publicly alludes to their numbers and

influence. Their ranks were still further recruited in B.C.

51, when a lieutenant of Crassus brought some thousands of Jewish

prisoners to Rome. During the civil wars, Julius Cæsar showed marked

favour to the chosen people. After his murder they were prominent among

those who mourned him.

Augustus continued the policy of Julius Cæsar, and showed them much

favour; their influence in Roman society during the earlier years of

the Empire seems to have been considerable. They are mentioned by the

great poets who flourished in the Augustan age. The Jewish Sabbath

is especially alluded to by Roman writers as positively becoming a

fashionable observance in the capital.

A few distinguished families, who really possessed little of the

Hebrew character and nationality beyond the name, such as the Herods,

adopted the manners and ways of life of the Roman patrician families;

but as a rule the Jews in foreign lands preferred the obscurity to

which the reputation of poverty condemned them. Some of them were

doubtless possessors of wealth, but they carefully concealed it; the

majority, however, were poor, and they even gloried in their poverty;

they haunted the lowest and poorest quarters of the great city.

Restlessly industrious, they made their livelihood, many of them, out

of the most worthless objects of merchandise; but they obtained in

the famous capital a curious celebrity. There was something peculiar

in this strange people at once attractive and repellent. The French

writer Allard, in the exhaustive and striking volumes in which he

tells the story of the persecutions in his own novel and brilliant

way, epigrammatically writes of the Jew in the golden age of Augustus

as “one who was known to pray and to pore over his holy national

literature in Rome which never prayed and which possessed no religious

books” (“Il prie et il étudie ses livres saintes, dans Rome qui n’a pas

de théologie et qui ne prie pas”).

They lived their solitary life alone in the midst of the crowded

city--by themselves in life, by themselves, too, in death; for they

possessed their own cemeteries in the suburbs,--catacombs we now term

them,--strange God’s acres where they buried, for they never burned,

their dead, carefully avoiding the practice of cremation, a practice

then generally in vogue in pagan Rome. Upon these Jewish cemeteries the

Christians, as they increased in numbers, largely modelled those vast

cities of the dead of which we shall speak presently.

They watched over and tenderly succoured their own poor and needy, the

widow and the orphan; on the whole living pure self-denying lives,

chiefly disfigured by the restless spirit, which ever dwelt in the

Jewish race, of greed and avarice. They were happy, however, in their

own way, living on the sacred memories of a glorious past, believing

with an intense belief that they were still, as in the glorious

days of David and Solomon, the people beloved of God--and that ever

beneath them, in spite of their many confessed backslidings, were

the Everlasting Arms; trusting, with a faith which never paled or

faltered, that the day would surely come when out of their own people

a mighty Deliverer would arise, who would restore them to their loved

sacred city and country; would invest His own, His chosen nation, with

a glory and power grander, greater than the world had ever seen.

There is no doubt but that the Jew of Rome in Rome’s golden days, in

spite of his seeming poverty and degradation, possessed a peculiar

moral power in the great empire, unknown among pagan nations.[2]

In the reign of Nero, when the disciples of Jesus in Rome first emerged

from the clouds and mists which envelop the earliest days of Roman

Christianity, the number of Jews in the capital is variously computed

as amounting to from 30,000 to 50,000 persons.

The Jewish colony in Rome was a thoroughly representative body of

Jews. They were gathered from many centres of population, Palestine

and Jerusalem itself contributing a considerable contingent. They

evidently were distinguished for the various qualities, good and bad,

which generally characterized this strange, wonderful people. They

were restless, at times turbulent, proud and disdainful, avaricious

and grasping; but at the same time they were tender and compassionate

in a very high degree to the sad-eyed unfortunate ones among their own

people,--most reverent, as we have remarked, in the matter of disposing

of their dead,--on the whole giving an example of a morality far higher

than that which, as a rule, prevailed among the citizens of the mighty

capital in the midst of whom they dwelt.

The nobler qualities which emphatically distinguished the race were

no doubt fostered by the intense religious spirit which lived and

breathed in every Jewish household. The fear of the eternal God, who

they believed with an intense and changeless faith loved them, was ever

before the eyes alike of the humblest, poorest little trader, as of the

wealthiest merchant in their company.

I

THE FOUNDATION OF THE CHURCH IN ROME--“A”

Into this mass of Jewish strangers dwelling in the great city came

the news of the wonderful work of Jesus Christ. As among the Jews

at Jerusalem, so too in Rome, the story of the Cross attracted

many--repelled many. The glorious news of salvation, of redemption,

sank quietly into many a sick and weary heart; these hearts were

kindled into a passionate love for Him who had redeemed them--into a

love such as had never before been kindled in any human heart. While,

on the other hand, with many, the thought that the treasured privileges

of the chosen people were henceforward to be shared on equal terms

by the despised Gentile world, excited a bitter and uncompromising

opposition--an opposition which oftentimes shaded into an intense hate.

The question as to who _first_ preached the gospel of Jesus Christ to

this great Jewish colony will probably never be answered. There is a

high probability that the “story of the Cross” was told very soon after

the Resurrection by some of those pilgrims to the Holy City who had

been eye-witnesses of the miracle of the first Pentecost.

There is, however, a question connected with the beginnings of

Christianity in Rome which is of the deepest interest to the student of

ecclesiastical history, a question upon which much that has happened

since largely hangs.

Was S. Peter in any way connected with the laying of the foundation

of the great Christian community in Rome; can he really be considered

as one of the founders of that most important Church? An immemorial

tradition persists in so connecting him; upon what grounds is this most

ancient tradition based?

Scholars of all religious schools of thought now generally allow that

S. Peter visited Rome and spent some time in the capital city; wrote

his great First Epistle from it, in which Epistle he called “Rome”

by the not unusual mystic name of “Babylon,” and eventually suffered

martyrdom there on a spot hard by the mighty basilica called by his

name.

The only point at issue is, did he--as the favourite tradition

asserts--pay his first visit to Rome quite early in the Christian

story, _circa_ A.D. 42, remaining there for some seven or

eight years preaching and teaching, laying the foundations of the great

Church which rapidly sprang up in the capital?

Then when the decree of the Emperor Claudius banished the Jews, A.D.

49-50, the tradition asserts that the apostle returned to the East,

was present at the Apostolic Council held at Jerusalem A.D. 50, only

returning to Rome _circa_ A.D. 63. Somewhere about A.D. 64 the First

Epistle of Peter was probably written from Rome.[3] His martyrdom there

is best dated about A.D. 67.

A careful examination of the most ancient “Notices” bearing especially

on the question of the laying of the early stories of the Roman Church,

determines the writer of this little study to adopt the above rough

statement of S. Peter’s work at Rome. Some of the principal portions of

these “notices” will now be quoted, that it may be seen upon what basis

the conclusion in question is adopted. The quotations will be followed

by a sketch of the traditional and other evidence specially drawn from

the testimony of the very early Roman catacomb of S. Priscilla. This

sketch, which is here termed the “traditional evidence,” it will be

seen, powerfully supports the deduction derived from the notices quoted

from very early Christian literature.

THE QUOTATIONS

_Clemens Romanus_, A.D. 95-6. In the fifth chapter of the

well-known and undoubtedly authentic _Letter of Clement of Rome to

the Corinthians_, the writer calls the attention of the Corinthians

to the examples of the Christian “athletes” who “lived very near to

our own time.” He speaks of the apostles who were persecuted, and who

were faithful to death. “There was Peter, who after undergoing many

sufferings, and having borne his testimony, went to his appointed place

of glory. There was Paul, who after enduring chains, imprisonments,

stonings, again and again, and sufferings of all kinds ... likewise

endured martyrdom, and so departed from this world.”

The reason why Clement of Rome mentions these two special apostles

(other apostles had already suffered martyrdom) is obvious. Clement was

referring to examples of which they themselves had been eye-witnesses.

Paul, it is universally acknowledged, was martyred in Rome; is not the

inference from the words of Clement, that Peter suffered martyrdom in

this same city also, overwhelming?

_Ignatius_, _circa_ A.D. 108-9, some twelve or thirteen years

after Clement had written his _Epistle to the Corinthians_, on his

journey to his martyrdom at Rome, thus writes to the Roman Church:

“I do not command you like Peter and Paul: they were apostles; I am

a condemned criminal.” Why now did Ignatius single out Peter and

Paul? So Bishop Lightfoot, commenting on this passage, forcibly says:

“Ignatius was writing from Asia Minor. He was a guest of a disciple of

John at the time. He was sojourning in a country where John was the

one prominent name. The only conceivable reason why he specially named

Peter and Paul was that these two apostles had both visited Rome and

were remembered by the Roman Church.”

_Papias_ of Hierapolis, born _circa_ A.D. 60-70. His writings

probably date somewhat late in the first quarter of the second century.

On the authority of Presbyter John, a personal disciple of the Lord,

Papias tells us about Mark: he was a friend and interpreter of S.

Peter, and wrote down what he heard his master teach, and there (in

Rome) composed his “record.” This notice seems to have been connected

by Papias with 1 Pet. v. 13, where Mark is alluded to in connexion with

the fellow-elect in Babylon (Rome).

“It seems,” concludes Bishop Lightfoot, referring to Irenæus (_S.

Clement of Rome_, ii. 494), “a tolerably safe inference, therefore,

that Papias represented S. Peter as being in Rome, that he stated Mark

to have been with him there, and that he assigned to the latter a

Gospel record (the second Gospel) which was committed to writing for

the instruction of the Romans.”

_Dionysius_ of Corinth, A.D. 170, quoted by Eusebius (_H. E._

II. xxv.), wrote to Soter, bishop of Rome, as follows: “Herein

by such instructions (to us) ye have united the trees of the Romans and

Corinthians (trees) planted by Peter and Paul. For they both alike came

also to our Corinth, and taught us; and both alike came together to

Italy, and having taught there, suffered martyrdom at the same time.”

_Irenæus_, _circa_ A.D. 177-90, writes: “Matthew published

also a written Gospel among the Hebrews in their own language, while

Peter and Paul were preaching and founding the Church in Rome. Again

after their departure, Mark, the disciple and interpreter of Peter,

himself also handed down to us in writing the lessons preached by

Peter.”--_H. E._ III. i. 1.

_Clement_ of Alexandria, _circa_ A.D. 193-217 (_Hypotyposes_,

quoted by Eusebius, _H. E._ vi. 14) tells us how, “when Peter had

preached the word publicly in Rome, and declared the gospel by the

Spirit, the bystanders, being many in number, exhorted Mark as having

accompanied him for a long time, and remembering what he had said,

to write out his statements, and having thus composed his Gospel, to

communicate it to them; and that when Peter learnt this, he used no

pressure either to prevent him or to urge him forwards.”

_Tertullian_, _circa_ A.D. 200, adds his testimony thus: “We

read in the lives of the Cæsars, Nero was the first to stain the rising

faith with blood. Thus Peter is girt by another (quoting the Lord’s

words) when he is bound to the Cross. Thus Paul obtains his birthright

of Roman citizenship when he is born again there by the nobility of

Martyrdom.”--_Scorpiace_, 15.

_Tertullian_ again writes: “Nor does it matter whether they are among

those whom John baptized in the Jordan, or those whom Peter baptized in

the Tiber.”--_De Baptismo_, 4.

_Tertullian_ once more tells us: “The Church of the Romans reports that

Clement was ordained by Peter.”--_De Præscriptione Hær._ 36.

_Tertullian_ again bears similar testimony: “If thou art near to Italy,

thou hast Rome.... How happy is that Church on whom the apostles shed

all their teaching with their blood, where Peter is conformed to the

passion of the Lord, where Paul is crowned with the death of John (the

Baptist), where the Apostle John after having been plunged in boiling

oil, without suffering any harm, is banished to an island!”--_De

Præscriptione_, 36.

_Caius_ (or Gaius) the Roman presbyter, _circa_ A.D. 200-20,

who lived in the days of Pope Zephyrinus, and was a contemporary

of Hippolytus, if not (as Lightfoot suspects) identical with him

(Hippolytus of Portus), gives us the following detail: “I can show you

the trophies (the Memoriæ or Chapel-Tombs) of the apostles. For if you

will go to the Vatican or to the Ostian Way, thou wilt find (there) the

trophies (the Memoriæ) of those who founded the Church.”

Caius is here claiming for his own Church of Rome the authority

of the Apostles SS. Peter and Paul, whose martyred bodies rest in

Rome.--Quoted by Eusebius, _H. E._ II. xxv.

Thus at that early date when Caius wrote, the localities of the graves

of the two apostles were reputed to have been the spots where now stand

the great basilicas of SS. Peter and Paul.

_Eusebius_, _H. E._ II. xiv., gives a definite date for the

first coming of Peter to Rome, and his preaching there. The historian

was describing the influence of Simon Magus at Rome. This, he adds, did

not long continue, “for immediately under the reign of Claudius, by the

benign and gracious providence of God, Peter, that powerful and great

apostle who by his courage took the lead of all the rest, was conducted

to Rome against this pest of mankind. He (S. Peter) bore the precious

merchandise of the revealed light from the East to those in the West,

announcing this light itself, and salutary doctrine of the soul, the

proclamation of the kingdom of God.”

_Eusebius_ also writes that “Linus, whom he (Paul) has mentioned in his

Second Epistle to Timothy as his companion at Rome, has been before

shown to have been the first after Peter that obtained the Episcopate

at Rome.”--Eusebius, _H. E._ III. iv.

* * * * *

The _traditional_ memories of Peter’s residence in Rome and his

prolonged teaching there are very numerous. De Rossi while quoting

certain of these as legendary, adds that an historical basis underlies

these notices. Some of the more interesting of these are connected with

the house and family of Pudens on the Aventine, and with the cemetery

of Saint Priscilla on the Via Salaria.

To the pilgrims of the fifth and following centuries were pointed out

the chair in which Peter used to sit and teach (Sedes ubi prius sedit

S. Petrus), and also the cemeterium fontis S. Petri--cemeterium ubi

Petrus baptizaverat. Marucchi, the pupil and successor of De Rossi,

believes that this cemetery where it was said S. Peter used to baptize,

is identical with parts of the vast and ancient catacomb of Priscilla.

These and further traditional notices are dwelt on with greater detail

presently when the general evidence is summed up.[4]

II

A SUMMARY OF LITERARY NOTICES

And now to sum up the evidence we have been quoting:

The _Literary Notices_ have been gathered from all parts of the Roman

world where Christianity had made a lodgment.

From _Rome_ (Clement of Rome) in the first and second centuries and

early in the third century.

From _Antioch_ (Ignatius, Papias) (including Syria and Asia Minor) very

early in the second century.

From _Corinth_ (Greece) (Dionysius) in the second half of the second

century.

From _Lyons_ (Gaul) (Irenæus) in the second half of the second century.

From _Alexandria_ (Egypt) (Clement of Alexandria) in the second half of

the second century.

From _Carthage_ (North Africa) (Tertullian) in the close of the second

century.

These and other literary notices, more or less definitely, all ascribe

the laying of the foundation stories of the Church of Rome to the

preaching and teaching of the Apostles Peter and Paul. All without

exception in their notices of this foundation work place the _name of

Peter first_. It is hardly conceivable that these very early writers

would have done this had Peter only made his appearance in Rome for

the first time in A.D. 63 or 64, _after_ Paul’s residence in

the capital for some two years, when he was awaiting the trial which

resulted in his acquittal.

Then again, the repeated mention of the two great apostles as the

_Founders_ of the Roman Church would have been singularly inaccurate if

neither of them had visited the capital before A.D. 60-1, the

date of Paul’s arrival, and A.D. 63-4, the date of S. Peter’s

coming, supposing we assume the later date for S. Peter’s coming and

preaching.

When we examine the literary notices in question we find in several of

them a more circumstantial account of Peter’s work than Paul’s; for

instance:

_Papias_ and _Irenæus_ give us special details of S. Mark’s position

as the interpreter of S. Peter, and tell us particularly how the

friend and disciple of S. Peter took down his master’s words, which he

subsequently moulded into what is known as the second Gospel.

_Tertullian_ relates that S. Peter baptized in the Tiber, and mentions,

too, how this apostle ordained Clement.

_Eusebius_, the great Church historian to whom we owe so much of

our knowledge of early Church history, writing in the early years

of Constantine’s reign, in the first quarter of the fourth century,

goes still more into detail, and gives us approximately the date of

S. Peter’s first coming, which he states to have been in the reign of

Claudius, who was Emperor from A.D. 41 to A.D. 54 (Eusebius, _H. E._

II. xiv.). The same historian also repeats the account above referred

to of Mark’s work as Peter’s companion and scribe in Rome (_H. E._ II.

xv.), adding that the “Church in Babylon” referred to by S. Peter (1

Ep. v. 13) signified the Church of Rome.

_Jerome_, writing in the latter years of the same century (the fourth),

is very definite on the question of the early arrival of S. Peter

at Rome--“Romam mittitur,” says the great scholar, “ubi evangelium

prædicans XXV annis ejusdem urbis episcopus perseverat.” Now, reckoning

back the twenty-five years of S. Peter’s supervision of the Roman

Church would bring S. Peter’s first presence in Rome to A.D.

42-3; for Jerome tells us how “Post Petrum primus Romanam ecclesiam

tenuit Linus,” and the early catalogues of the Roman Bishops--the

Eusebian (Armenian version), the catalogue of Jerome, and the catalogue

called the Liberian--give the date of Linus’ accession respectively as

A.D. 66, A.D. 68, A.D. 67.

The early lists or catalogues of the Bishops of Rome, just casually

referred to, are another important and weighty witness to the ancient

and generally received tradition of the early visit and prolonged

presence of S. Peter at Rome.

The first of these in the middle of the second century was drawn up,

as far as Eleutherius, A.D. 177-90 by Hegesippus, a Hebrew

Christian. Eusebius is our authority for this. This list, however, has

not come down to us. It is, however, probable that it was the basis, as

far as it went, of the list drawn up by Irenæus _circa_ A.D.

180-90. This is the earliest catalogue of the Roman Bishops which we

possess. Irenæus, after stating that the Roman Church was founded by

the Apostles Peter and Paul, adds that they entrusted the office of the

Episcopate to Linus.

In the Armenian version of the _Chronicles_ of Eusebius, the only

version in which we possess this Eusebian Chronicle, Peter appears

at the head of the list of Roman Bishops, and twenty years is given

as the duration of his government of the Church. Linus is stated to

have been his successor. In the list of S. Jerome a similar order is

preserved--with the slight difference of twenty-five years instead

of twenty as the duration of S. Peter’s rule. The deduction which

naturally follows these entries in the two lists has been already

suggested. The Liberian Catalogue, compiled _circa_ A.D. 354,

places S. Peter at the head of the Roman Bishops--giving twenty-five

years as the duration of his government. Linus follows here.

The Liberian Catalogue was the basis of the great historical work now

generally known as the “Liber Pontificalis,” which in its notices of

the early Popes embodies the whole of the Liberian Catalogue--only

giving fresh details. The “Liber Pontificalis” in its first portion

in its present form is traced back to the earlier years of the sixth

century.

The traditional notices of the early presence of S. Peter in Rome

are many and various. Taken by themselves they are, no doubt, not

convincing--some of them ranking as purely legendary--though we

recognize even in these “purely legendary” notices an historical

foundation; but taken together they constitute an argument of no little

weight.

Among the “purely legendary” we have touched upon the memories which

hang round the house of Pudens, and the church which in very early

times arose on its site.[5] Of far greater historical value are the

memories which belong to the Catacomb of Priscilla, memories which

recent discoveries in that most ancient cemetery go far to lift many of

the old traditions into the realm of serious history.

The historical fact of the burial (_depositio_) of some ten or eleven

of the first Bishops round the sacred tomb of the Apostle S. Peter

(_juxta corpus beati Petri in Vaticano_), gives additional colour to

the tradition of the immemorial reverence which from the earliest times

of the Church of Rome encircles the memory of S. Peter.

From the third century onward we find the Roman Bishops claiming as

their proudest title to honour their position as successors of S.

Peter. In all the controversies which subsequently arose between Rome

and the East this position was never questioned. Duchesne, in his last

great work,[6] ever careful and scholarly, does not hesitate to term

the “Church of Rome” (he is dwelling on its historical aspect) the

“Church of S. Peter.”

This study on the work of S. Peter in the matter of laying the early

stories of the great Church which after the fall of Jerusalem in

A.D. 70 indisputably became the metropolis of Christianity,

has been necessarily somewhat long--the question is one of the highest

importance to the historian of ecclesiastical history. Was this lofty

claim of the long line of Bishops of Rome to be the successors of S.

Peter, ever one of their chief titles to honour, based on historic

evidence, or was it simply an invention of a later age?

All serious historians now are agreed that S. Peter taught in Rome,

wrote his Epistle from Rome, and subsequently suffered martyrdom there.

But historians, as we have stated, are not agreed upon the date of

his first appearance in the queen city. Now the sum of the evidence

massed together in the foregoing brief study, leads to the indisputable

conclusion that the date of his coming to Rome must be placed very

early in the story of Christianity, somewhere about A.D. 41-3.

Everything points to this conclusion. How could Peter be, with any

accuracy, styled the “Founder of the Church of Rome” if he never

appeared in Rome before A.D. 64? Long before this date the

Church of the metropolis had been “founded,” had had time to become a

large and flourishing Christian community. This estimate of the signal

importance of the Church of Rome is based on various testimonies, among

which may be ranked the long list of salutations in S. Paul’s Epistle

to the Romans, written _circa_ A.D. 58.

All the various notices of the leading Christian writers of the first

and second centuries in all lands carefully style him as such. Paul,

it is true, in most, not in all these early writings, is associated

with him as a joint founder: this in a real sense can also be

understood; for although Paul came at a later date to Rome and dwelt

there some two years, the presence of one of the greatest of the early

Christian teachers would surely add enormously to the stability of the

foundations laid years before. The teaching of the great Apostle of the

Gentiles, continued for two years, was, of course, a very important

factor in the “foundation work,” and was evidently always reckoned as

such.

But even then, as we have seen, while the two apostles are frequently

joined together as founders in the writings of the early Christian

teachers, in several notable instances Peter’s work is especially dwelt

upon by them.

Then again in the traditional “Memories” preserved to us, some of them

of the highest historical value, it is Peter, not Paul, who is ever the

principal figure. Paul rarely, if ever, appears in them. Great though

undoubtedly Paul was as a teacher of the Christian mysteries and as an

expounder of Christian doctrine, it is emphatically Peter, not Paul,

who lives in the “memories” of the Roman Christian community.

The place which the two basilicas of S. Peter and S. Paul on the

Vatican Hill and on the Ostian Way have ever occupied in the minds

and hearts not only of the Roman people, but of all the innumerable

pilgrims in all ages to the sacred shrines of Rome, seems accurately

to measure the respective places which the two apostles hold in the

estimate of the Roman Church.

The comparative neglect of S. Paul’s basilica in Rome when measured

with the undying reverence shown to, and with the enormous pains and

cost bestowed on the sister basilica of S. Peter, is due not to any

want of reverence or respect for the noble Apostle of the Gentiles,

but solely because Rome and the pilgrims to Rome were deeply conscious

of the special debt of Rome to S. Peter, who was evidently the real

founder of the mighty Church of the capital.

The writer of this work is fully conscious that the conclusion to

which he has come after massing together all the available evidence,

is not the usual conclusion arrived at by one great and influential

school of thought in our midst; nor does it accord with the conclusion

of that eminently just scholar-Bishop Lightfoot, who while positively

affirming the presence of S. Peter in Rome, whence, as he allows, he

wrote his First Epistle, and where through pain and agony he passed to

his longed-for rest in his Master’s Paradise, yet cannot accept the

tradition of his early presence in the metropolis.

The writer of this study has no doubt whatever that the teaching of the

vast majority of the Roman Catholic writers on this point is strictly

accurate, and that S. Peter at a comparatively early date, probably

somewhere about the year of grace 42-3, came to Rome confirmed in the

faith--taught--strengthened with his own blessed memories of his adored

Master--the little band of Christians already dwelling in the capital

of the Empire. Under his pious training the little band, in the six,

seven, or eight years of his residence in their midst, became the

strong nucleus of the powerful Church of Rome.

Then, most probably, he left Rome when the decree of the Emperor

Claudius, A.D. 49, was promulgated: the decree which was the result of

the disturbances among the turbulent Jewish colony,--disturbances no

doubt owing to bitter and relentless opposition to the fast spreading

of the Christian faith in their midst. As Suetonius (Claudius, 25)

tersely but clearly tells us: “Judæos, impulsore Christo assidue

tumultuantes Roma expulit.”

From the year 49, when he left the Queen City, S. Peter apparently was

absent from the Church in which for some seven or eight years he had

laboured so well and so successfully, continuing his work, however, in

other lands. Then in A.D. 63-4 he returned, resumed his Roman

work, wrote the First Epistle which bears his name, and eventually

suffered martyrdom.

This conclusion, of such deep importance in early ecclesiastical

history, has been arrived at--as the student of the foregoing pages

will see--from no one statement, from no whole class, so to speak,

of evidences, but from the _cumulative_ evidence afforded by the

massing together the statements of early writers, the testimony of the

catacombs, the witness of tradition, and the voice of what may almost

be accurately termed immemorial history.[7]

The Early Christians in Rome · 第 1 / 9 章