“From this moment all power belongs to t_Ten Days That Shook the World

the Provisional Government are removed. The presidents of the various

local Soviets are invited to enter into direct relations with the

revolutionary Government.”

_Military Revolutionary Committee._

PROTEST OF THE MUNICIPAL DUMA

“The Central City Duma, elected on the most democratic principles, has

undertaken the burden of managing Municipal affairs and food supplies

at the time of the greatest disorganisation. At the present moment the

Bolshevik party, three weeks before the elections to the Constituent

Assembly, and in spite of the menace of the external enemy, having

removed by armed force the only legal revolutionary authority, is

making an attempt against the rights and independence of the Municipal

Self-Government, demanding submission to its Commissars and its illegal

authority.

“In this terrible and tragic moment the Petrograd City Duma, in the

face of its constituents, and of all Russia, declares loudly that it

will not submit to any encroachments on its rights and its

independence, and will remain at the post of responsibility to which it

has been called by the will of the population of the capital.

“The Central City Duma of Petrograd appeals to all Dumas and Zemstvos

of the Russian Republic to rally to the defence of one of the greatest

conquests of the Russian Revolution—the independence and inviolability

of popular self-government.”

LAND DECREE—PEASANTS’ “NAKAZ”

The Land question can only be permanently settled by the general

Constituent Assembly.

The most equitable solution of the Land question should be as follows:

1. The right of private ownership of land is abolished forever; land

cannot be sold, nor leased, nor mortgaged, nor alienated in any way.

All dominical lands, lands attached to titles, lands belonging to the

Emperor’s cabinet, to monasteries, churches, possession lands, entailed

lands, private estates, communal lands, peasant free-holds, and others,

are confiscated without compensation, and become national property, and

are placed at the disposition of the workers who cultivate them.

Those who are damaged because of this social transformation of the

rights of property are entitled to public aid during the time necessary

for them to adapt themselves to the new conditions of existence.

2. All the riches beneath the earth—ores, oil, coal, salt, etc.—as well

as forests and waters having a national importance, become the

exclusive property of the State. All minor streams, lakes and forests

are placed in the hands of the communities, on condition of being

managed by the local organs of government.

3. All plots of land scientifically cultivated—gardens, plantations,

nurseries, seed-plots, green-houses, and others—shall not be divided,

but transformed into model farms, and pass into the hands of the State

or of the community, according to their size and importance.

Buildings, communal lands and villages with their private gardens and

their orchards remain in the hands of their present owners; the

dimensions of these plots and the rate of taxes for their use shall be

fixed by law.

4. All studs, governmental and private cattle-breeding and

bird-breeding establishments, and others, are confiscated and become

national property, and are transferred either to the State or to the

community, according to their size and importance.

All questions of compensation for the above are within the competence

of the Constituent Assembly.

5. All inventoried agricultural property of the confiscated lands,

machinery and live-stock, are transferred without compensation to the

State or the community, according to their quantity and importance.

The confiscation of such machinery or live-stock shall not apply to the

small properties of peasants.

6. The right to use the land is granted to all citizens, without

distinction of sex, who wish to work the land themselves, with the help

of their families, or in partnership, and only so long as they are able

to work. No hired labour is permitted.

In the event of the incapacity for work of a member of the commune for

a period of two years, the commune shall be bound to render him

assistance during this time by working his land in common.

Farmers who through old age or sickness have permanently lost the

capacity to work the land themselves, shall surrender their land and

receive instead a Government pension.

7. The use of the land should be equalised—that is to say, the land

shall be divided among the workers according to local conditions, the

unit of labour and the needs of the individual.

The way in which land is to be used may be individually determined

upon: as homesteads, as farms, by communes, by partnerships, as will be

decided by the villages and settlements.

8. All land upon its confiscation is pooled in the general People’s

Land Fund. Its distribution among the workers is carried out by the

local and central organs of administration, beginning with the village

democratic organisations and ending with the central provincial

institutions—with the exception of urban and rural cooperative

societies.

The Land Fund is subject to periodical redistribution according to the

increase of population and the development of productivity and rural

economy.

In case of modification of the boundaries of allotments, the original

centre of the allotment remains intact.

The lands of persons retiring from the community return to the Land

Fund; providing that near relatives of the persons retiring, or friends

designated by them, shall have preference in the redistribution of

these lands.

When lands are returned to the Land Fund, the money expended for

manuring or improving the land, which has not been exhausted, shall be

reimbursed.

If in some localities the Land Fund is insufficient to satisfy the

local population, the surplus population should emigrate.

The organisation of the emigration, also the costs thereof, and the

providing of emigrants with the necessary machinery and live-stock,

shall be the business of the State.

The emigration shall be carried out in the following order: first, the

peasants without land who express their wish to emigrate; then the

undesirable members of the community, deserters, etc., and finally, by

drawing lots on agreement.

All which is contained in this _nakaz,_ being the expression of the

indisputable will of the great majority of conscious peasants of

Russia, is declared to be a temporary law, and until the convocation of

the Constituent Assembly, becomes effective immediately so far as is

possible, and in some parts of it gradually, as will be determined by

the District Soviets of Peasants’ Deputies.

THE LAND AND DESERTERS

The Government was not forced to make any decision concerning the

rights of deserters to the land. The end of the war and the

demobilisation of the army automatically removed the deserter problem….

THE COUNCIL OF PEOPLE’S COMMISSARS

The Council of People’s Commissars was at first composed entirely of

Bolsheviki. This was not entirely the fault of the Bolsheviki, however.

On November 8th they offered portfolios to members of the Left

Socialist Revolutionaries, who declined. See page 273. {of original

volume}

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VI

APPEALS AND DENUNCIATIONS

Appeal to all Citizens and to the Military Organisations of the

Socialist Revolutionary Party.

“The senseless attempt of the Bolsheviki is on the eve of complete

failure. The garrison is disaffected…. The Ministries are idle, bread

is lacking. All factions except a handful of Bolsheviki have left the

Congress of Soviets. The Bolsheviki are alone! Abuses of all sorts,

acts of vandalism and pillage, the bombardment of the Winter Palace,

arbitrary arrests—all these crimes committed by the Bolsheviki have

aroused against them the resentment of the majority of the sailors and

soldiers. The _Tsentroflot_ refuses to submit to the orders of the

Bolsheviki….

“We call upon all sane elements to gather around the Committee for

Salvation of Country and Revolution; to take serious measures to be

ready, at the first call of the Central Committee of the Party, to act

against the counter-revolutionists, who will doubtless attempt to

profit by these troubles provoked by the Bolshevik adventure, and to

watch closely the external enemy, who also would like to take advantage

of this opportune moment when the Front is weakened….”

_The Military Section of the Central Committee of the Socialist

Revolutionary Party._

* * * * *

From _Pravda:_

“What is Kerensky?

“A usurper, whose place is in Peter-Paul prison, with Kornilov and

Kishkin.

“A criminal and a traitor to the workers, soldiers and peasants, who

believed in him.

“Kerensky? A murderer of soldiers!

“Kerensky? A public executioner of peasants!

“Kerensky? A strangler of workers!

“Such is the second Kornilov who now wants to butcher Liberty!”

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VII

TWO DECREES

_On the Press_

In the serious decisive hour of the Revolution and the days immediately

following it, the Provisional Revolutionary Committee is compelled to

adopt a series of measures against the counter-revolutionary press of

all shades.

Immediately on all sides there are cries that the new Socialist

authority is in this violating the essential principles of its own

programme by an attempt against the freedom of the press.

The Workers’ and Peasants’ Government calls the attention of the

population to the fact that in our country, behind this liberal shield,

is hidden the opportunity for the wealthier classes to seize the lion’s

share of the whole press, and by this means to poison the popular mind

and bring confusion into the consciousness of the masses.

Every one knows that the bourgeois press is one of the most powerful

weapons of the bourgeoisie. Especially in this critical moment, when

the new authority of the workers and peasants is in process of

consolidation, it is impossible to leave it in the hands of the enemy,

at a time when it is not less dangerous than bombs and machine-guns.

This is why temporary and extraordinary measures have been adopted for

the purpose of stopping the flow of filth and calumny in which the

yellow and green press would be glad to drown the young victory of the

people.

As soon as the new order is consolidated, all administrative measures

against the press will be suspended; full liberty will be given it

within the limits of responsibility before the law, in accordance with

the broadest and most progressive regulations….

Bearing in mind, however, the fact that any restrictions of the freedom

of the press, even in critical moments, are admissible only within the

bounds of necessity, the Council of People’s Commissars decrees as

follows:

1. The following classes of newspapers shall be subject to closure: (a)

Those inciting to open resistance or disobedience to the Workers’ and

Peasants’ Government; (b) Those creating confusion by obviously and

deliberately perverting the news; (c) Those inciting to acts of a

criminal character punishable by the laws.

2. The temporary or permanent closing of any organ of the press shall

be carried out only by virtue of a resolution of the Council of

People’s Commissars.

3. The present decree is of a temporary nature, and will be revoked by

a special _ukaz_ when normal conditions of public life are

re-established.

_President of the Council of People’s Commissars,_

VLADIMIR ULIANOV (LENIN).

* * * * *

_On Workers’ Militia_

1. All Soviets of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies shall form a Workers’

Militia.

2. This Workers’ Militia shall be entirely at the orders of the Soviets

of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies.

3. Military and civil authorities must render every assistance in

arming the workers and in supplying them with technical equipment, even

to the extent of requisitioning arms belonging to the War Department of

the Government.

4. This decree shall be promulgated by telegraph. Petrograd, November

10, 1917.

_People’s Commissar of the Interior_

A. I. RYKOV.

This decree encouraged the formation of companies of Red Guards all

over Russia, which became the most valuable arm of the Soviet

Government in the ensuing civil war.

THE STRIKE FUND

The fund for the striking Government employees and bank clerks was

subscribed by banks and business houses of Petrograd and other cities,

and also by foreign corporations doing business in Russia. All who

consented to strike against the Bolsheviki were paid full wages, and in

some cases their pay was increased. It was the realisation of the

strike fund contributors that the Bolsheviki were firmly in power,

followed by their refusal to pay strike benefits, which finally broke

the strike.

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VIII

KERENSKY’S ADVANCE

On November 9th Kerensky and his Cossacks arrived at Gatchina, where

the garrison, hopelessly split into two factions, immediately

surrendered. The members of the Gatchina Soviet were arrested, and at

first threatened with death; later they were released on good

behaviour.

The Cossack advance-guards, practically unopposed, occupied Pavlovsk,

Alexandrovsk and other stations, and reached the outskirts of Tsarskoye

Selo next morning—November 10th. At once the garrison divided into

three groups—the officers, loyal to Kerenskly; part of the soldiers and

non-commissioned officers, who declared themselves “neutral”; and most

of the rank and file, who were for the Bolsheviki. The Bolshevik

soldiers, who were without leaders or organisation, fell back toward

the capital. The local Soviet also withdrew to the village of Pulkovo.

From Pulkovo six members of the Tsarskoye Selo Soviet went with an

automobile-load of proclamations to Gatchina, to propagandise the

Cossacks. They spent most of the day going around Gatchina from one

Cossack barracks to another, pleading, arguing and explaining. Toward

evening some officers discovered their presence and they were arrested

and brought before General Krasnov, who said, “You fought against

Kornilov; now you are opposing Kerensky. I’ll have you all shot!”

After reading aloud to them the order appointing him commander-in-chief

of the Petrograd District, Krasnov asked if they were Bolsheviki. They

replied in the affirmative—upon which Krasnov went away; a short time

later an officer came and set them free, saying that it was by order of

General Krasnov….

In the meanwhile delegations continued to arrive from Petrograd; from

the Duma, the Committee for Salvation, and, last of all, from the

_Vikzhel._ The Union of Railway Workers insisted that some agreement be

reached to halt the civil war, and demanded that Kerensky treat with

the Bolsheviki, and that he stop the advance on Petrograd. In case of

refusal, the _Vikzhel_ threatened a general strike at midnight of

November 11th.

Kerensky asked to be allowed to discuss the matter with the Socialist

Ministers and with the Committee for Salvation. He was plainly

undecided.

On the 11th Cossack outposts reached Krasnoye Selo, from which the

local Soviet and the heterogeneous forces of the Military Revolutionary

Committee precipitately retired, some of them surrendering…. That night

they also touched Pulkovo, where the first real resistance was

encountered….

Cossacks deserters began to dribble into Petrograd, declaring that

Kerensky had lied to them, that he had spread broadcast over the front

proclamations which said that Petrograd was burning, that the

Bolsheviki had invited the Germans to come in, and that they were

murdering women and children and looting indiscriminately….

The Military Revolutionary Committee immediately sent out some dozens

of “agitators,” with thousands of printed appeals, to inform the

Cossacks of the real situation….

PROCLAMATIONS OF THE MILITARY REVOLUTIONARY COMMITTEE

“To All Soviets of Workers’, Soldiers’ and Peasants’ Deputies.

“The All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers’, Soldiers’ and

Peasants’ Deputies charges the local Soviets immediately to take the

most energetic measures to oppose all counter-revolutionary

anti-Semitic disturbances, and all _pogroms_ of whatever nature. The

honour of the workers’, peasants’ and soldiers’ Revolution cannot

tolerate any disorders….

“The Red Guard of Petrograd, the revolutionary garrison and the sailors

have maintained complete order in the capital.

“Workers, soldiers, and peasants, everywhere you should follow the

example of the workers and soldiers of Petrograd.

“Comrades soldiers and Cossacks, on us falls the duty of keeping real

revolutionary order.

“All revolutionary Russia and the whole world have their eyes on you….”

“The All-Russian Congress of Soviets decrees:

“To abolish capital punishment at the Front, which was reintroduced by

Kerensky.

“Complete freedom of propaganda is to be re-established in the country.

All soldiers and revolutionary officers now under arrest for so-called

political ‘crimes’ are at once to be set free.”

“The ex-Premier Kerensky, overthrown by the people, refuses to submit

to the Congress of Soviets and attempts to struggle against the legal

Government elected by the All-Russian Congress—the Council of People’s

Commissars. The Front has refused to aid Kerensky. Moscow has rallied

to the new Government. In many cities (Minsk, Moghilev, Kharkov) the

power is in the hands of the Soviets. No infantry detachment consents

to march against the Workers’ and Peasants’ Government, which, in

accord with the firm will of the Army and the people, has begun peace

negotiations and has given the land to the peasants….

“We give public warning that if the Cossacks do not halt Kerensky, who

has deceived them and is leading them against Petrograd, the

revolutionary forces will rise with all their might for the defence of

the precious conquests of the Revolution—Peace and Land.

“Citizens of Petrograd! Kerensky fled from the city, abandoning the

authority to Kishkin, who wanted to surrender the capital to the

Germans; Rutenburg, of the Black Band, who sabotaged the Municipal Food

Supply; and Paltchinsky, hated by the whole democracy. Kerensky has

fled, abandoning you to the Germans, to famine, to bloody massacres.

The revolting people have arrested Kerensky’s Ministers, and you have

seen how the order and supplying of Petrograd at once improved.

Kerensky, at the demand of the aristocrat proprietors, the capitalists,

speculators, marches against you for the purpose of giving back the

land to the land-owners, and continuing the hated and ruinous war.

“Citizens of Petrograd! We know that the great majority of you are in

favour of the people’s revolutionary authority, against the Kornilovtsi

led by Kerensky. Do not be deceived by the lying declarations of the

impotent bourgeois conspirators, who will be pitilessly crushed.

“Workers, soldiers, peasants! We call upon you for revolutionary

devotion and discipline.

“Millions of peasants and soldiers are with us.

“The victory of the people’s Revolution is assured!”

ACTS OF THE COUNCIL OF PEOPLE’s COMMISSARS

In this book I am giving only such decrees as are in my opinion

pertinent to the Bolshevik conquest of power. The rest belong to a

detailed account of the Structure of the Soviet State, for which I have

no place in this work. This will be dealt with very fully in the second

volume, now in preparation, “Kornilov to Brest-Litovsk.”

_Concerning Dwelling-Places_

1. The independent Municipal Self-Governments have the right to

sequestrate all unoccupied or uninhabited dwelling-places.

2. The Municipalities may, according to laws and arrangements

established by them, install in all available lodgings citizens who

have no place to live, or who live in congested or unhealthy lodgings.

3. The Municipalities may establish a service of inspection of

dwelling-places, organise it and define its powers.

4. The Municipalities may issue orders on the institution of House

Committees, define their organisation, their powers and give them

juridical authority.

5. The Municipalities may create Housing Tribunals, define their powers

and their authority.

6. This decree is promulgated by telegraph.

_People’s Commissar of the Interior,_

A. I. RYKOV.

* * * * *

_On Social Insurance_

The Russian proletariat has inscribed on its banners the promise of

complete Social Insurance of wage-workers, as well as of the town and

village poor. The Government of the Tsar, the proprietors and the

capitalists, as well as the Government of coalition and conciliation,

failed to realise the desires of the workers with regard to Social

Insurance.

The Workers’ and Peasants’ Government, relying upon the support of the

Soviets of Workers’, Soldiers’ and Peasants’ Deputies, announces to the

working-class of Russia and to the town and village poor, that it will

immediately prepare laws on Social Insurance based on the formulas

proposed by the Labour organisations:

1. Insurance for all wage-workers without exception, as well as for all

urban and rural poor.

2. Insurance to cover all categories of loss of working capacity, such

as illness, infirmities, old age, childbirth, widowhood, orphanage, and

unemployment.

3. All the costs of insurance to be charged to employers.

4. Compensation of at least full wages in all loss of working capacity

and unemployment.

5. Complete workers’ self-government of all Insurance institutions.

In the name of the Government of the Russian Republic,

_The People’s Commissar of Labour,_

ALEXANDER SHLIAPNIKOV.

* * * * *

_On Popular Education_

Citizens of Russia!

With the insurrection of November 7th the working masses have won for

the first time the real power.

The All-Russian Congress of Soviets has temporarily transferred this

power both to its Executive Committee and to the Council of People’s

Commissars.

By the will of the revolutionary people, I have been appointed People’s

Commissar of Education.

The work of guiding in general the people’s education, inasmuch as it

remains with the central government, is, until the Constituent Assembly

meets, entrusted to a Commission on the People’s Education, whose

chairman and executive is the People’s Commissar.

Upon what fundamental propositions will rest this State Commission? How

is its sphere of competence determined?

_The General Line of Educational Activity:_ Every genuinely democratic

power must, in the domain of education, in a country where illiteracy

and ignorance reign supreme, make its first aim the struggle against

this darkness. It must acquire in the shortest time _universal

literacy,_ by organising a network of schools answering to the demands

of modern pedagogics; it must introduce universal, obligatory and free

tuition for all, and establish at the same time a series of such

teachers’ institutes and seminaries as will in the shortest time

furnish a powerful army of people’s teachers so necessary for the

universal instruction of the population of our boundless Russia.

_Decentralisation:_ The State Commission on People’s Education is by no

means a central power governing the institutions of instruction and

education. On the contrary, the entire school work ought to be

transferred to the organs of local self-government. The independent

work of the workers, soldiers and peasants, establishing on their own

initiative cultural educational organisations, must be given full

autonomy, both by the State centre and the Municipal centres.

The work of the State Commission serves as a link and helpmate to

organise resources of material and moral support to the Municipal and

private institutions, particularly to those with a class-character

established by the workers.

_The State Committee on People’s Education:_ A whole series of

invaluable law projects was elaborated from the beginning of the

Revolution by the State Committee for People’s Education, a tolerably

democratic body as to its composition, and rich in experts. The State

Commission sincerely desires the collaboration of this Committee.

It has addressed itself to the bureau of the Committee, with the

request at once to convoke an extraordinary session of the Committee

for the fulfilment of the following programme:

1. The revision of rules of representation in the Committee, in the

sense of greater democratisation.

2. The revision of the Committee’s rights in the sense of widening

them, and of converting the Committee into a fundamental State

institute for the elaboration of law projects calculated to reorganise

public instruction and education in Russia upon democratic principles.

3. The revision, jointly with the new State Commission, of the laws

already created by the Committee, a revision required by the fact that

in editing them the Committee had to take into account the bourgeois

spirit of previous Ministries, which obstructed it even in this its

narrowed form.

After this revision these laws will be put into effect without any

bureaucratic red tape, in the revolutionary order.

_The Pedagogues and the Societists:_ The State Commission welcomes the

pedagogues to the bright and honourable work of educating the

people—the masters of the country.

No one measure in the domain of the people’s education ought to be

adopted by any power without the attentive deliberation of those who

represent the pedagogues.

On the other hand, a decision cannot by any means be reached

exclusively through the cooperation of specialists. This refers as well

to reforms of the institutes of general education.

The cooperation of the pedagogues with the social forces—this is how

the Commission will work both in its own constitution, in the State

Committee, and in all its activities.

As its first task the Commission considers the improvement of the

teachers’ status, and first of all of those very poor though almost

most important contributors to the work of culture—the elementary

school teachers. Their just demands ought to be satisfied at once and

at any cost. The proletariat of the schools has in vain demanded an

increase of salary to one hundred rubles per month. It would be a

disgrace any longer to keep in poverty the teachers of the overwhelming

majority of the Russian people.

But a real democracy cannot stop at mere literacy, at universal

elementary instruction. It must endeavour to organise a uniform secular

school of several grades. The ideal is, equal and if possible higher

education for all the citizens. So long as this idea has not been

realised for all, the natural transition through all the schooling

grades up to the university—a transition to a higher stage—must depend

entirely upon the pupil’s aptitude, and not upon the resources of his

family.

The problem of a genuinely democratic organisation of instruction is

particularly difficult in a country impoverished by a long, criminal,

imperialistic war; but the workers who have taken the power must

remember that education will serve them as the greatest instrument in

their struggle for a better lot and for a spiritual growth. However

needful it may be to curtail other articles of the people’s budget, the

expenses on education must stand high. A large educational budget is

the pride and glory of a nation. The free and enfranchised peoples of

Russia will not forget this.

The fight against illiteracy and ignorance cannot be confined to a

thorough establishment of school education for children and youths.

Adults, too, will be anxious to save themselves from the debasing

position of a man who cannot read and write. The school for adults must

occupy a conspicuous place in the general plan of popular instruction.

_Instruction and Education:_ One must emphasise the difference between

instruction and education.

Instruction is the transmission of ready knowledge by the teacher to

his pupil. Education is a creative process. The personality of the

individual is being “educated” throughout life, is being formed, grows

richer in content, stronger and more perfect.

The toiling masses of the people—the workmen, the peasants, the

soldiers—are thirsting for elementary and advanced instruction. But

they are also thirsting for education. Neither the government nor the

intellectuals nor any other power outside of themselves can give it to

them. The school, the book, the theatre, the museum, etc., may here by

only aids. They have their own ideas, formed by their social position,

so different from the position of those ruling classes and

intellectuals who have hitherto created culture. They have their own

ideas, their own emotions, their own ways of approaching the problems

of personality and society. The city labourer, according to his own

fashion, the rural toiler according to his, will each build his clear

world-conception permeated with the class-idea of the workers. There is

no more superb or beautiful phenomenon than the one of which our

nearest descendants will be both witnesses and participants: The

building by collective Labour of its own general, rich and free soul.

Instruction will surely be an important but not a decisive element.

What is more important here is the criticism, the creativeness of the

masses themselves; for science and art have only in some of their parts

a general human importance. They suffer radical changes with every

far-reaching class upheaval.

Throughout Russia, particularly among the city labourers, but also

among the peasants, a powerful wave of cultural educational movement

has arisen; workers’ and soldiers’ organisations of this kind are

multiplying rapidly. To meet them, to lend them support, to clear the

road before them is the first task of a revolutionary and popular

government in the domain of democratic education.

_The Constituent Assembly_ will doubtless soon begin its work. It alone

can permanently establish the order of national and social life in our

country, and at the same time the general character of the organisation

of popular education.

Now, however, with the passage of power to the Soviets, the really

democratic character of the Constituent Assembly is assured. The line

which the State Commission, relying upon the State Committee, will

follow, will hardly suffer any modification under the influence of the

Constituent Assembly. Without pre-determining it, the new People’s

Government considers itself within its rights in enacting in this

domain a series of measures which aim at enriching and enlightening as

soon as possible the spiritual life of the country.

_The Ministry:_ The present work must in the interim proceed through

the Ministry of the People’s Education. Of all the necessary

alterations in its composition and construction the State Commission

will have charge, elected by the Executive Committee of the Soviets and

the State Committee. Of course the order of State authority in the

domain of the people’s education will be established by the Constituent

Assembly. Until then, the Ministry must play the part of the executive

apparatus for both the State Committee and the State Commission for

People’s Education.

The pledge of the country’s safety lies in the cooperation of all its

vital and genuinely democratic forces.

We believe that the energetic effort of the working people and of the

honest enlightened intellectuals will lead the country out of its

painful crisis, and through complete democracy to the reign of

Socialism and the brotherhood of nations.

_People’s Commissar on Education,_

A. V. LUNACHARSKY.

* * * * *

_On the Order in Which the Laws Are to be Ratified and Published._

1. Until the convocation of the Constituent Assembly, the enacting and

publishing of laws shall be carried out in the order decreed by the

present Provisional Workmen’s and Peasants’ Government, elected by the

All-Russian Congress of Workers’, Peasants’ and Soldiers’ Deputies.

2. Every bill is presented for consideration of the Government by the

respective Ministry, signed by the duly authorised People’s Commissar;

or it is presented by the legislative section attached to the

Government, signed by the chief of the section.

3. After its ratification by the Government, the decree in its final

edition, in the name of the Russian Republic, is signed by the

president of the Council of People’s Commissars, or for him by the

People’s Commissar who presented it for the consideration of the

Government, and is then published.

4. The date of publishing it in the official “Gazette of the

Provisional Workmen’s and Peasants’ Government,” is the date of its

becoming law.

5. In the decree there may be appointed a date, other than the date of

publication, on which it shall become law, or it may be promulgated by

telegraph; in which case it is to be regarded in every locality as

becoming law upon the publication of the telegram.

6. The promulgation of legislative acts of the government by the State

Senate is abolished. The Legislative Section attached to the Council of

People’s Commissars issues periodically a collection of regulations and

orders of the government which possess the force of law.

7. The Central Executive Committee of the Soviets of Workers’,

Peasants’, and Soldiers’ Deputies _(Tsay-ee-kah)_ has at all times the

right to cancel, alter or annul any of the Government decrees.

_In the name of the Russian Republic, the President of the Council of

People’s Commissars,_

V. ULIANOV-LENIN.

THE LIQUOR PROBLEM

_Order Issued by the Military Revolutonary Committee_

1. Until further order the production of alcohol and alcoholic drinks

is prohibited.

2. It is ordered to all producers of alcohol and alcoholic drinks to

inform not later than on the 27th inst. of the exact site of their

stores.

3. All culprits against this order will be tried by a Military

Revolutionary Court.

THE MILITARY REVOLUTIONARY COMMITTEE.

ORDER NO. 2

_From the Committee of the Finland Guard Reserve Regiment to all House

Committees and to the citizens of Vasili Ostrov._

The bourgeoisie has chosen a very sinister method of fighting against

the proletariat; it has established in various parts of the city huge

wine depots, and distributes liquor among the soldiers, in this manner

attempting to sow dissatisfaction in the ranks of the Revolutionary

army.

It is herewith ordered to all house committees, that at 3 o’clock, the

time set for posting this order, they shall in person and secretly

notify the President of the Committee of the Finland Guard Regiment,

concerning the amount of wine in their premises.

Those who violate this order will be arrested and given trial before a

merciless court, and their property will be confiscated, and the stock

of wine discovered will be

BLOWN UP WITH DYNAMITE

2 hours after this warning,

because more lenient measures, as experience has shown, do not bring

the desired results.

REMEMBER, THERE WILL BE NO OTHER WARNING BEFORE THE EXPLOSIONS.

_Regimental Committee of the Finland Guard Regiment._

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IX

MILITARY REVOLUTIONARY COMMITTEE. BULLETIN NO. 2

November 12th, in the evening, Kerensky sent a proposition to the

revolutionary troops—“to lay down their arms.” Kerensky’s men opened

artillery fire. Our artillery answered and compelled the enemy to be

silent. The Cossacks assumed the offensive. The deadly fire of the

sailors, the Red Guards and the soldiers forced the Cossacks to

retreat. Our armoured cars rushed in among the ranks of the enemy. The

enemy is fleeing. Our troops are in pursuit. The order has been given

to arrest Kerensky. Tsarskoye Selo has been taken by the revolutionary

troops.

_The Lettish Riflemen:_ The Military Revolutionary Committee has

received precise information that the valiant Lettish Riflemen have

arrived from the Front and taken up a position in the rear of

Kerensky’s bands.

_From the Staff of the Military Revolutionary Committee_

The seizure of Gatchina and Tsarskoye Selo by Kerensky’s detachments is

to be explained by the complete absence of artillery and machine-guns

in these places, whereas Kerensky’s cavalry was provided with artillery

from the beginning. The last two days were days of enforced work for

our Staff, to provide the necessary quantity of guns, machine-guns,

field telephones, etc., for the revolutionary troops. When this

work—with the energetic assistance of the District Soviets and the

factories (the Putilov Works, Obukhov and others)—was accomplished, the

issue of the expected encounter left no place for doubt: on the side of

the revolutionary troops there was not only a surplus in quantity and

such a powerful material base as Petrograd, but also an enormous moral

advantage. All the Petrograd regiments moved out to the positions with

tremendous enthusiasm. The Garrison Conference elected a Control

Commission of five soldiers, thus securing a complete unity between the

commander in chief and the garrison. At the Garrison Conference it was

unanimously decided to begin decisive action.

The artillery fire on the 12th of November developed with extraordinary

force by 3 P.M. The Cossacks were completely demoralised. A

parliamentarian came from them to the staff of the detachment at

Krasnoye Selo, and proposed to stop the firing, threatening otherwise

to take “decisive” measures. He was answered that the firing would

cease when Kerensky laid down his arms.

In the developing encounter all sections of the troops—the sailors,

soldiers and the Red Guards—showed unlimited courage. The sailors

continued to advance until they had fired all their cartridges. The

number of casualties has not been established yet, but it is larger on

the part of the counter-revolutionary troops, who experienced great

losses through one of our armoured cars.

Kerensky’s staff, fearing that they would be surrounded, gave the order

to retreat, which retreat speedily assumed a disorderly character. By

11-12 P.M., Tsarkoye Selo, including the wireless station, was entirely

occupied by the troops of the Soviets. The Cossacks retreated towards

Gatchina and Colpinno.

The morale of the troops is beyond all praise. The order has been given

to pursue the retreating Cossacks. From the Tsarskoye Selo station a

radio-telegram was sent immediately to the Front and to all local

Soviets throughout Russia. Further details will be communicated….

EVENTS OF THE 13TH IN PETROGRAD

Three regiments of the Petrograd garrison to take any part in the

battle against Kerensky. On the morning of the 13th they summoned to a

joint conference sixty delegates from the Front, in order to find some

way to stop the civil war. This conference appointed a committee to go

and persuade Kerensky’s troops to lay down their arms. They proposed to

ask the Government soldiers the following questions: (1) Will the

soldiers and Cossacks of Kerensky recognise the _Tsay-ee-kah_ as the

repository of Governmental power, responsible to the Congress of

Soviets? (2) Will the soldiers and Cossacks accept the decrees of the

second Congress of Soviets? (3) Will they accept the Land and Peace

decrees? (4) Will they agree to cease hostilities and return to their

units? (5) Will they consent to the arrest of Kerensky, Krasnov and

Savinkov?

At the meeting of the Petrograd Soviet, Zinoviev said, “It would be

foolish to think that this committee could finish affair. The enemy can

only be broken by force. However, it would be a crime for us not to try

every peaceful means to bring the Cossacks over to us…. What we need is

a military victory…. The news of an armistice is premature. Our Staff

will be ready to conclude an armistice when the enemy can no longer do

any harm….

“At present, the influence of our victory is creating new political

conditions…. To-day the Socialist Revolutionaries are inclined to admit

the Bolsheviki into the new Government…. A decisive victory is

indispensable, so that those who hesitate will have no further

hesitation….”

At the City Duma all attention was concentrated on the formation of the

new Government. In many factories and barracks already Revolutionary

Tribunals were operating, and the Bolsheviki were threatening to set up

more of these, and try Gotz and Avksentiev before them. Dan proposed

that an ultimatum be sent demanding the abolition of these

Revolutionary Tribunals, or the other members of the Conference would

immediately break off all negotiations with the Bolsheviki.

Shingariov, Cadet, declared that the Municipality ought not to take

part in any agreement with the Bolsheviki…. “Any agreement with the

maniacs is impossible until they lay down their arms and recognise the

authority of independent courts of law….”

Yartsev, for the _Yedinstvo_ group, declared that any agreement with

the Bolsheviki would be equivalent to a Bolshevik victory….

Mayor Schreider, for the Socialist Revolutionaries, stated that he was

opposed to all agreement with the Bolsheviki…. “As for a Government,

that ought to spring from the popular will; and since the popular will

has been expressed in the municipal elections, the popular will which

can create a Government is actually concentrated in the Duma….”

After other speakers, of which only the representative of the

Mensheviki Internationalists was in favour of considering the admission

of the Bolsheviki into the new Government, the Duma voted to continue

its representatives in the _Vikzhel’s_ conference, but to insist upon

the restoration of the Provisional Government before everything, and to

exclude the Bolsheviki from the new power….

TRUCE. KRASNOV’s ANSWER TO THE COMMITTEE FOR SALVATION

“In answer to your telegram proposing an immediate armistice, the

Supreme Commander, not wishing further futile bloodshed, consents to

enter into negotiations and to establish relations between the armies

of the Government and the insurrectionists. He proposes to the General

Staff of the insurrectionists to recall its regiments to Petrograd, to

declare the line Ligovo-Pulkovo-Colpinno neutral, and to allow the

advance-guards of the Government cavalry to enter Tsarskoye Selo, for

the purpose of establishing order. The answer to this proposal must be

placed in the hands of our envoys before eight o’clock to-morrow

morning.

KRASNOV.”

EVENTS AT TSARSKOYE SELO

On the evening that Kerensky’s troops retreated from Tsarskoye Selo,

some priests organised a religious procession through the streets of

the town, making speeches to the citizens in which they asked the

people to support the rightful authority, the Provisional Government.

When the Cossacks had retreated, and the first Red Guards entered the

town, witnesses reported that the priests had incited the people

against the Soviets, and had said prayers at the grave of Rasputin,

which lies behind the Imperial Palace. One of the priests, Father Ivan

Kutchurov, was arrested and shot by the infuriated Red Guards….

Just as the Red Guards entered the town the electric lights were shut

off, plunging the streets in complete darkness. The director of the

electric light plant, Lubovitch, was arrested by the Soviet troops and

asked why he had shut off the lights. He was found some time later in

the room where he had been imprisoned with a revolver in his hand and a

bullet hole in his temple.

The Petrograd anti-Bolshevik papers came out next day with headlines,

“Plekhanov’s temperature 39 degrees!” Plekhanov lived at Tsarskoye

Selo, where he was lying ill in bed. Red Guards arrived at the house

and searched it for arms, questioning the old man.

“What class of society do you belong to?” they asked him.

“I am a revolutionist,” answered Plekhanov, “who for forty years has

devoted his life to the struggle for liberty!”

“Anyway,” said a workman, “you have now sold yourself to the

bourgeoisie!”

The workers no longer knew Plekhanov, pioneer of the Russian Social

Democracy!

APPEAL OF THE SOVIET GOVERNMENT

“The detachments at Gatchina, deceived by Kerensky, have laid down

their arms and decided to arrest Kerensky. That chief of the

counter-revolutionary campaign has fled. The Army, by an enormous

majority, has pronounced in favour of the second All-Russian Congress

of Soviets, and of the Government which it has created. Scores of

delegates from the Front have hastened to Petrograd to assure the

Soviet Government of the Army’s fidelity. No twisting of the facts, no

calumny against the revolutionary workers, soldiers, and peasants, has

been able to defeat the People. The Workers’ and Soldiers’ Revolution

is victorious….

“The _Tsay-ee-kah_ appeals to the troops which march under the flag of

the counter-revolution, and invites them immediately to lay down their

arms—to shed no longer the blood of their brothers in the interests of

a handful of land-owners and capitalists. The Workers’, Soldiers’ and

Peasants’ Revolution curses those who remain even for a moment under

the flag of the People’s enemies….

“Cossacks! Come over to the rank of the victorious People! Railwaymen,

postmen, telegraphers—all, all support the new Government of the

People!”

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER X

DAMAGE TO THE KREMLIN

I myself verified the damage to the Kremlin, which I visited

immediately after the bombardment. The Little Nicolai Palace, a

building of no particular importance, which was occupied occasionally

by receptions of one of the Grand Duchesses, had served as barracks for

the _yunkers._ It was not only bombarded, but pretty well sacked;

fortunately there was nothing in it of particular historical value.

Usspensky Cathedral had a shell-hole in one of the cupolas, but except

for a few feet of mosaic in the ceiling, was undamaged. The frescoes on

the porch of Blagovestchensky Cathedral were badly damaged by a shell.

Another shell hit the corner of Ivan Veliki. Tchudovsky Monastery was

hit about thirty times, but only one shell went through a window into

the interior, the others breaking the brick window-moulding and the

roof cornices.

The clock over the Spasskaya Gate was smashed. Troitsky Gate was

battered, but easily reparable. One of the lower towers had lost its

brick spire.

The church of St. Basil was untouched, as was the great Imperial

Palace, with all the treasures of Moscow and Petrograd in its cellar,

and the crown jewels in the Treasury. These places were not even

entered.

LUNATCHARSKY’s DECLARATION

“Comrades! You are the young masters of the country, and although now

you have much to do and think about, you must know how to defend your

artistic and scientific treasures.

“Comrades! That which is happening at Moscow is a horrible, irreparable

misfortune…. The People in its struggle for the power has mutilated our

glorious capital.

“It is particularly terrible in these days of violent struggle, of

destructive warfare, to be Commissar of Public Education. Only the hope

of the victory of Socialism, the source of a new and superior culture,

brings me comfort. On me weighs the responsibility of protecting the

artistic wealth of the people…. Not being able to remain at my post,

where I had no influence, I resigned. My comrades, the other

Commissars, considered this resignation inadmissible. I shall therefore

remain at my post…. And moreover, I understand that the damage done to

the Kremlin is not as serious as has been reported….

“But I beg you, comrades, to give me your support…. Preserve for

yourselves and your descendants the beauty of our land; be the

guardians of the property of the People.

“Soon, very soon, even the most ignorant, who have been held in

ignorance so long, will awake and understand what a source of joy,

strength and wisdom is art….”

QUESTIONNAIRE FOR THE BOURGEOISIE

[Graphic, page 354]

REVOLUTIONARY FINANCIAL MEASURE

_Order_

In virtue of the powers vested in me by the Military Revolutionary

Committee attached to the Moscow Soviet of Workers’ and Soldiers’

Deputies, I decree:

1. All banks with branches, the Central State Savings Bank with

branches, and the savings banks at the Post and Telegraph offices are

to be opened beginning November 22nd, from 11 A. M. to 1 P. M. until

further order.

2. On current accounts and on the books of the savings banks, payments

will be made by the above mentioned institutions, of not more than 150

rubles for each depositor during the course of the next week.

3. Payments of amounts exceeding 150 rubles a week on current accounts

and savings banks books, also payments on other accounts of all kinds

will be allowed during the next three days—November 22nd, 23d, and

24th, only in the following cases:

(a) On the accounts of military organisations for the satisfaction of

their needs;

(b) For the payment of salaries of employees and the earnings of

workers according to the tables and lists certified by the Factory

Committees or Soviets of Employees, and attested by the signatures of

the Commissars, or the representatives of the Military Revolutionary

Committee, and the district Military Revolutionary Committees.

4. Not more than 150 rubles are to be paid against drafts; the

remaining sums are to be entered on current account, payments on which

are to be made in the order established by the present decree.

5. All other banking operations are prohibited during these three days.

6. The receipt of money on all accounts is allowed for any amount.

7. The representatives of the Finance Council for the certification of

the authorisations indicated in clause 3 will hold their office in the

building of the Stock Exchange, Ilyinka Street, from 10 A. M. to 2 P.

8. The Banks and Savings Banks shall send the totals of daily cash

operations by 5 P. M. to the headquarters of the Soviet, Skobeliev

Square, to the Military Revolutionary Committee, for the Finance

Council.

9. All employees and managers of credit institutions of all kinds who

refuse to comply with this decree shall be responsible as enemies of

the Revolution and of the mass of the population, before the

Revolutionary Tribunals. Their names shall be published for general

information.

10. For the control of the operations of Branches of the Savings Banks

and Banks within the limits of this decree, the district Military

Revolutionary Committees shall elect three representatives and appoint

their place of business.

_Fully-authorised Commissar of the Military Revolutionary Committee,_

S. SHEVERDIN-MAKSIMENKO.

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XI

LIMITATIONS OF THIS CHAPTER

This chapter extends over a period of two months, more or less. It

covers the time of negotiations with the Allies, the negotiations and

armistice with the Germans, and the beginning of the Peace negotiations

at Brest-Litovsk, as well as the period in which were laid the

foundations of the Soviet State.

However, it is no part of my purpose in this book to describe and

interpret these very important historical events, which require more

space. They are therefore reserved for another volume, “Kornilov to

Brest-Litovsk.”

In this chapter, then, I have confined myself to the Soviet

Government’s attempts to consolidate its political power at home, and

sketched its successive conquests of hostile domestic elements—which

process was temporarily interrupted by the disastrous Peace of

Brest-Litovsk.

PREAMBLE—DECLARATION OF THE RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLES OF RUSSIA

The October Revolution of the workers and peasants began under the

common banner of Emancipation.

The peasants are being emancipated from the power of the landowners,

for there is no longer the landowner’s property right in the land—it

has been abolished. The soldiers and sailors are being emancipated from

the power of autocratic generals, for generals will henceforth be

elective and subject to recall. The workingmen are being emancipated

from the whims and arbitrary will of the capitalists, for henceforth

there will be established the control of the workers over mills and

factories. Everything living and capable of life is being emancipated

from the hateful shackles.

There remain only the peoples of Russia, who have suffered and are

suffering oppression and arbitrariness, and whose emancipation must

immediately be begun, whose liberation must be effected resolutely and

definitely.

During the period of Tsarism the peoples of Russia were systematically

incited against one another. The result of such a policy are known:

massacres and _pogroms_ on the one hand, slavery of peoples on the

other.

There can be and there must be no return to this disgraceful policy.

Henceforth the policy of a voluntary and honest union of the peoples of

Russia must be substituted.

In the period of imperialism, after the March revolution, when the

power was transferred into the hands of the Cadet bourgeoisie, the

naked policy of provocation gave way to one of cowardly distrust of the

peoples of Russia, to a policy of fault-finding, of meaningless

“freedom” and “equality” of peoples. The results of such a policy are

known: the growth of national enmity, the impairment of mutual

confidence.

An end must be put to this unworthy policy of falsehood and distrust,

of fault-finding and provocation. Henceforth it must be replaced by an

open and honest policy leading to the complete mutual confidence of the

peoples of Russia. Only as the result of such a trust can there be

formed an honest and lasting union of the peoples of Russia. Only as

the result of such a union can the workers and peasants of the peoples

of Russia be cemented into one revolutionary force able to resist all

attempts on the part of the imperialist-annexationist bourgeoisie.

DECREES

_On the Nationalisation of the Banks_

In the interest of the regular organisation of the national economy, of

the thorough eradication of bank speculation and the complete

emancipation of the workers, peasants, and the whole labouring

population from the exploitation of banking capital, and with a view to

the establishment of a single national bank of the Russian Republic

which shall serve the real interests of the people and the poorer

classes, the Central Executive Committee _(Tsay-ee-kah)_ resolves:

1. The banking business is declared a state monopoly.

2. All existing private joint-stock banks and banking offices are

merged in the State Bank.

3. The assets and liabilities of the liquidated establishments are

taken over by the State Bank.

4. The order of the merger of private banks in the State Bank is to be

determined by a special decree.

5. The temporary administration of the affairs of the private banks is

entrusted to the board of the State Bank.

6. The interests of the small depositors will be safeguarded.

* * * * *

_On the Equality of Rank of All Military Men_

In realisation of the will of the revolutionary people regarding the

prompt and decisive abolition of all remnants of former inequality in

the Army, the Council of People’s Commissars decrees:

1. All ranks and grades in the Army, beginning with the rank of

Corporal and ending with the rank of General, are abolished. The Army

of the Russian Republic consists now of free and equal citizens,

bearing the honourable title of Soldiers of the Revolutionary Army.

2. All privileges connected with the former ranks and grades, also all

outward marks of distinction, are abolished.

3. All addressing by titles is abolished.

4. All decorations, orders, and other marks of distinction are

abolished.

5. With the abolition of the rank of officer, all separate officers’

organisations are abolished.

Note.—Orderlies are left only for headquarters, chanceries, Committees

and other Army organisations.

_President of the Council of People’s Commissars,_

VL. ULIANOV (LENIN).

_People’s Commissar for Military and Naval Affairs,_

N. KRYLENKO.

_People’s Commissar for Military Affairs,_

N. PODVOISKY.

_Secretary of the Council,_

N. GORBUNOV.

* * * * *

_On the Elective Principle and the Organisation of Authority in the

Army_

1. The army serving the will of the toiling people is subject to its

supreme representative—the Council of People’s Commissars.

2. Full authority within the limits of military units and combinations

is vested in the respective Soldiers’ Committees and Soviets.

3. Those phases of the life and activity of the troops which are

already under the jurisdiction of the Committees are now formally

placed in their direct control. Over such branches of activity which

the Committees cannot assume, the control of the Soldiers’ Soviets is

established.

4. The election of commanding Staff and officers is introduced. All

commanders up to the commanders of regiments, inclusive, are elected by

general suffrage of squads, platoons, companies, squadrons, batteries,

divisions (artillery, 2-3 batteries), and regiments. All commanders

higher than the commander of a regiment, and up to the Supreme

Commander, inclusive, are elected by congresses or conferences of

Committees.

Note.—By the term “conference” must be understood a meeting of the

respective Committees together with delegates of committees one degree

lower in rank. (Such as a “conference” of Regimental Committees with

delegates from Company Committees.—Author.)

5. The elected commanders above the rank of commander of regiment must

be confirmed by the nearest Supreme Committee.

Note. In the event of a refusal by a Supreme Committee to confirm an

elected commander, with a statement of reasons for such refusal, a

commander elected by the lower Committee a second time must be

confirmed.

6. The commanders of Armies are elected by Army congresses. Commanders

of Fronts are elected by congresses of the respective Fronts.

7. To posts of a technical character, demanding special knowledge or

other practical preparation, namely: doctors, engineers, technicians,

telegraph and wireless operators, aviators, automobilists, etc., only

such persons as possess the required special knowledge may be elected,

by the Committees of the units of the respective services.

8. Chiefs of Staff must be chosen from among persons with special

military training for that post.

9. All other members of the Staff are appointed by the Chief of Staff,

and confirmed by the respective congresses.

Note.—All persons with special training must be listed in a special

list.

10. The right is reserved to retire from the service all commanders on

active service who are not elected by the soldiers to any post, and who

consequently are ranked as privates.

11. All other functions beside those pertaining to the command, with

the exception of posts in the economic departments, are filled by

appointment of the respective elected commanders.

12. Detailed instructions regarding the elections of the commanding

Staff will be published separately.

_President of the Council of People’s Commissars._

VL. ULIANOV (LENIN).

_People’s Commissar for Military and Naval Affairs,_

N. KRYLENKO.

_People’s Commissar for Military Affairs,_

N. PODVOISKY.

_Secretary of the Council,_

N. GORBUNOV.

* * * * *

_On the Abolition of Classes and Titles_

1. All classes and class divisions, all class privileges and

delimitations, all class organisations and institutions and all civil

ranks are abolished.

2. All classes of society (nobles, merchants, petty bourgeois, etc.),

and all titles (Prince, Count and others), and all denominations of

civil rank (Privy State Councillor, and others), are abolished, and

there is established the general denomination of Citizen of the Russian

Republic.

3. The property and institutions of the classes of nobility are

transferred to the corresponding autonomous Zemstvos.

4. The property of merchant and bourgeois organisations is transferred

immediately to the Municipal Self-Governments.

5. All class institutions of any sort, with their property, their rules

of procedure, and their archives, are transferred to the administration

of the Municipalities and Zemstvos.

6. All articles of existing laws applying to these matters are herewith

repealed.

7. The present decree becomes effective on the day it is published and

applied by the Soviets of Workers’, Soldiers’ and Peasants’ Deputies.

The present decree has been confirmed by the _Tsay-ee-kah_ at the

meeting of November 23d, 1917, and signed by:

_President of the Tsay-ee-kah,_

SVERDLOV.

_President of the Council of People’s Commissars,_

VL. ULIANOV (LENIN).

_Executive of the Council of People’s Commissars,_

V. BONCH-BRUEVITCH.

_Secretary of the Council,_

N. GORBUNOV.

* * * * *

On December 3d the Council of People’s Commissars resolved “to reduce

the salaries of functionaries and employees in all Government

institutions and establishments, general or special, without

exception.”

To begin with, the Council fixed the salary of a People’s Commissar at

500 rubles per month, with 100 rubles additional for each grown member

of the family incapable of work….

This was the highest salary paid to any Government official….

Countess Panina was arrested and brought to trial before the first

Supreme Revolutionary Tribunal. The trial is described in the chapter

on “Revolutionary Justice” in my forthcoming volume, “Kornilov to

Brist-Litovsk.” The prisoner was sentenced to “return the money, and

then be liberated to the public contempt.” In other words, she was set

free!

RIDICULE OF THE NEW RÉGIME

From _Drug Naroda_ (Menshevik), November 18th:

“The story of the ‘immediate peace’ of the Bolsheviki reminds us of a

joyous moving-picture film…. Neratov runs—Trotzky pursues; Neratov

climbs a wall, Trotzky too; Neratov dives into the water—Trotzky

follows; Neratov climbs onto the roof—Trotzky right behind him; Neratov

hides under the bed—and Trotzky has him! He has him! Naturally, peace

is immediately signed….

“All is empty and silent at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The

couriers are respectful, but their faces wear a caustic expression….

“How about arresting an ambassador and signing an armistice or a Peace

Treaty with him? But they are strange folk, these ambassadors. They

keep silent just as if they had heard nothing. Hola, hola, England,

France, Germany! We have signed an armistice with you! Is it possible

that you know nothing about it? Nevertheless, it has been published in

all the papers and posted on all the walls. On a Bolshevik’s word of

honour, Peace has been signed. We’re not asking much of you; you just

have to write two words….

“The ambassadors remain silent. The Powers remain silent. All is empty

and silent in the office of the Minister of Foreign Affairs.

“‘Listen,’ says Robespierre-Trotzky to his assistant Marat-Uritzky,

‘run over to the British Ambassador’s, tell him we’re proposing peace!’

“‘Go yourself,’ says Marat-Uritzky. ‘He’s not receiving.’

“‘Telephone him, then.’

“‘I’ve tried. The receiver’s off the hook.’

“‘Send him a telegram.’

“‘I did.’

“‘Well, with what result?’

“Marat-Uritzky sighs and does not answer. Robespierre-Trotzky spits

furiously into the corner….

“‘Listen, Marat,’ recommences Trotzky, after a moment. ‘We must

absolutely show that we’re conducting an active foreign policy. How can

we do that?’

“‘Launch another decree about arresting Neratov,’ answers Uritzky, with

a profound air.

“‘Marat, you’re a blockhead!’ cries Trotzky. All of a sudden he arises,

terrible and majestic, looking at this moment like Robespierre.

“‘Write, Uritzky!’ he says with severity. ‘Write a letter to the

British ambassador, a registered letter with receipt demanded. Write! I

also will write! The peoples of the world await an immediate peace!’

“In the enormous and empty Ministry of Foreign Affairs are to be heard

only the sound of two typewriters. With his own hands Trotzky is

conducting an active foreign policy….”

ON THE QUESTION OF AN AGREEMENT

To the Attention of All Workers and All Soldiers.

November 11th, in the club of the Preobrazhensky Regiment, was held an

extraordinary meeting of representatives of all the units of the

Petrograd garrison.

The meeting was called upon the initiative of the Preobrazhensky and

Semionovsky Regiments, for the discussion of the question as to which

Socialist parties are for the power of the Soviets, which are against,

which are for the people, which against, and if an agreement between

them is possible.

The representatives of the _Tsay-ee-kah,_ of the Municipal Duma, of the

Avksentiev Peasants’ Soviets, and of all the political parties from the

Bolsheviki to the Populist Socialists, were invited to the meeting.

After long deliberation, having heard the declarations of all parties

and organisations, the meeting by a tremendous majority of votes agreed

that only the Bolsheviki and the Left Socialist Revolutionaries are for

the people, and that all the other parties are only attempting, under

cover of seeking an agreement, to deprive the people of the conquests

won in the days of the great Workers’ and Peasants’ Revolution of

November.

Here is the text of the resolution carried at this meeting of the

Petrograd garrison, by 61 votes against 11, and 12 not voting:

“The garrison conference, summoned at the initiative of the Semionovsky

and Preobrazhensky Regiments, on hearing the representatives of all the

Socialist parties and popular organisations on the question of an

agreement between the different political parties finds that:

“1. The representatives of the _Tasy-ee-kah,_ the representatives of

the Bolshevik party and the Left Socialist Revolutionaries, declared

definitely that they stand for a Government of the Soviets, for the

decrees on Land, Peace and Workers’ Control of Industry, and that upon

this platform they are willing to agree with all the Socialist parties.

“2. At the same time the representatives of the other parties

(Mensheviki, Socialist Revolutionaries) either gave no answer at all,

or declared simply that they were opposed to the power of the Soviets

and against the decrees on Land, Peace and Workers’ Control.

“In view of this the meeting resolves:

“‘1. To express severe censure of all parties which, under cover of an

agreement, wish practically to annul the popular conquests of the

Revolution of November.

“2. To express full confidence in the _Tsay-ee-kah_ and the Council of

People’s Commissars, and to promise them complete support.’

“At the same time the meeting deems it necessary that the comrades Left

Socialist Revolutionaries should enter the People’s Government.”

WINE “POGROMS”

It was afterward discovered that there was a regular organisation,

maintained by the Cadets, for provoking rioting among the soldiers.

There would be telephone messages to the different barracks, announcing

that wine was being given away at such and such an address, and when

the soldiers arrived at the spot an individual would point out the

location of the cellar….

The Council of People’s Commissars appointed a Commissar for the Fight

Against Drunkenness, who, besides mercilessly putting down the wine

riots, destroyed hundreds of thousands of bottles of liquor. The Winter

Palace cellars, containing rare vintages valued at more than five

million dollars, were at first flooded, and then the liquor was removed

to Cronstadt and destroyed.

In this work the Cronstadt sailors, “flower and pride of the

revolutionary forces,” as Trotzky called them, acquitted themselves

with iron self-dicipline….

SPECULATORS

Two orders concerning them:

_Council of People’s Commissars_

_To the Military Revolutionary Committee_

The disorganisation of the food supply created by the war, and the lack

of system, is becoming to the last degree acute, thanks to the

speculators, marauders and their followers on the railways, in the

steamship offices, forwarding offices, etc.

Taking advantage of the nation’s greatest misfortunes, these criminal

spoliators are playing with the health and life of millions of soldiers

and workers, for their own benefit.

Such a situation cannot be borne a single day longer.

The Council of People’s Commissars proposes to the Military

Revolutionary Committee to take the most decisive measures towards the

uprooting of speculation, sabotage, hiding of supplies, fraudulent

detention of cargoes, etc.

All persons guilty of such actions shall be subject, by special orders

of the Military Revolutionary Committee, to immediate arrest and

confinement in the prisons of Cronstadt, pending their arraignment

before the Revolutionary Tribunal.

All the popular organisations are invited to cooperate in the struggle

against the spoliators of food supplies.

_President of the Council of People’s Commissaries._

V. ULIANOV (LENIN).

Accepted for execution,

_Military Revolutionary Committee attached to

the C. E. C. of the Soviets of W. & S. Deputies._

Petrograd, Nov. 23d, 1917.

* * * * *

_To All Honest Citizens_

_The Military Revolutionary Committee Decrees:_

Spoliators, marauders, speculators, are declared to be enemies of the

People….

The Military Revolutionary Committee proposes to all public

organisations, to all honest citizens: to inform the Military

Revolutionary Committee immediately of all cases of spoliation,

marauding, speculation, which become known to them.

The struggle against this evil is the business of all honest people.

The Military Revolutionary Committee expects the support of all to whom

the interests of the People are dear.

The Military Revolutionary Committee will be merciless in pursuit of

speculators and marauders.

THE MILITARY REVOLUTIONARY COMMITTEE

Petrograd, Dec. 2d, 1917.

PURISHKEVITCH’s LETTER TO KALEDIN

“The situation at Petrograd is desperate. The city is cut off from the

outside world and is entirely in the power of the Bolsheviki…. People

are arrested in the streets, thrown into the Neva, drowned and

imprisoned without any charge. Even Burtzev is shut up in Peter-Paul

fortress, under strict guard.

“The organisation at whose head I am is working without rest to unite

all the officers and what is left of the _yunker_ schools, and to arm

them. The situation cannot be saved except by creating regiments of

officers and _yunkers._ Attacking with these regiments, and having

gained a first success, we could later gain the aid of the garrison

troops; but without that first success it is impossible to count on a

single soldier, because thousands of them are divided and terrorised by

the scum which exists in every regiment. Most of the Cossacks are

tainted by Bolshevik propaganda, thanks to the strange policy of

General Dutov, who allowed to pass the moment when by decisive action

something could have been obtained. The policy of negotiations and

concessions has borne its fruits; all that is respectable is

persecuted, and it is the _plebe_ and the criminals who dominate—and

nothing can be done except by shooting and hanging them.

“We are awaiting you here, General, and at the moment of your arrival,

we shall advance with all the forces at our disposal. But for that we

must establish some communication with you, and before all, clear up

the following points:

“(1) Do you know that in your name all officers who could take part in

the fight are being invited to leave Petrograd on the pretext of

joining you?

“(2) About when can we count on your arrival at Petrograd? We should

like to know in order to coordinate our actions.

“In spite of the criminal inaction of the conscious people here, which

allowed the yoke of Bolshevism to be laid upon us—in spite of the

extraordinary pig—headedness of the majority of officers, so difficult

to organise—we believe in spite of all that Truth is on our side, and

that we shall conquer the vicious and criminal forces who say that they

are acting for motives of love of country and in order to save it.

Whatever comes, we shall not permit ourselves to be struck down, and

shall remain firm until the end.”

Purishkevitch, being brought to trial before the Revolutionary

Tribunal, was given a short prison term….

10.

DECREE ON THE MONOPOLY OF ADVERTISEMENTS

1. The printing of advertisements, in newspapers, books, bill-boards,

kiosks, in offices and other establishments is declared to be a State

monopoly.

2. Advertisements may only be published in the organs of the

Provisional Workers’ and Peasants’ Government at Petrograd, and in the

organs of local Soviets.

3. The proprietors of newspapers and advertising offices, as well as

all employees of such establishments, should remain at their posts

until the transfer of the advertisement business to the Government….

superintending the uninterrupted continuation of their houses, and

turning over to the Soviets all private advertising and the sums

received therefor, as well as all accounts and copy.

4. All managers of publications and businesses dealing with paid

advertising, as well as their employees and workers, shall agree to

hold a City Congress, and to join, first the City Trade Unions, and

then the All-Russian Unions, to organise more thoroughly and justly the

advertising business in the Soviet publications, as well as to prepare

better rules for the public utility of advertising.

5. All persons found guilty of having concealed documents or money, or

having sabotaged the regulations indicated in paragraphs 3 and 4, will

be punished by a sentence of not more than three years’ imprisonment,

and all their property will be confiscated.

6. The paid insertion of advertisements…. in private publications, or

under a masqued form, will also be severely penalised.

7. Advertising offices are confiscated by the Government, the owners

being entitled to compensation in cases of necessity. Small

proprietors, depositors and stock-holders of the confiscated

establishments will be reimbursed for all moneys held by them in the

concern.

8. All buildings, officers, counters, and in general every

establishment doing a business in advertising, should immediately

inform the Soviet of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies of its address,

and proceed to the transfer of its business, under penalty of the

punishment indicated in paragraph 5.

_President of the Council of People’s

Commissars,_

VL. ULIANOV (LENIN).

_People’s Commissar for Public Instruction,_

A. V. LUNATCHARSKY.

_Secretary of the Council,_

N. GORBUNOV.

11.

OBLIGATORY ORDINANCE

1. The city of Petrograd is declared to be in a state of siege.

2. All assemblies, meetings and congregations on the streets and

squares are prohibited.

3. Attempts to loot wine-cellars, warehouses, factories, stores,

business premises, private dwellings, etc., etc., _will be stopped by

machine-gun fire without warning._

4. House Committees, doormen, janitors and Militiamen are charged with

the duty of keeping strict order in all houses, courtyards and in the

streets, and house-doors and carriage-entrances must be locked at 9

o’clock in the evening, and opened at 7 o’clock in the morning. After 9

o’clock in the evening only tenants may leave the house, under strict

control of the House Committees.

5. Those guilty of the distribution, sale or purchase of any kind of

alcoholic liquor, and also those guilty of the violation of sections 2

and 4, will be immediately arrested and subjected to the most severe

punishment.

Petrograd, 6th of December, 3 o’clock in the night.

_Committee to Fight Against Pogroms, attached to the Executive

Committee of the Soviet of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies._

12.

TWO PROCLAMATIONS

Lenin, To _the People of Russia:_

“Comrades workers, soldiers, peasants—all toilers!

“The Workers’ and Peasants’ Revolution has won at Petrograd, at

Moscow…. From the Front and the villages arrive every day, every hour,

greetings to the new Government…. The victory of the Revolution…. is

assured, seeing that it is sustained by the majority of the people.

“It is entirely understandable that the proprietors and the

capitalists, the employees and functionaries closely allied with the

bourgeoisic—in a word, all the rich and all those who join hands with

them—regard the new Revolution with hostility, oppose its success,

threaten to halt the activity of the banks, and sabotage or obstruct

the work of other establishments…. Every conscious worker understands

perfectly that we cannot avoid this hostility, because the high

officials have set themselves against the People and do not wish to

abandon their posts without resistance. But the working classes are not

for one moment afraid of that resistance. The majority of the people

are for us. For us are the majority of the workers and the oppressed of

the whole world. We have justice on our side. Our ultimate victory is

certain.

“The resistance of the capitalists and high officials will be broken.

No one will be deprived of his property without a special law on the

nationalisation of banks and financial syndicates. This law is in

preparation. Not a worker will lose a single kopek; on the contrary, he

will be assisted. Without at this moment establishing the new taxes,

the new Government considers one of its primary duties to make a severe

accounting and control on the reception of taxes decreed by the former

régime….

“Comrades workers! Remember that you yourselves direct the Government.

No one will help you unless you organise yourselves and take into your

own hands the affairs of the State. Your Soviets are now the organs of

governmental power…. Strengthen them, establish a severe revolutionary

control, pitilessly crush the attempts at anarchy on the part of

drunkards, brigands, counter-revolutionary _yunkers_ and Kornilovists.

“Establish a strict control over production and the accounting for

products. Arrest and turn over to the Revolutionary Tribunal of the

People every one who injures the property of the People, by sabotage in

production, by concealment of grain-reserves, reserves of other

products, by retarding the shipments of grain, by bringing confusion

into the railroads, the posts and the telegraphs, or in general

opposing the great work of bringing Peace and transferring the Land to

the peasants….

“Comrades workers, soldiers, peasants—all toilers!

“Take immediately all local power into your hands…. Little by little,

with the consent of the majority of peasants, we shall march firmly and

unhesitatingly toward the victory of Socialism, which will fortify the

advance-guards of the working-class of the most civilised Countries,

and give to the peoples an enduring peace, and free them from every

slavery and every exploitation.”

13.

_“To All Workers of Petrograd!_

“Comrades! The Revolution is winning—the revolution has won. All the

power has passed over to our Soviets. The first weeks are the most

difficult ones. The broken reaction must be finally crushed, a full

triumph must be secured to our endeavours. The working-class ought

to—must—show in these days THE GREATEST FIRMNESS AND ENDURANCE, in

order to facilitate the execution of all the aims of the new People’s

Government of Soviets. In the next few days decrees on the Labour

question will be issued, and among the very first will be the decree on

Workers’ Control over the production and regulation of Industry.

“STRIKES AND DEMONSTRATIONS OF THE WORKER MASSES IN PETROGRAD NOW CAN

ONLY DO HARM.

“We ask you to cease immediately all economic and political strikes, to

take up your work, and do it in perfect order. The work in the

factories and all the industries is necessary for the new Government of

Soviets, because any interruption of this work will only create new

difficulties for us, and we have enough as it is. All to your places.

“The best way to support the new Government of Soviets in these days—is

by doing your job.

“LONG LIVE THE IRON FIRMNESS OF THE PROLETARIAT! LONG LIVE THE

REVOLUTION!”

_Petrograd Soviet of W. & S. D._

_Petrograd Council of Trade Unions._

_Petrograd Council of Factory-Shop Committees._

14.

APPEALS AND COUNTER-APPEALS

_From the Employees of the State and private Banks To the Population of

Petrograd:_

“Comrades workers, soldiers and citizens!

“The Military Revolutionary Committee in an ‘extraordinary notice’ is

accusing the workers of the State and private banking and other

institutions of ‘impeding the work of the Government, directed towards

the ensuring of the Front with provisions.’

“Comrades and citizens, do not believe this calumny, brought against

us, who are part of the general army of labour.

“However difficult it be for us to work under the constant threat of

interference by acts of violence in our hard-working life, however

depressing it be to know that our Country and the Revolution are on the

verge of ruin, we, nevertheless, all of us, from the highest to the

lowest, employees, _artelshtchiki,_ counters, labourers, couriers,

etc., are continuing to fulfil our duties which are connected with the

ensuring of provisions and munitions to the Front and country.

“Counting upon your lack of information, comrades workers and soldiers,

in questions of finance and banking, you are being incited against

workers like yourselves, because it is desirable to divert the

responsibility for the starving and dying brother-soldiers at the Front

from the guilty persons to the innocent workers who are accomplishing

their duty under the burden of general poverty and disorganisation.

“REMEMBER, WORKERS AND SOLDIERS! THE EMPLOYEES HAVE ALWAYS STOOD UP FOR

AND WILL ALWAYS STAND UP FOR THE INTERESTS OF THE TOILING PEOPLE, PART

OF WHICH THEY ARE THEMSELVES, AND NOT A SINGLE KOPEK NECESSARY FOR THE

FRONT AND THE WORKERS HAS EVER BEEN DETAINED AND WILL NOT BE DETAINED

BY THE EMPLOYEES.

“From November 6th to November 23d, i.e., during 17 days, 500 million

rubles were dispatched to the Front, and 120 millions to Moscow,

besides the sums sent to other towns.

“Keeping guard over the wealth of the people, the master of which can

be only the Constituent Assembly, representing the whole nation, the

employees refuse to give out money for purposes which are unknown to

them.

“DO NOT BELIEVE THE CALUMNIATORS CALLING YOU TO TAKE THE LAW INTO YOUR

OWN HANDS!”

_Central Board of the All-Russian Union of Employees of the State

Bank._

_Central Board of the All-Russian Trade Union of Employees of Credit

Institutions._

* * * * *

_To the Population of Petrograd._

“CITIZENS: Do not believe the falsehood which irresponsible people are

trying to suggest to you by spreading terrible calumnies against the

employees of the Ministry of Supplies and the workers in other Supply

organisations who are labouring in these dark days for the salvation of

Russia. Citizens! In posted placards you are called upon to lynch us,

we are accused falsely of sabotage and strikes, we are blamed for all

the woes and misfortunes that the people are suffering, although we

have been striving indefatigably and uninterruptedly, and are still

striving, to save the Russian people from the horrors of starvation.

Notwithstanding all that we are bearing as citizens of unhappy Russia,

we have not for one hour abandoned our heavy and responsible work of

supplying the Army and population with provisions.

“The image of the Army, cold and hungry, saving our very existence by

its blood and its tortures, does not leave us for a single moment.

“Citizens! If we have survived the blackest days in the life and

history of our people, if we have succeeded in preventing famine in

Petrograd, if we have managed to procure to the suffering army bread

and forage by means of enormous, almost superhuman, efforts, it is

because we have honestly continued and are still continuing to do our

work….

“To the ‘last warning’ of the usurpers of the power we reply: It is not

for you who are leading the country to ruin to threaten us who are

doing all we can not to allow the country to perish. We are not afraid

of threats; before us stands the sacred image of tortured Russia. We

will continue our work of supplying the Army and the people with bread

to our last efforts, so long as you will not prevent us from

accomplishing our duty to our country. In the contrary case the Army

and the people will stand before the horrors of famine, but the

responsibility therefor belongs to the perpetrators of violence.

_Executive Committee of the Employees of the Ministry of Supplies._

* * * * *

_To the_ Tchinovniki (_Government Officials_).

It is notified hereby, that all officials and persons who have quitted

the service in Government and public institutions or have been

dismissed for sabotage or for having failed to report for work on the

day fixed, and who have nevertheless received their salary paid in

advance for the time they have not served, are bound to return such

salary not later than on November 27th, 1917, to those institutions

where they were in service.

In the event of this not being done, these persons will be rendered

answerable for stealing the Treasury’s property and tried by the

Military Revolutionary Court.

_The Military-Revolutionary Committee._

December 7th, 1917.

* * * * *

_From the Special Board for the Supplies_ CITIZENS

“The conditions of our work for the supplying of Petrograd are getting

more and more difficult every day.

“The interference with our work—which is so ruinous to our business—of

the Commissars of the Military Revolutionary Committee is still

continuing.

“THEIR ARBITRARY ACTS, their annulling of our orders, MAY LEAD TO A

CATASTROPHE.

“Seals have been affixed to one of the cold storages where the meat and

butter destined for the population are kept, and we cannot regulate the

temperature SO THAT THE PRODUCTS WOULD NOT BE SPOILT.

“One carload of potatoes and one carload of cabbages have been seized

and carried away no one knows where to.

“Cargoes which are not liable to requisition (_khalva_) are

requisitioned by the Commissars and, as was the case one day, five

boxes of _khalva_ were seized by the Commissar for his own use.

“WE ARE NOT IN A POSITION TO DISPOSE OF OUR STORAGES, where the

self-appointed Commissars do not allow the cargoes to be taken out, and

terrorise our employees, threatening them with arrest.

“ALL THAT IS GOING ON IN PETROGRAD IS KNOWN IN THE PROVINCES, AND FROM

THE DON, FROM SIBERIA, FROM VORONEZH AND OTHER PLACES PEOPLE ARE

REFUSING TO SEND FLOUR AND BREAD.

“THIS CANNOT GO ON MUCH LONGER.

“The work is simply falling out of our hands.

“OUR DUTY is to let the population know of this.

“To the last possibility we will remain on guard of the interests of

the population.

“WE WILL DO EVERYTHING TO AVOID THE ONCOMING FAMINE, BUT IF UNDER THESE

DIFFICULT CONDITIONS OUR WORK IS COMPELLED TO STOP, LET THE PEOPLE KNOW

THAT IT IS NOT OUR FAULT….”

15.

ELECTIONS TO THE CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY IN PETROGRAD

There were nineteen tickets in Petrograd. The results are as follows,

published November 30th:

_Party_ _Vote_

Populist Socialists 19,109

Cadets 245,006

Christian Democrats 3,707

Bolsheviki 424,027

Socialist Universalists 158

S. D. and S. R. Ukrainean and Jewish Workers 4,219

League of Women’s Rights 5,310

Socialist Revolutionaries (_oborontsi_) 4,696

Left Socialist Revolutionaries 152,230

League of the People’s Development 385

Radical Democrats 413

Orthodox Parishes 24,139

Feminine League for Salvation of Country 318

Independent League of Workers, Soldiers, Peasants 4,942

Christian Democrats (Catholic) 14,382

Unified Social Democrats 11,740

Mensheviki 17,427

_Yedinstvo_ group 1,823

League of Cossack Troops 6,712

16.

FROM THE COUNCIL OF PEOPLE’s COMMISSARS TO THE TOILING COSSACKS

_“Brothers-Cossacks._

“You are being deceived. You are being incited against the People. You

are told that the Soviets of Workers’, Soldiers’ and Peasants’ Deputies

are your enemies, that they want to take away your Cossack land, your

Cossack ‘liberty’. Don’t believe it, Cossacks…. Your own Generals and

landowners are deceiving you, in order to keep you in darkness and

slavery. We, the Council of People’s Commissars, address ourselves to

you, Cossacks, with these words. Read them attentively and judge

yourselves which is the truth and which is cruel deceit. The life and

service of a Cossack were always bondage and penal servitude. At the

first call of the authorities a Cossack always had to saddle his horse

and ride out on campaign. All his military equipment a Cossack had to

provide with his own hardly earned means. A Cossack is on service, his

farm is going to rack and ruin. Is such a condition fair? No, it must

be altered for ever. THE COSSACKS MUST BE FREED FROM BONDAGE. The new

People’s Soviet power is willing to come to the assistance of the

toiling Cossacks. It is only necessary that the Cossacks themselves

should resolve to abolish the old order, that they should refuse

submission to their slave-driver officers, land-owners, rich men, that

they should throw off the cursed yoke from their necks. Arise,

Cossacks! Unite! The Council of People’s Commissars calls upon you to

enter a new, fresh, more happy life.

“In November and December in Petrograd there were All-Russian

Congresses of Soviets of Soldiers’, Workers’, and Peasants’ Deputies.

These Congresses transferred all the authority in the different

localities into the hands of the Soviets, i.e., into the hands of men

elected by the People. From now on there must be in Russia no rulers or

functionaries who command the People from above and drive them. The

People create the authority themselves. A General has no more rights

than a soldier. All are equal. Consider, Cossacks, is this wrong or

right? We are calling upon you, Cossacks, to join this new order and to

create your own Soviets of Cossacks’ Deputies. To such Soviets all the

power must belong in the different localities. Not to _hetmans_ with

the rank of General, but to the elected representatives of the toiling

Cossacks, to your own trustworthy reliable men.

“The All-Russian Congresses of Soldiers’, Workers’, and Peasants’

Deputies have passed a resolution to transfer all landowners’ land into

the possession of the toiling people. Is not that fair, Cossacks? The

Kornilovs, Kaledins, Dutovs, Karaulovs, Bardizhes, all defend with

their whole souls the interests of the rich men, and they are ready to

drown Russia in blood if only the lands remain in the hands of the

landowners. But you, the toiling Cossacks, do not you suffer yourselves

from poverty, oppression and lack of land? How many Cossacks are there

who have more than 4-5 _dessiatins_ per head? But the landowners, who

have thousands of _dessiatins_ of their own land, wish besides to get

into their hands the lands of the Cossack Army. According to the new

Soviet laws, the lands of Cossack landowners must pass without

compensation into the hands of the Cossack workers, the poorer

Cossacks. You are being told that the Soviets wish to take away your

lands from you. Who is frightening you? The rich Cossacks, who know

that the Soviet AUTHORITY WISHES TO transfer the landowners’ lands to

you. Choose then, Cossacks, for whom will you stand: for the Kornilovs

and Kaledins, for the Generals and rich men, or for the Soviets of

Peasants’, Soldiers’, Workers’ and Cossacks’ Deputies.

“THE COUNCIL OF PEOPLE’s COMMISSARS elected by the All-Russian Congress

HAS PROPOSED TO ALL NATIONS AN IMMEDIATE ARMISTICE AND AN HONOURABLE

DEMOCRATIC PEACE WITHOUT LOSS OR DETRIMENT TO ANY NATION. All the

capitalists, landowners, Generals-Kornilovists have risen against the

peaceful policy of the Soviets. The war was bringing them profits,

power, distinctions. And to you, Cossack privates? You were perishing

without reason, without purpose, like your brothers-soldiers and

sailors. It will soon be three years and a half that this accursed war

has gone on, a war devised by the capitalists and landowners of all

countries for their own profit, their world robberies. To the toiling

Cossacks the war has only brought ruin and death. The war has drained

all the resources from Cossack farm life. The only salvation for the

whole of our country and for the Cossacks in particular is a prompt and

honest peace. The Council of People’s Commissars has declared to all

Governments and peoples: We do not want other people’s property, and we

do not wish to give away our own. Peace without annexations and without

indemnities. Every nation must decide its own fate. There must be no

oppressing of one nation by another. Such is the honest, democratic,

People’s peace which the Council of People’s Commissars is proposing to

all Governments, to all peoples, allies and enemies. And the results

are visible: ON THE RUSSIAN FRONT AN ARMISTICE HAS BEEN CONCLUDED.

“The soldier’s and the Cossack’s blood is not flowing there any more.

Now, Cossacks, decide: do you wish to continue this ruinous, senseless,

criminal slaughter? Then support the Cadets, the enemies of the people,

support Tchernov, Tseretelli, Skobeliev, who drove you into the

offensive of July 1st; support Kornilov, who introduced capital

punishment for soldiers and Cossacks at the front. BUT IF YOU WISH A

PROMPT AND HONEST PEACE, THEN ENTER THE RANKS OF THE SOVIETS AND

SUPPORT THE COUNCIL OF PEOPLE’s COMMISSARS.

“Your fate, Cossacks, lies in your own hands. Our common foes, the

landowners, capitalists, officers-Kornilovists, bourgeois newspapers,

are deceiving you and driving you along the road to ruin. In Orenburg,

Dutov has arrested the Soviet and disarmed the garrison. Kaledin is

threatening the Soviets in the province of the Don. He has declared the

province to be in a state of war and is assembling his troops. Karaulov

is shooting the local tribes in the Caucasus. The Cadet bourgeoisie is

supplying them with its millions. Their common aim is to suppress the

People’s Soviets, to crush the workers and peasants, to introduce again

the discipline of the whip in the army, and to eternalise the bondage

of the toiling Cossacks.

“Our revolutionary troops are moving to the Don and the Ural in order

to put an end to this criminal revolt against the people. The

commanders of the revolutionary troops have received orders not to

enter into any negotiations with the mutinous Generals, to act

decisively and mercilessly.

“Cossacks! On you depends now whether your brothers’ blood is to flow

still. We are holding out our hand to you. Join the whole people

against its enemies. Declare Kaledin, Kornilov, Dutov, Karaulov and all

their aiders and abettors to be the enemies of the people, traitors and

betrayers. Arrest them with your own forces and turn them over into the

hands of the Soviet authority, which will judge them in open and public

Revolutionary Tribunal. Cossacks! Form Soviets of Cossacks’ Deputies.

Take into your toil-worn hands the management of all the affairs of the

Cossacks. Take away the lands of your own wealthy landowners. Take over

their grain, their inventoried property and live-stock for the

cultivation of the lands of the toiling Cossacks, who are ruined by the

war.

“Forward, Cossacks, to the fight for the common cause of the people!

“Long live the toiling Cossacks!

“Long live the union of the Cossacks, the soldiers, peasants and

workers!

“Long live the power of the Soviets of Cossacks’, Soldiers’, Workers’

and Peasants’ Deputies.

“Down with the war! Down with the landowners and the

Kornilovist-Generals!

“Long live Peace and the Brotherhood of peoples!”

_Council of People’s Commissars._

17.

FROM THE COMMISSION ON PUBLIC EDUCATION ATTACHED TO THE CENTRAL CITY

DUMA

“Comrades Workingmen and Workingwomen!

“A few days before the holidays, a strike has been declared by the

teachers of the public schools. The teachers side with the bourgeoisie

against the Workers’ and Peasants’ Government.

“Comrades, organise parents’ committees and pass resolutions against

the strike of the teachers. Propose to the Ward Soviets of Workers’ and

Soldiers’ Deputies, the Trade Unions, the Factory-Shop and Party

Committees, to organise protest meetings. Arrange with your own

resources Christmas trees and entertainments for the children, and

demand the opening of the schools, after the holidays, at the date

which will be set by the Duma.

“Comrades, strengthen your position in matters of public education,

insist on the control of the proletarian organisations over the

schools.”

_Commission on Public Education attached to the Central City Duma._

18.

DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE OF THE SOVIET GOVERNMENT

The notes issued by Trotzky to the Allies and to the neutral powers, as

well as the note of the Allied military Attachés to General Dukhonin,

are too voluminous to give here. Moreover they belong to another phase

of the history of the Soviet Republic, with which this book has nothing

to do—the foreign relations of the Soviet Government. This I treat at

length in the next volume, “Kornilov to Brest-Litovsk.”

19.

APPEALS TO THE FRONT AGAINST DUKHONIN

“… The struggle for peace has met with the resistance of the

bourgeoisie and the counter-revolutionary Generals…. From the accounts

in the newspapers, at the _Stavka_ of former Supreme Commander Dukhonin

are gathering the agents and allies of the bourgeoisie, Verkhovski,

Avksentiev, Tchernov, Gotz, Tseretelli, etc. It seems even that they

want to form a new power against the Soviets.

“Comrades soldiers! All the persons we have mentioned have been

Ministers already. They have acted in accord with Kerensky and the

bourgeoisie. They are responsible for the offensive of July 1st and for

the prolongation of the war. They promised the land to the peasants and

then arrested the Land Committees. They reestablished capital

punishment for soldiers. They obey the orders of French, English and

American financiers….

“General Dukhonin, for having refused to obey orders of the Council of

People’s Commissars, has been dismissed from his position as Supreme

Commander…. For answer he is circulating among the troops the note from

the Military Attachés of the Allied imperialist Powers, and attempting

to provoke a counter-revolution….

“Do not obey Dukhonin! Pay no attention to his provocation! Watch him

and his group of counter-revolutionary Generals carefully….”

20.

FROM KRYLENKO

_Order Number Two_

“… The ex-Supreme Commander, General Dukhonin, for having opposed

resistance to the execution of orders, for criminal action susceptible

of provoking a new civil war, is declared enemy of the People. All

persons who support Dukhonin will be arrested, without respect to their

social or political position or their past. Persons equipped with

special authority will operate these arrests. I charge General

Manikhovsky with the execution of the above-mentioned dispositions….”

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XII

INSTRUCTION TO PEASANTS

In answer to the numerous enquiries coming from peasants, it is hereby

explained that the whole power in the country is from now on held by

the Soviets of the Workers’, Soldiers’, and Peasants’ Deputies. The

Workers’ Revolution, after having conquered in Petrograd and in Moscow,

is now conquering in all other centres of Russia. The Workers’ and

Peasants’ Government safeguards the interests of the masses of

peasantry, the poorest of them; it is with the majority of peasants and

workers against the landowners, and against the capitalists.

Hence the Soviets of Peasants’ Deputies, and before all the District

Soviets, and subsequently those of the Provinces, are from now on and

until the Constituent Assembly meets, full-powered bodies of State

authority in their localities. All landlords’ titles to the land are

cancelled by the second All-Russian Congress of Soviets. A decree

regarding the land has already been issued by the present Provisional

Workers’ and Peasants’ Government. On the basis of the above decree all

lands hitherto belonging to landlords now pass entirely and wholly into

the hands of the Soviets of Peasants’ Deputies. The _Volost_ (a group

of several villages forms a _Volost_) Land Committees are immediately

to take over all land from the landlords, and to keep a strict account

over it, watching that order be maintained, and that the whole estate

be well guarded, seeing that from now on all private estates become

public property and must therefore be protected by the people

themselves.

All orders given by the _Volost_ Land Committees, adopted with the

assent of the District Soviets of Peasants’ Deputies, in fulfilment of

the decrees issued by the revolutionary power, are absolutely legal and

are to be forthwith and irrefutably brought into execution.

The Workers’ and Peasants’ Government appointed by the second

All-Russian Congress of Soviets has received the name of the Council of

People’s Commissars.

The Council of People’s Commissars summons the Peasants to take the

whole power into their hands in every locality.

The workers will in every way absolutely and entirely support the

peasants, arrange for them all that is required in connection with

machines and tools, and in return they request the peasants to help

with the transport of grain.

_President of the Council of People’s Commissars,_ V. ULIANOV (LENIN).

Petrograd, November 18th, 1917.

The full-powered Congress of Peasants’ Soviets met about a week later,

and continued for several weeks. Its history is merely an expanded

version of the history of the “Extraordinary Conference.” At first the

great majority of the delegates were hostile to the Soviet Government,

and supported the reactionary wing. Several days later the assembly was

supporting the moderates with Tchernov. And several days after that the

vast majority of the Congress were voting for the faction of Maria

Spiridonova, and sending their representatives into the _Tsay-ee-kah_

at Smolny…. The Right Wing then walked out of the Congress and called a

Congress of its own, which went on, dwindling from day to day, until it

finally dissolved….

“From this moment all power belongs to the Soviets. The Commissars of