Oppressions exercised by the Spaniards upon the Peruvian Indians--The
Repartimiento and the Mita--Indian Insurrections--Tupac Amaru--His
Capture and Execution--War of Independence--Character of the Peruvian
Indians--Music--Dress--Superstitions--Longevity--Diminished
Population of Peru--Languages spoken by the Aboriginal
Inhabitants--Specimen of Quichua Poetry--The Yaravies--The
Quipu--Water Conduits--Ancient Buildings--Fortresses--Idols--Domestic
Utensils--Ancient Peruvian Graves--Mode of Burying the Dead--Mummies.
A glance at the history of Peru serves to show that prior to the Spanish
conquest the Indians were the subjects of a dynasty, to which they
rendered willing obedience. We find, indeed, an uninterrupted series of
revolutions and wars, arising out of the continued extension of the
empire, to which nations differing one from another in language,
religion, and manners, were gradually annexed. For some time after their
subjugation these nations struggled to recover their independence, but
the wise and mild government of the Incas gradually restored peace, and
established unity. In course of time, the magnitude of the empire led to
its downfall. Huayna Inca-Capac divided his dominions between his two
sons. To the elder, Huascar, he gave the southern portion of the empire,
and to the younger, Atahuallpa, he gave the northern division. Between
the two brothers there arose disputes, which led to a sanguinary war;
and in that fatal interval, Pizarro, with his invading forces, landed in
Peru. With a degree of speed, which internal union among the people
would have rendered impossible, the Spaniards made themselves masters of
the country, massacred alike sovereigns and subjects, destroyed the
sanctuaries, and established a new religion and new laws. The barbarous
cruelties by which that religion and those laws were upheld are too well
known to require repetition here. Of the many oppressive measures to
which the Spaniards enforced submission from the conquered people, I
will briefly notice two: the _Repartimiento_ and the _Mita_. The
Repartimiento was the distribution, among the natives, of articles of
European production. These distributions were under the superintendence
of the provincial authorities, the corregidores, and the sub-delegados.
The law was doubtless intended, in its origin, for the advantage and
convenience of the native Indians, by supplying them with necessaries at
a reasonable price. But, subsequently, the Repartimiento became a source
of oppression and fraud, in the hands of the provincial authorities. All
the corregidores and sub-delegados became traders. They purchased
consignments of manufactured goods from Europe, at a cheap rate, and
sold them to the Indians at exorbitant prices. To add to the grievance,
the articles thus forced upon the natives were, in many instances, not
necessaries, but objects of luxury utterly useless to them. Even more
oppressive and cruel than the Repartimiento, was the Mita, which
consisted of the forced labor of the Indians in the mines and
plantations. Every Spaniard who wished to work a mine, obtained from the
corregidor a certain number of Indians, to each of whom he gave daily
four reals as wages, with the agreement of paying to the government a
yearly tax of eight dollars. The condition of the Indians who were
distributed to the plantation owners was even worse than that of the
mine laborers; they received only two reals per day, and were required
to work in the fields from three in the morning until after sunset. The
Indians employed in this compulsory labor, whether in the mines or the
plantations, were called _Mitas_. But there was another sort of forced
labor, for which no wages were paid. It was indeed less toilsome than
working in the mines and plantations, yet the Indians employed in it
were frequently subject to much ill-treatment. I allude to domestic
service in the houses of the corregidores, sub-delegados, and priests.
The Indians thus employed were called _Pongos_, and they were required
to continue in their places for the space of a year, after which they
were discharged. A corregidor frequently had half a dozen of these
pongos, whom he provided with miserable food and wretched clothing.[102]
In the mines and plantations countless numbers of Indians were annually
swept away by the excessive labor consequent on the mita. Some writers
estimate at nine millions the number of Indians sacrificed in the mines
in the course of three centuries. This estimate is certainly too high;
but three millions more may be added for the number of victims of the
mita in the plantations.
That the government in Spain should have tolerated this barbarous
system, so obviously calculated to bring ruin on the nation, may
naturally be matter of surprise. But a glance at the Indian laws (_Leyes
de Indias_) suffices to show the distinction between the intentions of
the Spanish government and the corrupt legislation of the country. The
laws are, with some few exceptions, conceived in a mild spirit, and show
that their framers had in view the well-being of the colonies. The
execution of these laws was consigned to the superintendence of what was
termed the Indian council (_Consejo de Indias_). This council consisted
of a certain number of men who resided in Spain, and who either were
only in part acquainted with the real state of things in South America,
or were bribed by Indian gold to wink at the abuses committed there.
From this council were chosen the viceroys and high authorities of the
colonies, who, whilst in the exercise of their official functions,
amassed enormous wealth by unjust exactions from the Indians. One of the
latest viceroys of Peru was a man who arrived in Lima in a state of
utter poverty, and who, in the short space of three years, amassed the
immense sum of five millions of dollars.
Could it be matter of surprise if at length the Indians rose against
their oppressors, and made an effort to shake off the heavy yoke of
their tyrants? For two hundred years they had borne it silently, without
a single attempt to emancipate themselves. Juan Santos Atahuallpa was
the first who stirred up revolt against the Spaniards. The insurrection
which he had headed, though deemed too insignificant to fix the
attention of the short-sighted government of Lima, nevertheless,
convinced the Indians that they were strong enough to make a stand
against their oppressors. Several partial risings in Southern Peru were
speedily put down; a leader was wanted to organize the disconnected
plans and movements of the insurgents. This want was at length supplied
in the person of the ill-fated Tupac Amaru, cacique of Tungasuca, a
descendant of the last Inca.
The event which caused Tupac Amaru to attempt a movement against the
Spaniards occurred in 1780. In that year, the corregidor of Tinta, Don
Antonio Ariaga, made repartimientos to the amount of 340,000 dollars,
and with the most cruel rigor enforced payment of the useless articles
distributed. The cacique of Tungasuca assembled the irritated Indians,
who seized the corregidor and hanged him. This was the signal for a
general rising in all the neighboring districts. The forces of Tupac
Amaru augmented daily. He was invested with the title of Inca, and
treated with the honors due to sovereignty. For several months an active
war was maintained in the Puna, where several towns and villages were
taken by the insurgents. Tupac Amaru had made himself master of the
village of Chucuito, and was preparing to advance upon Cuzco, when,
about the end of April, 1781, he, and all his family, were made
prisoners by the Spaniards. He was tried and condemned to death,
together with his wife, two sons, his brother-in-law, and several other
individuals of note among the Indians.
But the execution of Tupac Amaru, which was marked by circumstances of
monstrous barbarity, far from stemming the tide of revolution, served
only to stimulate the vengeance of the insurgents. They once more
mustered their warlike bands, under the command of Casimiro Tupac Amaru,
the brother of the late cacique, his son Andres, and an intrepid Indian
chief, named Nicacatari. The latter, assisted by Andres, burned several
villages of Upper Peru, and murdered all the whites. They next advanced
upon the strongly fortified town of Sorrata, whither the Spaniards of
the surrounding districts had fled for protection. The town was taken by
the insurgents, and the inhabitants, 22,000 in number, inhumanly put to
death, with the exception of eighty-seven priests and monks. The Indians
then advanced westwards, defeating several Spanish corps, and spreading
terror and dismay through the country. But, that which neither the arms
nor the executions of the Spaniards could accomplish, was effected by
their gold. A treacherous Indian, bribed by the promise of a large
reward, conducted a division of Spanish soldiers to the spot where the
chiefs were accustomed to meet, unattended by any guard, to hold their
council. They were surprised, captured, and condemned to death. Once
more deprived of leaders, the Indians disbanded and withdrew, some to
their homes, and others into the forests. Numberless victims paid the
debt of retribution to the Spanish government, which now adopted every
measure that could tend to annihilate the nationality of the native
Indians. Their dances, their music, their dress--all that could revive
the remembrance of their progenitors, was condemned to rigorous
prohibition; they were even forbidden the use of their mother tongue,
the Quichua language. The only beneficial result of these wars, in which
upwards of a hundred thousand lives were sacrificed, was the abolition
of the Repartimientos, which had been the cause of the insurrections.
Peace was now, at least to appearance, restored; and if, occasionally,
symptoms of disturbance arose, they were immediately repressed. This
state of things continued until the Creoles themselves gave the signal
of revolt, and the War of Independence broke out in all the Spanish
colonies of South America. In this enterprise the Indians readily took
part. But it is a great mistake to suppose that the Indian natives made
common cause with the Creoles against the Spaniards for the purpose of
bringing about the present form of government. They wished to emancipate
themselves in order to establish their own dynasty and a government
modelled after that of their forefathers. They wanted not a republic,
but a monarchy, and a sovereign chosen from the sacred race of the
Incas. Having no clear comprehension of the real object of the War of
Independence, the Indians, when they saw whites fighting against whites,
directed their hostility against all _Pucacuncas_ (pale faces) without
distinction, killing loyalists or patriots, just as they happened to
fall in their way. This hatred was so bitterly manifested, that in some
provinces all the whites and mestizos were obliged to fly, even though
they were the most decided enemies of the Spanish loyalists. In Jauja
the Indians vowed not to leave even a white dog or a white fowl alive,
and they even scraped the whitewash from the walls of the houses.
The provisional government ordered levies of troops to be made in the
provinces which had fallen into the hands of the patriots; and then, for
the first time, Indians were enrolled in the army as regular troops. But
it was only in a very few districts that they voluntarily took part in
the conflict for independence: they performed the forced service of
conscripts, and whenever an opportunity enabled them to retire from it,
they did so. The Spanish dominion being overthrown, the war terminated,
and a republican constitution was established. The Indians then clearly
perceived that they had been made the tools of the leaders of the
revolution. Upon the whole, their condition was but little improved; for
if they were relieved from some oppressive laws, other hardships weighed
heavily on them, and they found that they still were slaves in the land
of their fathers. The creoles, like the Spaniards, will draw the string
of despotism till it snaps. Then will arise another Indian insurrection
like that headed by Tupac Amaru, but with a more successful result.
After a fearful struggle, they may reconquer their fatherland, and
re-establish their ancient constitution; and can it be matter of
surprise if they wreak cruel vengeance on the enemies of their race?
Since the War of Independence, the Indians have made immense progress.
During the civil war, which was kept up uninterruptedly for the space of
twenty years, they were taught military manoeuvres and the use of
fire-arms. After every lost battle the retreating Indians carried with
them in their flight their muskets, which they still keep carefully
concealed. They are also acquainted with the manufacture of gunpowder,
of which in all their festivals they use great quantities for squibs and
rockets. The materials for the preparation of gunpowder are found in
abundance in the valleys of the Sierra.
In the year 1841, when I was passing through a miserable village on the
confines of one of the Montanas of Central Peru, I took up my abode for
some days in the hut of an Indian, and whilst there I accidentally saw
eighteen muskets which were deposited in a place of concealment. I,
quite unsuspectingly, inquired of the Indian, why he thought it
requisite to keep so many weapons of defence? He replied, with a
sinister frown, that the time would come when he should find them
useful. I could easily perceive that my accidental discovery was by no
means agreeable to him; and from the very marked change which I observed
in his manner. I deemed it prudent to withdraw from the village and its
vicinity. Whilst my horse was being saddled, I noticed my host and some
of his confidential friends engaged in very earnest conversation, and I
could easily perceive that I was the subject of it. On my departure the
Indian asked me, with apparent friendliness of manner, which way I was
going? When I was beyond the sphere of his observation, I deemed it
prudent to proceed quite in an opposite direction from the route which I
told him I intended to take.
The character of the Peruvian Indian is essentially gloomy. It was not
always so, if we may give credit to the animated pictures drawn by early
travellers in Peru; but three hundred years of oppression and suffering
have impressed their melancholy stamp on the feelings and manners of the
people. This gloominess is strikingly manifested in their songs, their
dances, their dress, and their whole domestic economy. The favorite
musical instruments of the Indians are those called the _Pututo_ and the
_Jaina_. The former is a large conch, on which they perform mournful
music, as the accompaniment of their funeral dances. In early times this
conch was employed in the solemnities of royal interments; now its use
is exclusively reserved for the anniversaries held in commemoration of
certain events connected with the fallen Inca dynasty. The _Jaina_
appears to be of more modern origin; it is a rude kind of clarionet,
made from a reed. Its tone is indescribably melancholy, and it produces
an extraordinary impression on the natives. If a group of Indians are
rioting and drinking, or engaged in furious conflict with each other,
and the sound of the _Jaina_ is suddenly heard, the tumult ceases, as if
by a stroke of magic. A dead stillness prevails, and all listen devoutly
to the magic tones of the simple reed; tones which frequently draw tears
from the eyes of the apathetic Indian.
Their garments are all of dark and sombre hues. Dark blue is a favorite
color, and appears to be generally adopted for mourning; for whenever
the Indians follow a corpse to the grave, they always wear dark blue
ponchos. The dress of the men usually consists of short trowsers, of
coarse brown cloth, fastened round the waist by a girdle, and a woollen
or cotton shirt. They seldom wear a jacket, the ponchos of Alpaca wool
being always the outer garment. On their feet they wear sandals of
untanned leather, which merely cover the toes, and are fastened round
the ancle.
The dress of the women consists of a loose under garment, without
sleeves, and made of coarse blue woollen cloth. It is confined round the
waist by a broad girdle, called the _huccau_. Over the arms are drawn
black sleeves, reaching from the wrist to about the middle of the upper
arm. A sort of robe or tunic, called the _anacu_, descends from the
shoulders to the knees. It is fastened, not in front, but on one side.
This garment is made of a thin sort of woollen stuff. It is always
black, being worn in token of mourning for the Incas. On the occasion of
certain festivals, the Indian women wear a particolored dress, called a
_faldillin_. This garment frequently exhibits the most glaring contrasts
of color, one half being bright red, and the other yellow, in addition
to which it is sometimes adorned with flowers of brilliant hues, and
tasteless, gold embroidery. A _mantilla_, consisting of a narrow piece
of woollen cloth, passed over the shoulders, and fastened under the
chin, either with a long silver pin, or a cactus-thorn, completes the
costume. In this mantilla, or in a poncho, mothers are accustomed to
wrap their infants, and fastening them to their backs, they carry them
about in this manner for a whole day, whilst engaged in their work.
In their domestic relations, the Indians are unsocial and gloomy.
Husband, wife, and children live together with but little appearance of
affection. The children seem to approach their parents timidly, and
whole days sometimes elapse without the interchange of a word of
kindness between them. When the Indian is not engaged in out-door work,
he sits gloomily in his hut, chewing coca, and brooding silently over
his own thoughts. To his friend he is more communicative than to his
wife. With the former, he will often discourse, apparently on some
secret topic, for the space of half a night; nevertheless, he cannot be
accused of treating his wife with any degree of cruelty, or of
regarding her merely in the light of his slave, as is customary among
many uncivilized races of people.
Besides the official authorities, to which the Government exacts
obedience, the Peruvian Indian acknowledges other authorities, whose
functions and power are similar to those which existed under the Inca
dynasty. In like manner, though they have embraced the Christian faith,
yet they obstinately adhere to certain religious ceremonies, which have
been transmitted to them by their idolatrous progenitors. Thus their
religion is a singular combination of Christian principles and
heathenish forms. Hitherto the most patient and intelligent of their
religious instructors have failed to outroot this attachment to old
forms. The Christian religion has been spread among the Indians by
force; and for centuries past, they have regarded the priests only in
the light of tyrants, who make religion a cloak for the most scandalous
pecuniary extortions, and whose conduct is in direct opposition to the
doctrines they profess. If they render to them unconditional obedience,
accompanied by a sort of timid reverence, it is to be attributed less to
the operation of the Christian principle, than to a lingering attachment
to the theocratic government of the Incas, which has impressed the
Peruvians with a sacred awe of religion.
The superstition with which the Indians are so deeply imbued is adverse
to the inculcation of pure religious faith; it is the more difficult to
be eradicated, inasmuch as it has its origin in early tradition, and has
in later times been singularly blended with the Catholic form of
worship. Of this superstition I may here adduce some examples. As soon
as a dying person draws his last breath, the relatives, or persons in
attendance, put coca leaves into the mouth of the corpse, and light a
wax candle. They then collect together the household goods and clothes
of the deceased and wash them in the nearest river. They put on the dead
clothes, which are made after the pattern of a monk's habit, and they
hang round the neck of the corpse a little bag, containing seeds of
coca, maize, barley, quinua, &c., for his plantations in the next world.
In the evening ashes are strewed on the floor of the room, and the door
is securely fastened. Next morning the ashes are carefully examined to
ascertain whether they show any impression of footsteps; and imagination
readily traces marks, which are alleged to have been produced by the
feet of birds, dogs, cats, oxen, or llamas. The destiny of the dead
person is construed by the foot-marks which are supposed to be
discernible. The worst marks are those of hens' claws, which are
believed to denote that the soul of the deceased is doomed to
irrevocable perdition. The marks of the hoofs of llamas are considered
favorable, and are believed to indicate that the soul, after a short
purgatory, will be transferred to the joys of paradise. The funeral is
conducted according to Christian forms, and under the superintendence of
a priest. But as soon as the priest takes his departure food is put into
the grave along with the dead body, which is interred without a coffin.
I have sometimes seen one of the nearest relatives leap into the grave
and strike the body with his foot, but the meaning of this strange
proceeding I never could clearly understand. Some curious ceremonies are
observed on All Souls' Day. In every house in which a member of the
family has died in the course of the year, a table is laid out with
brandy, coca, tobacco, together with some of the favorite dishes of the
deceased person, and the chamber is kept closed the whole day. The
family firmly believe that the spirit of their departed relative on that
day revisits his earthly abode, and partakes of the repast that is
spread out on the table. A widow usually wears mourning for the space of
twelve months. In some provinces, on the anniversary of her husband's
death, the widow puts on a bridal dress, and over it her ordinary
garments. All her relatives visit her in her dwelling, where, to the
accompaniment of doleful music, she takes the lead in a funeral dance.
As the hour approaches at which the husband died in the previous year,
the dancing and the music become more and more mournful; but whenever
the hour is past one of the female friends approaches the widow and
removes her black mantilla. The other females then strip off the rest of
her mourning garments, and adorn her head with flowers. At length she
appears in a complete bridal dress. The musicians strike up a lively
strain, to which the whole party dance, and the evening is passed in
drinking and merry-making.
Among the Peruvian Indians there are marked varieties of form and
complexion. These differences are most distinctly observable between
the inhabitants of the coast and those of the mountain and forest
regions. In general, the Peruvian Indian is of middle height, rather
slender, and not very robust. The coast Indians are more plump than the
inhabitants of other districts, because they lead a less laborious life,
and are less exposed to privations. It is scarcely possible to trace any
particular national physiognomy among the Indians. In each province a
distinct character is observable in the features of the inhabitants. The
varieties of feature are less distinctly marked than the differences of
complexion. The peculiar tints of the skin are decidedly defined, and
indicate respectively the inhabitants of the three principal regions.
The colder the climate, the fairer is the skin. For example, the color
of the Puna Indian is a dark red-brown; that of the native of the Sierra
is considerably lighter; it is a rusty red, but still darker than that
of the coast Indians; and the natives of the forests are yellow, nearly
approaching to maize color. These differences are singularly striking,
when one has an opportunity of seeing the inhabitants of the different
regions in juxtaposition. It is curious that the Cholos of the Puna,
when they settle in the forests, become only a very little clearer; and
that, on the other hand, the yellow Indians of the Montana, after being
several years in the Puna, still retain their characteristic tint. The
women are, on the whole, extremely ugly, with round, inexpressive faces.
Their hands and feet are very small.
The Indians are, on the average, remarkable for longevity, though they
frequently shorten their lives by the intemperate use of strong drinks.
Instances are not rare of Indians living to be 120 or 130 years of age,
and retaining full possession of their bodily and mental powers.
Stevenson mentions that on examining the church registers of Barranca,
he found that within an interval of seven years, eleven Indians had been
interred, whose united ages amounted to 1207, being an average of 109
years to each. In the year 1839 there was living in the valley of Jauja
an Indian who, according to the baptismal register shown to me by the
priest, was born in the year 1697. He himself declared that he had not
for the space of ninety years tasted a drop of water, having drunk
nothing but chicha. Since he was eleven years of age, he alleged that
he had masticated coca, at least three times every day, and that he had
eaten animal food only on Sundays; on all the other days of the week he
had lived on maize, quinua, and barley. The Indians retain their teeth
and hair in extreme old age; and it is remarkable that their hair never
becomes white, and very seldom even grey. Those individuals whose
advanced ages have been mentioned above, had all fine black hair.
Since the Spanish conquest, the population of Peru has diminished in an
almost incredible degree. When we read the accounts given by the old
historiographers of the vast armies which the Incas had at their
command; when we behold the ruins of the gigantic buildings, and of the
numerous towns and villages scattered over Peru, it is difficult to
conceive how the land could have been so depopulated in the lapse of
three centuries. At the time of the conquest it was easy, in a short
space of time, to raise an army of 300,000 men, and, moreover, to form
an important reserved force; whilst now, the Government, even with the
utmost efforts, can scarcely assemble 10,000 or 12,000 men. According to
the census drawn up in 1836, Peru did not contain more than 1,400,000
men, being not quite so many as were contained at an earlier period in
the department of Cuzco alone. Unfortunately there is no possibility of
obtaining anything approaching to accurate estimates of the population
of early periods; and even if such documents existed, it would be
difficult to deduce from them a comparison between Peru as it now is,
and Peru at the period when Bolivia, a part of Buenos Ayres, and
Columbia, belonged to the mighty empire. I will here quote only one
example of the immense diminution of the population. Father Melendez
mentions that shortly after the conquest, the parish of Ancallama, in
the province of Chancay, contained 30,000 Indians fit for service (that
is to say, between the ages of eighteen and fifty); now, the same parish
contains at most 140 individuals, of whom one-third are Mestizos. The
whole coast of Peru, now almost totally depopulated, was once so thickly
inhabited, that to subdue King Chimu, in North Peru alone, an army of
80,000 men was requisite. The causes of the diminished Indian population
of Peru have been so frequently and fully detailed by previous writers,
that I need not here do more than briefly advert to them. They are found
in the extensive and reckless massacres committed by the Spaniards
during the struggle of the conquest; in the suicides and voluntary
deaths resorted to by the natives to escape from the power of their
oppressors; in the mita, the small-pox, the scarlet fever, and the
introduction of brandy. The mita alone, especially the labor in the
mines, has swept away four times as many Indians as all the other causes
combined. Since the abolition of the mita, the Indian population has
been on the increase, though there has not yet been time for any marked
result to become manifest; the more especially, considering the numbers
of lives sacrificed during the frequent civil wars. Nevertheless, it is
easy to foresee that a decided augmentation of the Indian inhabitants of
the western parts of South America will, ere long, be apparent.
Among the aboriginal inhabitants of Peru a variety of languages are in
use. In the southern parts of the country, particularly about Cuzco, the
_Quichua_ is spoken. It was the dialect of the court, and that which was
most generally diffused, and the Spaniards therefore called it _la
lengua general_. In the highlands of Central Peru, the Chinchaysuyo
language prevailed. The Indians of the coast, who belonged to the race
of the Chunchos, spoke the _Yunga_. The _Kauqui_ was the language of
that part of Central Peru which corresponds with the present province of
Yauyos. The inhabitants of the north-eastern parts of Peru, as far as
the Huallaga, spoke the _Lama_ language,[103] and the natives of the
highland regions of Quito spoke the _Quitena_.[104] These different
languages, which, with the exception of the Lama, proceed all from one
source, differ so considerably, that the inhabitants of the several
districts were reciprocally incapable of understanding each other, and
the Incas found it necessary to introduce the Quichua among all the
nations they subdued. The other dialects were thereby much corrupted,
and at the time of the Spanish invasion, they were seldom correctly
spoken. This corruption was naturally increased more and more after the
arrival of the Spaniards, by the introduction of a new language. Only
for a few of the new articles brought by the Spaniards to Peru did the
Indians form new names, taking the roots of the words from their own
language: for most things they adopted the Spanish names. By this means,
but still more by the future intercourse of the people with the
invaders, the purity of the natural language rapidly disappeared in
proportion to the influence which the Spaniards obtained by their
increase in numbers and moral superiority. At present the Quichua is a
compound of all the dialects and the Spanish; it is spoken in the
greatest purity in the southern provinces, though even there it is much
intermixed with Aymara words. In Central Peru the Chinchaysuyo prevails,
and on the coast the Spanish and the Yunga. The present Indians and
people of mixed blood, who of necessity must speak the ever-changing
Quichua, and also the Spanish, speak both in so corrupt a manner, that
it is frequently almost impossible to understand them.
The family of the Incas had a secret language of their own, which was
not learned by subjects. This language is now almost totally lost, not
more than two dozen words of it being preserved. In early times, the
Quichua language was much cultivated. It was used officially in public
speaking, and professors were sent by the Inca family into the provinces
to teach it correctly. For poetry, the Quichua language was not very
well adapted, owing to the difficult conjugation of the verbs, and the
awkward blending of pronouns with substantives. Nevertheless, the poetic
art was zealously cultivated under the Incas. They paid certain poets
(called the _Haravicus_), for writing festival dramas in verse, and also
for composing love-songs and heroic poems. Few of these heroic poems
have been preserved, a circumstance the more to be regretted, as many of
them would doubtless have been important historical documents; but for
that very reason, the Spaniards spared no pains to obliterate every
trace of them. Some of the love-songs have, however, been preserved. In
Quichua poetry, the lines are short, and seldom thoroughly rhythmical.
Rhymes were only exceptional, and were never sought for. The poetry was,
therefore, merely a sort of broken prose.
A specimen of one of the best of the Quichua love-songs is given by
_Garcilaso de la Vega_, in his "Commentaries and Poems." It is copied
from papers left by a monk named Blas Valera; and some lines of it are
here subjoined. The subject is an old Peruvian tradition:--A maiden of
royal blood (_nusta_) is appointed by the Creator of the world
(_Pacchacamac_) in heaven, to pour water and snow on the earth out of
a pitcher; her brother breaks the pitcher, whereupon thunder and
lightning arise.
Cumac nusta Beautiful Princess,
Turallayquim Thy Pitcher
Puynuyquita Thy brother hath broken
Paquicayan Here in Pieces;
Hina mantara For that blow
Cunununun It thunders; and lightning
Yllapantac Flashes all around.
There were, however, instances of versification which may properly be
called poetry. Of this the _Yaravies_, or elegies, afford some fair
examples. These poems have for their subjects unfortunate love, or
sorrow for the dead. They were recited or sung by one or more voices,
with an accompaniment of melancholy music, and made a great impression
on the hearers. A foreigner, who for the first time hears one of these
_Yaravies_ sung, even though he may not understand the Quichua words, is
nevertheless deeply moved by the melody. The strain is sad and sweet. No
other music is at once so dismal and so tender. What the _donina_ is as
an instrument, the _yaravie_ is in singing; both convey the expression
of a deeply troubled heart. The _yaravie_ has been imitated by the
Spaniards in their own language, and some of the imitations are very
beautiful; but they have not been able to reach the deep melancholy of
the Quichua elegy. The modern poetry of the Indians is inferior to the
old; the words are a mixture of Quichua and Spanish, and are scarcely
intelligible. The Spanish words have often Quichua terminations affixed
to them; on the other hand, sometimes the Quichua words are inflected
after the Spanish manner, making altogether a barbarous compound.
The ancient Peruvians had no manuscript characters for single sounds;
but they had a method by which they composed words and incorporated
ideas. This method consisted in the dexterous intertwining of knots on
strings, so as to render them auxiliaries to the memory. The instrument
consisting of these strings and knots was called the QUIPU. It was
composed of one thick head or top string, to which, at certain
distances, thinner ones were fastened. The top string was much thicker
than these pendent strings, and consisted of two doubly twisted threads,
over which two single threads were wound. The branches, if I may apply
the term to these pendent strings, were fastened to the top ones by a
simple loop; the knots were made in the pendent strings, and were either
single or manifold. The lengths of the strings used in making the quipu
were various. The transverse or top string often measures several yards,
and sometimes only a foot long; the branches are seldom more than two
feet long, and in general they are much shorter.
The strings were often of different colors; each having its own
particular signification. The color for soldiers was red; for gold,
yellow; for silver, white; for corn, green, &c. This writing by knots
was especially employed for numerical and statistical tables; each
single knot representing ten; each double knot stood for one hundred;
each triple knot for one thousand, &c.; two single knots standing
together made twenty; and two double knots, two hundred.
This method of calculation is still practised by the shepherds of the
Puna. They explained it to me, and I could, with very little trouble,
construe their quipus. On the first branch or string they usually placed
the numbers of the bulls; on the second, that of the cows; the latter
being classed into those which were milked, and those which were not
milked; on the next string were numbered the calves, according to their
ages and sizes. Then came the sheep, in several subdivisions. Next
followed the number of foxes killed, the quantity of salt consumed,
and, finally, the cattle that had been slaughtered. Other quipus showed
the produce of the herds in milk, cheese, wool, &c. Each list was
distinguished by a particular color, or by some peculiarity in the
twisting of the string.
In this manner the ancient Peruvians kept the accounts of their army. On
one string were numbered the soldiers armed with slings; on another, the
spearmen; on a third, those who carried clubs, &c. In the same manner
the military reports were prepared. In every town some expert men were
appointed to tie the knots of the quipu, and to explain them. These men
were called _quipucamayocuna_ (literally, officers of the knots).
Imperfect as was this method, yet in the flourishing period of the Inca
government the appointed officers had acquired great dexterity in
unriddling the meaning of the knots. It, however, seldom happened that
they had to read a quipu without some verbal commentary. Something was
always required to be added if the quipu came from a distant province,
to explain whether it related to the numbering of the population, to
tributes, or to war, &c. Through long-continued practice, the officers
who had charge of the quipus became so perfect in their duties, that
they could with facility communicate the laws and ordinances, and all
the most important events of the kingdom, by their knots.
All attempts made in modern times to decipher Peruvian quipus have
been unsatisfactory in their results. The principal obstacle to
deciphering those found in graves, consists in the want of the oral
communication requisite for pointing out the subjects to which they
refer. Such communication was necessary, even in former times, to the
most learned quipucamayocuna. Most of the quipus here alluded to seem
to be accounts of the population of particular towns or provinces,
tax-lists, and information relating to the property of the deceased.
Some Indians in the southern provinces of Peru are understood to
possess a perfect knowledge of some of the ancient quipus, from
information transmitted to them from their ancestors. But they keep
that knowledge profoundly secret, particularly from the whites. The
ancient Peruvians also used a certain kind of hieroglyphics, which
they engraved in stone, and preserved in their temples. Notices of
these hieroglyphics are given by some of the early writers. There
appears to be a great similarity between these Peruvian hieroglyphics
and those found in Mexico and Brazil.
I have already mentioned one of the largest and most wonderful works of
Peruvian antiquity, namely, the great military road which passes through
the whole empire leading from Cuzco to Quitu, and which has many highly
important lateral branches. The magnificent water-conduits, by which
barren sand wastes and sterile hills were converted into fruitful
plantations, are monuments of equivalent greatness. Traces of these
water-conduits are to be seen throughout the whole of Peru, and even
where the canals themselves no longer exist, the divisional boundaries
of the fields they watered are still discernible. In many districts
where the valleys of the Sierra run into the Puna--(I allude here only
to the declivities above Tarmatambo, on the road towards Jauja)--there
may be seen many square fields of uniform size, each of which is
surrounded by a low stone wall; these fields are at present overgrown
with Puna grass, and are not fit for cultivation. They are what were
called _Tapu_ lands, which were distributed to every subject of the Inca
empire, so that each family enjoyed the produce arising from the
cultivation of a certain portion of ground. These Tapu lands were
watered by skilfully constructed aqueducts, whereby they were rendered
suitable for agriculture. The Spaniards having destroyed the conduits,
the reservoirs dried up, and the soil became barren. Many of these
conduits were subterraneous, and it is now no longer possible to find
them; in some parts they were constructed with pipes of gold, which the
Spaniards eagerly seized as valuable booty.
There still exist vast remains of well-constructed colossal buildings,
as palaces, fortresses, and temples. The walls of these edifices were
built of square stones, so finely cut, and joined so closely together,
that between any two there is not space sufficient to insert the edge of
the thinnest paper. In the royal palace of Cuzco, and in the Temple of
the Sun, a fusion of gold or silver was used for cement between the
stones. This was, however, only employed as a luxury; for in other great
edifices, for example, in the baths of Huamalies in the province of
Jauja, stones are kept together by their own weight and the precision of
the workmanship. These stones are of very considerable magnitude; some
being from twelve to sixteen feet long, from eight to ten feet high, and
equally broad. They are not all square; some are polygonal, and some
spherical, but they were all joined one to another with the same
exactness: of this a remarkable example is presented in the highly
interesting ruins of the palace of Limatambo. A question which naturally
suggests itself is,--how did the ancient Peruvians, without iron tools,
hew these vast stones, and afterwards work the different fragments so
skilfully? The first point is to me quite inexplicable; the second may
possibly be accounted for by friction; the softest of two stones which
was to be brought into a particular shape being rubbed by a harder, and
afterwards polished by pyritous plants. The removal of the block from
the quarry where it was excavated to the place of its destination, and
the raising of fragments of stone to considerable heights, could only
have been effected by the co-operation of thousands of men, for no kind
of elevating machinery or lever was then known.
The fortresses give a high idea of the progress made by the ancient
Peruvians in architectural art. These structures were surrounded by
ramparts and trenches. The larger ones were protected by the solidity of
the walls, and the smaller ones by difficulty of access. The approaches
to them were chiefly subterraneous; and thereby, they were enabled to
maintain secret communication with the palaces and temples in their
neighborhood. The subterraneous communications were carefully
constructed; they were of the height of a man, and in general from three
to four feet broad. In some parts they contract suddenly in width, and
the walls on each side are built with sharp pointed stones, so that
there is no getting between them, except by a lateral movement. In other
parts they occasionally become so low, that it is impossible to advance,
except by creeping on all fours. Every circumstance had been made a
subject of strict calculation; it had been well considered how treasures
might be removed from the palaces and temples to the fortresses, and
placed securely beyond the reach of an enemy, for in the rear of every
narrow pass there were ample spaces for soldiers, who might dispute the
advance of a whole army. Besides the remains of the fortress of Cuzco,
which are gradually disappearing every year, the most important are
those of Calcahilares and Huillcahuaman. Less interesting, though still
very curious, are the ruins of Chimu-canchu in Manische, near Truxillo,
which are not of stone but of brick. The architecture of the small
fortress of _Huichay_, two leagues from Tarma, which defended the
entrance to that valley, is very remarkable. The front is built of small
but firmly united stones, and covers a large cavity, in which there are
numerous divisions, intended for the preservation of warlike stores, and
for quartering soldiers. On the steep declivity of the hill there had
been a deep trench, between which there was a wall fourteen feet higher,
flanked by three bastions. Around this fortress nitre is found in great
abundance. It is now collected by the Huancas (the inhabitants of the
valley of Jauja), for making gunpowder. The diggings for nitre have
almost obliterated the entrance to the cavity, and the fortress is
already so much injured that possibly in another century scarcely a
trace of the edifice will remain. Notwithstanding a search of several
days, I did not succeed in discovering the mouth of the cavity, though
an old Indian, who, years ago, had often visited it, pointed out to me
what he supposed to be its precise situation. The walls of
perpendicular rock in the neighborhood of Huichay are often 60 to 80
feet high, and the clefts or fissures in them are filled up with small
stones. It would be incomprehensible how the Indians ascended to
perform this labor, were it not perceived that they have hollowed
passages in the mountain. It would appear they must have had
dwellings, or stores for provisions, on the higher part of the hill,
for small windows are often perceptible in walls of masonry.
The old Indian villages of the Sierra are for the most part situated on
heights, or sharp ridges, which are now completely barren, as they no
longer receive the artificial watering with which they were formerly
supplied. All lie open to the east, so that the inhabitants could behold
their Deity the moment he appeared on the horizon. All large towns had a
square in their centre, where the religious dances were performed. From
the square a certain number of regular roads or streets always ran in
the direction of the four quarters of the firmament. There are great
varieties in the construction of the houses. Small insignificant huts
often stand close to a palace having twenty or twenty-five windows in
one front. Private dwellings in the mountainous parts are built of
unhewn stone, cemented with a very strong calcareous mortar. On the
coast the walls are of brick. In the departments of Junin and Ayacucho,
I met with the ruins of great villages, consisting of dwellings of a
peculiar construction, in the form of a tower. Each house is
quadrangular, with a diameter of about six feet, and seventeen or
eighteen feet high. The walls are from one to one and a half feet thick.
The doors, which open to the east or south, are only a foot and a half
high, and two feet wide. After creeping in (which is a work of some
difficulty) the explorer finds himself in an apartment about five and a
half feet in height, and of equal breadth, without any windows. In the
walls there are closets or cupboards, which served to contain domestic
utensils, food, &c. Earthen pots with maize, coca, and other things, are
still often found in these closets. The ceiling of the room is
overlaid with flat plates of stone, and in the centre an aperture, two
feet wide, is left, forming a communication with the second floor,
which is precisely like the first, but has two small windows. The roof
of this apartment has also an aperture, affording access to the third
floor, the ceiling of which forms the roof of the house, and consists
of rather thick plates of stone. The upper room is usually less lofty
than the two rooms below it, and seems to have been used as a
provision store-room. I found in one of these upper rooms the mummy of
a child very well embalmed. The family appear to have lived chiefly on
the ground-floors. The place for cooking is often plainly perceptible.
The second floor was probably the sleeping apartment. In the course of
my travels, when overtaken by storms, I often retreated for shelter
into one of these ruined dwellings.
The ancient Peruvians frequently buried their dead in their own houses,
and then removed from them. This custom appears to have been very
general about the time of the Spanish conquest, when a great number of
Indians committed suicide in despair. Household utensils were placed in
the graves, when the dead were buried in the houses, as well as when
they were interred in other places. In many houses in which I made
diggings I regularly found the following arrangement. Under a stratum of
earth two feet deep lay the body, in a state of good preservation, and
generally, but not always, in a sitting posture. On clearing away
another stratum of earth equally deep there is found a variety of
household vessels for cooking, together with water-pots of clay, gourds,
hunting and fishing implements, &c. There is frequently a third layer of
earth, beneath which the gold and silver vessels and the household
deities are deposited. The idols are of clay, stone, and copper, or of
the precious metals. Those of clay are hollow, flat, compressed, and in
most instances the faces are painted. Those of stone are of granite,
porphyry, or sand-stone. These stone images are solid, and often several
feet high. The golden idols are always hollow; but they exhibit no
distinct trace of the soldering. They are of various sizes; some of them
weigh three quarters of a pound. Those of silver are always solid. All
these images of deities have the same physiognomy, and
disproportionately large head. In most instances the head is covered by
a peculiar kind of cap.
The vessels used for holding water or other liquids are very various in
color and form. Most of them exhibit ludicrous caricatures of human
figures; others are unrecognisable representations of animals or fancy
figures. These vessels have in general two apertures, one by which they
were filled, and the other by which the liquid was poured out. On
filling them a feeble flute-like sound is heard. It is occasioned by the
air escaping through the other aperture. Most of these vessels are made
of red or black clay, well glazed. Those for holding chicha were very
capacious. Some of them, which have been found hermetically closed, have
contained chicha upwards of three hundred years old, and remarkable for
a very smoky flavor. On the vessels made of gourds fanciful figures are
generally carved. Gold drinking cups have been found, adorned with well
executed embossed ornaments, and like the images, showing no trace of
soldering. Among the warlike weapons, the stone battle-axes are very
remarkable; they have at both ends a tube, in which the handle was fixed
by ligatures. Articles for personal adornment, such as nose and lip
rings, neck chains, pins, bracelets, and ancle bands, are usually of
gold, and set with small colored shells. The sceptres of the Incas are
of gold, and exquisitely wrought; those of the Curacas of silver; and
those of the Caciques of copper, sometimes gilt.
Idols and utensils made of wood are very rarely found. It would appear
that the ancient Peruvians found more difficulty in the working of wood
than that of metal and stone. The Peruvians give to all objects dug up
from the old graves, the name of _Huaqueros_, from Huaca, the word for
grave in the Quichua language.
The huacas or graves vary in form or magnitude. When destined for single
individuals they were made small; but when for families, they were of
considerable extent. On the sandy soil of the coast, no elevation marks
the spot where the bodies are interred; but further inland (though still
in the coast region), the graves are for the most part elevated and
arched, and are built of bricks. In the Sierra the tombs are of stone,
quadrangular, oval, or of an obelisk form.
In the huacas, the bodies are found in a sitting position, and supported
by stones or reeds: the face turned towards the east. In front of the
body it was customary to place two rows of pots containing quinua,
maize, potatoes, dried llama flesh, and other kinds of provisions, and
these pots were all covered with small lids. On each side of the body
were ranged cooking utensils, and vessels containing water and chicha.
The body and all the objects deposited in the grave were covered with a
layer of sand, above which were spread various articles of clothing.
Over these was placed another layer of sand, and then the tomb was built
above the whole.
The bodies are found wrapped in several coverings; and when first taken
out of the graves, they have the appearance of unfinished statues; the
position of the head, knees, and feet being alone recognisable. A strong
net-work, composed of twisted straw or bast incloses a thick rush mat,
in which the body is wrapped. These coverings being removed, there is
found a broad, woollen bandage, passing round the body, and fastening
the rushes or sticks which support it in a sitting position. Under this
bandage is a red or party-colored covering which goes over the whole
body; and beneath this are one or two yellowish-white coverings,
strongly sewed up. On removing these coverings, there are found some
pots or drinking cups, a few ornaments, the _Huallqui_ with coca, and in
most instances a silver or gold idol suspended from the neck of the
body. The undermost wrapper consists of a cloth of rather fine texture.
Probably it was originally white, but time has changed it to a
reddish-yellow. This covering being unsewed, the naked corpse appears;
the head alone being encircled with two or three bandages, called
_Huinchas_. The body is always in a sitting posture; the knees being
drawn up towards the face, and the arms crossed over the breast, in
such a manner that the chin rests between the two clenched hands. The
wrists are tied together, and the ligature with which they are
fastened is passed round the neck. This, which was evidently done only
to keep the hands fixed in the required position, has led some
commentators on Peruvian antiquities to suppose that the bodies found
with strings round the necks were those of hanged persons. In the
mouth there is a thin piece of gold, silver or copper; most of the
bodies are in a good state of preservation, though the features are
not discernible. The hair is always found perfectly free from decay;
and that of the females is beautifully plaited.
The question has arisen, whether these bodies were embalmed, or whether
their preservation is merely the result of the mummifying nature of the
climate. Both conjectures have found zealous supporters. Don Francisco
Barrero, keeper of the Museum of Natural History in Lima, mentions, in
the _Memorial de Ciencias Naturales_,[105] that among the ancient
Peruvians certain men were appointed as embalmers, and he describes the
process they adopted as follows:--They first extracted the brain through
the nose, then took out the eyes, and stopped up the sockets with
cotton. The bowels, lungs, and even the tongue, were removed, after
which the body and skull were filled with a kind of powder, which
immediately after it is taken out of the mummies, diffuses a slight
odor of turpentine; this odor, however, it soon loses on being
exposed to the action of the air. The face, hands, and feet, were
rubbed over with an oily substance, after which the body was incased
in the envelopes above described. I am disposed to believe that this
process never had any existence, save in the imagination of Barrera:
it indeed resembles the manner in which the Egyptians prepared their
mummies; but no such method was practised among the Indians. The
mummies collected in the museum of Lima present not the slightest
trace of this powder, or indeed of any kind of preservative
material--a fact which is mentioned by the director of that
establishment, Don E. Mariano de Rivero, in his _Antiguedades
Peruanas_.[106]
On those parts of the coast where it never rains, the combined heat of
the sun and the sand has dried up the bodies; in the mountain districts,
the pure atmosphere and the peculiarly drying nature of the wind have
produced the same effect. Similar appearances may be traced to different
circumstances. Of this fact the burial ground of Huacho, and the
mummified animals seen on the level heights, furnish the most convincing
proofs. In districts exposed to frequent rain, mummies are found in very
bad preservation, most of them being mere skeletons. All are in sitting
postures. In those parts of the Sierra where the soil is impregnated
with nitre, bodies, which must have lain in the ground for several
centuries, are found in a very fresh condition, notwithstanding the
humidity.
Garcilaso de la Vega and the Padre Acosta state that the ancient
Peruvians were acquainted with the art of embalming, but that they
employed it only for the bodies of their kings. In the Temple of the Sun
at Cuzco, there were found excellently preserved mummies of the Incas,
each seated on a throne. Several years after the Spanish conquest, these
mummies were conveyed to Lima, and were buried in the court of the
hospital of San Andres. It is deeply to be deplored that the fanaticism
of the Spanish conquerors should have destroyed these interesting
remains of the ancient sovereigns of Peru.
The facts adduced in the course of this volume, relative to the
barbarous colonization system of the Spaniards, must sufficiently prove
how adverse was Spanish dominion to the improvement of the natives, and
to the prosperity of the country. For Peru, Nature's bounteously favored
land, let us hope that there is reserved a future, happier than either
the past or the present!
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 102: Even to this day the custom of forced domestic service is
kept up in some parts of the Sierra, where the priest is allowed the
services of a female cook, who is called a _Mita_, and a man servant,
for whom the name of _Pongo_ is reserved. These servants are kept for
the space of a week.]
[Footnote 103: Adelung, in his "Review of all Languages," considers the
Calchaqui (still spoken in Tucuman) to be a dialect of the Quichua. It
is, however, a dialect of the Aymara. Adelung makes another mistake
when he observes, that the Lama language is spoken in the neighborhood
of Truxillo.]
[Footnote 104: Of the _Quichua_, _Quitena_, and _Lama_ languages
several grammars and dictionaries exist. Of the _Kauqui_ only single
words have been preserved. There is a very imperfect dictionary of the
_Chinchaysuyo_ by Figueredo. Of the _Yunga_ there is a grammar with a
_Confesionario_ and Prayers by Fernando de Carrera--a very scarce work.]
[Footnote 105: Vol. II., p. 106.]
[Footnote 106: Published in 1846.]
THE END.
Transcriber's Notes:
Inconsistencies in hyphenation retained. (brush-wood, brushwood;
court-yard, courtyard; day-break, daybreak; goat-skin, goat-skin;
hair-dressers, hairdressers; horse-shoes, horseshoes;
house-tops, housetops; light-house, lighthouse;
mayor-domos, mayordomos; mid-day, midday; needle-woman, needlewoman;
net-work; network; nick-name, nickname; north-west, northwest;
run-away, runaway; sea-ports, seaports; shop-keeper/s, shopkeeper/s;
south-east, southeast; south-west, southwest; two-fold, twofold)
Inconsistency in abbreviation "P. M." Sometimes it is "P.M." without a
space. Original text retained in all cases.
Page 22, inserted opening quote mark. ("_Las diez han)
Page 25, species of fox "_Canis Azarae_" is attributed to "Wild." Not
consistent with Page 174 "_Canis azarae_" attributed to "Pr. Max." and
to Page 221 "_Canis Azarae_" also attributed to "Pr. Max." Mismatch in
captialization and also in name of discoverer. Original text retained
in all cases.
Page 25, "III." changed to "Ill." (_Scolopax frenata_, Ill.)
Page 59, "heterogegeous" changed to "heterogeneous". (heterogeneous
objects are jumbled)
Page 67, "Limena" retained. Elsewhere in the text it is "Limena".
(Limena is a noble specimen)
Page 75, "grostesque" changed to "grotesque". (painted with grotesque
figures)
Page 85, inserted missing comma. (Alsop & Co., Templeman)
Page 108, unusual word "recal" retained. Possibly "recall". (The
ladies of Lima recal)
Page 112, missing degree sign added. (December 28, at 6 in the morning,
26.0 deg. C.;)
Page 117, "vavors" changed to "vapors". (there were seen fiery vapors)
Page 135, "litttle" changed to "little". (full of little egg-shaped)
Footnote 42, unusual phrase "no thing" retained. (He who created the
world out of no thing)
Page 154, unusual spelling of placename "Cozco" retained. Elsewhere in
text it is "Cuzco". (erected in Cozco, the capital)
Page 168, inserted missing period. (_Pelecanus thayus_, Mol.;)
Page 172, compass directions "SS.E" changed to "S.S.E"; "NN.W."
changed to "N.N.W." (Andes, namely from S.S.E.) (N.N.W., the western
declivity)
Page 177, "Eschidna" changed to "Echidna". See other occurrence at
Footnote 93. (_Echidna ocellata_, Tsch.)
Page 178, "melancholv" changed to "melancholy". (melancholy howl)
Page 180, inconsistent spelling of placename "Periachi", later on
"Pariachi". Original text retained for both. (At Periachi, four
leagues from) (Two leagues beyond Pariachi)
Page 182, inserted hyphen. (river of Chillon flowed north-westward)
Page 198, unusual spelling "befel" retained. Possibly "befell". (an
accident which befel me)
Page 209, "swenllig" changed to "swelling". (inflammation, swelling
of)
Page 218, "jus" changed to "just". (than any of those just)
Page 222, "sent" changed to "scent". (scent for the pishacas)
Page 278, ungrammatical construction "The men takes" retained. (The
men takes their bows)
Page 284, period changed to comma. (Quichua, the idioms spoken)
Page 288, period added. (festively celebrated.)
Page 299, inserted missing opening round bracket. (... fly-catchers and
shrikes (_Muscicapidae_ and....)
Page 301, unusual bird name "shrites" retained. Possibly "shrikes".
(shrites, and even sea-swallows)
Page 301, "tsch." changed to "Tsch." (_Odontophorus speciosus_, Tsch.)
Page 325, "Fra" retained. Fra is acceptable as a title for friars but
elsewhere in this text "Fray" is used. (two priests, Fra Francisco
Otasua and Fray Salvador)
Page 327, "coco" changed to "coca", coco is possible but coca more
likely from context. (the coca plantation being neglected)
Footnotes frequently have missing end of paragraph/sentence
punctuation. Periods added.