When Petrarch first gratified his eyes with a view of those monuments,

whose scattered fragments so far surpass the most eloquent descriptions,

he was astonished at the supine indifference [65] of the Romans

themselves; [66] he was humbled rather than elated by the discovery,

that, except his friend Rienzi, and one of the Colonna, a stranger of

the RhÙne was more conversant with these antiquities than the nobles and

natives of the metropolis. [67] The ignorance and credulity of the

Romans are elaborately displayed in the old survey of the city which

was composed about the beginning of the thirteenth century; and, without

dwelling on the manifold errors of name and place, the legend of the

Capitol [68] may provoke a smile of contempt and indignation. "The

Capitol," says the anonymous writer, "is so named as being the head

of the world; where the consuls and senators formerly resided for the

government of the city and the globe. The strong and lofty walls were

covered with glass and gold, and crowned with a roof of the richest and

most curious carving. Below the citadel stood a palace, of gold for the

greatest part, decorated with precious stones, and whose value might

be esteemed at one third of the world itself. The statues of all the

provinces were arranged in order, each with a small bell suspended from

its neck; and such was the contrivance of art magic, [69] that if the

province rebelled against Rome, the statue turned round to that quarter

of the heavens, the bell rang, the prophet of the Capitol repeated

the prodigy, and the senate was admonished of the impending danger." A

second example, of less importance, though of equal absurdity, may be

drawn from the two marble horses, led by two naked youths, who have

since been transported from the baths of Constantine to the Quirinal

hill. The groundless application of the names of Phidias and Praxiteles

may perhaps be excused; but these Grecian sculptors should not have been

removed above four hundred years from the age of Pericles to that of

Tiberius; they should not have been transferred into two philosophers

or magicians, whose nakedness was the symbol of truth or knowledge, who

revealed to the emperor his most secret actions; and, after refusing

all pecuniary recompense, solicited the honor of leaving this eternal

monument of themselves. [70] Thus awake to the power of magic, the Romans

were insensible to the beauties of art: no more than five statues were

visible to the eyes of Poggius; and of the multitudes which chance or

design had buried under the ruins, the resurrection was fortunately

delayed till a safer and more enlightened age. [71] The Nile which now

adorns the Vatican, had been explored by some laborers in digging a

vineyard near the temple, or convent, of the Minerva; but the impatient

proprietor, who was tormented by some visits of curiosity, restored the

unprofitable marble to its former grave. [72] The discovery of a statue

of Pompey, ten feet in length, was the occasion of a lawsuit. It had

been found under a partition wall: the equitable judge had pronounced,

that the head should be separated from the body to satisfy the claims of

the contiguous owners; and the sentence would have been executed, if

the intercession of a cardinal, and the liberality of a pope, had not

rescued the Roman hero from the hands of his barbarous countrymen. [73]

[Footnote 65: Yet the statutes of Rome (l. iii. c. 81, p. 182) impose a

fine of 500 _aurei_ on whosoever shall demolish any ancient edifice, ne

ruinis civitas deformetur, et ut antiqua Êdificia decorem urbis perpetuo

representent.]

[Footnote 66: In his first visit to Rome (A.D. 1337. See MÈmoires sur

PÈtrarque, tom. i. p. 322, &c.) Petrarch is struck mute miraculo rerum

tantarum, et stuporis mole obrutus.... PrÊsentia vero, mirum dict˚ nihil

imminuit: vere major fuit Roma majoresque sunt reliquiÊ quam rebar. Jam

non orbem ab h‚c urbe domitum, sed tam sero domitum, miror, (Opp. p.

605, Familiares, ii. 14, Joanni ColumnÊ.)]

[Footnote 67: He excepts and praises the _rare_ knowledge of John

Colonna. Qui enim hodie magis ignari rerum Romanarum, quam Romani cives!

Invitus dico, nusquam minus Roma cognoscitur quam RomÊ.]

[Footnote 68: After the description of the Capitol, he adds, statuÊ

erant quot sunt mundi provinciÊ; et habebat quÊlibet tintinnabulum ad

collum. Et erant ita per magicam artem dispositÊ, ut quando aliqua regio

Romano Imperio rebellis erat, statim imago illius provinciÊ vertebat

se contra illam; unde tintinnabulum resonabat quod pendebat ad collum;

tuncque vates Capitolii qui erant custodes senatui, &c. He mentions an

example of the Saxons and Suevi, who, after they had been subdued by

Agrippa, again rebelled: tintinnabulum sonuit; sacerdos qui erat in

speculo in hebdomada senatoribus nuntiavit: Agrippa marched back and

reduced the--Persians, (Anonym. in Montfaucon, p. 297, 298.)]

[Footnote 69: The same writer affirms, that Virgil captus a Romanis

invisibiliter exiit, ivitque Neapolim. A Roman magician, in the xith

century, is introduced by William of Malmsbury, (de Gestis Regum

Anglorum, l. ii. p. 86;) and in the time of Flaminius Vacca (No. 81,

103) it was the vulgar belief that the strangers (the _Goths_) invoked

the dÊmons for the discovery of hidden treasures.]

[Footnote 70: Anonym. p. 289. Montfaucon (p. 191) justly observes, that

if Alexander be represented, these statues cannot be the work of Phidias

(Olympiad lxxxiii.) or Praxiteles, (Olympiad civ.,) who lived before

that conqueror (Plin. Hist. Natur. xxxiv. 19.)]

[Footnote 71: William of Malmsbury (l. ii. p. 86, 87) relates a

marvellous discovery (A.D. 1046) of Pallas the son of Evander, who had

been slain by Turnus; the perpetual light in his sepulchre, a Latin

epitaph, the corpse, yet entire, of a young giant, the enormous wound

in his breast, (pectus perforat ingens,) &c. If this fable rests on the

slightest foundation, we may pity the bodies, as well as the statues,

that were exposed to the air in a barbarous age.]

[Footnote 72: Prope porticum MinervÊ, statua est recubantis, cujus caput

integr‚ effigie tantÊ magnitudinis, ut signa omnia excedat. Quidam ad

plantandas arbores scrobes faciens detexit. Ad hoc visendum cum plures

in dies magis concurrerent, strepitum adeuentium fastidiumque pertÊsus,

horti patronus congest‚ humo texit, (Poggius de Varietate FortunÊ, p.

12.)]

[Footnote 73: See the Memorials of Flaminius Vacca, No. 57, p. 11, 12,

at the end of the Roma Antica of Nardini, (1704, in 4to.)]

But the clouds of barbarism were gradually dispelled; and the peaceful

authority of Martin the Fifth and his successors restored the ornaments

of the city as well as the order of the ecclesiastical state. The

improvements of Rome, since the fifteenth century, have not been the

spontaneous produce of freedom and industry. The first and most natural

root of a great city is the labor and populousness of the adjacent

country, which supplies the materials of subsistence, of manufactures,

and of foreign trade. But the greater part of the Campagna of Rome is

reduced to a dreary and desolate wilderness: the overgrown estates of

the princes and the clergy are cultivated by the lazy hands of indigent

and hopeless vassals; and the scanty harvests are confined or exported

for the benefit of a monopoly. A second and more artificial cause of the

growth of a metropolis is the residence of a monarch, the expense of

a luxurious court, and the tributes of dependent provinces. Those

provinces and tributes had been lost in the fall of the empire; and

if some streams of the silver of Peru and the gold of Brazil have been

attracted by the Vatican, the revenues of the cardinals, the fees

of office, the oblations of pilgrims and clients, and the remnant

of ecclesiastical taxes, afford a poor and precarious supply, which

maintains, however, the idleness of the court and city. The population

of Rome, far below the measure of the great capitals of Europe, does not

exceed one hundred and seventy thousand inhabitants; [74] and within the

spacious enclosure of the walls, the largest portion of the seven hills

is overspread with vineyards and ruins. The beauty and splendor of the

modern city may be ascribed to the abuses of the government, to the

influence of superstition. Each reign (the exceptions are rare) has been

marked by the rapid elevation of a new family, enriched by the childish

pontiff at the expense of the church and country. The palaces of

these fortunate nephews are the most costly monuments of elegance and

servitude: the perfect arts of architecture, sculpture, and painting,

have been prostituted in their service; and their galleries and gardens

are decorated with the most precious works of antiquity, which taste or

vanity has prompted them to collect. The ecclesiastical revenues were

more decently employed by the popes themselves in the pomp of the

Catholic worship; but it is superfluous to enumerate their pious

foundations of altars, chapels, and churches, since these lesser stars

are eclipsed by the sun of the Vatican, by the dome of St. Peter,

the most glorious structure that ever has been applied to the use of

religion. The fame of Julius the Second, Leo the Tenth, and Sixtus the

Fifth, is accompanied by the superior merit of Bramante and Fontana,

of Raphael and Michael Angelo; and the same munificence which had been

displayed in palaces and temples was directed with equal zeal to revive

and emulate the labors of antiquity. Prostrate obelisks were raised from

the ground, and erected in the most conspicuous places; of the eleven

aqueducts of the CÊsars and consuls, three were restored; the artificial

rivers were conducted over a long series of old, or of new arches,

to discharge into marble basins a flood of salubrious and refreshing

waters: and the spectator, impatient to ascend the steps of St. Peter's,

is detained by a column of Egyptian granite, which rises between two

lofty and perpetual fountains, to the height of one hundred and twenty

feet. The map, the description, the monuments of ancient Rome, have been

elucidated by the diligence of the antiquarian and the student: [75] and

the footsteps of heroes, the relics, not of superstition, but of empire,

are devoutly visited by a new race of pilgrims from the remote, and once

savage countries of the North.

[Footnote 74: In the year 1709, the inhabitants of Rome (without

including eight or ten thousand Jews,) amounted to 138,568 souls, (Labat

Voyages en Espagne et en Italie, tom. iii. p. 217, 218.) In 1740, they

had increased to 146,080; and in 1765, I left them, without the

Jews 161,899. I am ignorant whether they have since continued in a

progressive state.]

[Footnote 75: The PËre Montfaucon distributes his own observations into

twenty days; he should have styled them weeks, or months, of his visits

to the different parts of the city, (Diarium Italicum, c. 8--20, p.

104--301.) That learned Benedictine reviews the topographers of ancient

Rome; the first efforts of Blondus, Fulvius, Martianus, and Faunus, the

superior labors of Pyrrhus Ligorius, had his learning been equal to his

labors; the writings of Onuphrius Panvinius, qui omnes obscuravit, and

the recent but imperfect books of Donatus and Nardini. Yet Montfaucon

still sighs for a more complete plan and description of the old

city, which must be attained by the three following methods: 1. The

measurement of the space and intervals of the ruins. 2. The study of

inscriptions, and the places where they were found. 3. The investigation

of all the acts, charters, diaries of the middle ages, which name

any spot or building of Rome. The laborious work, such as Montfaucon

desired, must be promoted by princely or public munificence: but

the great modern plan of Nolli (A.D. 1748) would furnish a solid and

accurate basis for the ancient topography of Rome.]

Of these pilgrims, and of every reader, the attention will be excited

by a History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire; the greatest,

perhaps, and most awful scene in the history of mankind. The various

causes and progressive effects are connected with many of the events

most interesting in human annals: the artful policy of the CÊsars, who

long maintained the name and image of a free republic; the disorders of

military despotism; the rise, establishment, and sects of Christianity;

the foundation of Constantinople; the division of the monarchy; the

invasion and settlements of the Barbarians of Germany and Scythia; the

institutions of the civil law; the character and religion of Mahomet;

the temporal sovereignty of the popes; the restoration and decay of the

Western empire of Charlemagne; the crusades of the Latins in the East:

the conquests of the Saracens and Turks; the ruin of the Greek empire;

the state and revolutions of Rome in the middle age. The historian

may applaud the importance and variety of his subject; but while he is

conscious of his own imperfections, he must often accuse the deficiency

of his materials. It was among the ruins of the Capitol that I first

conceived the idea of a work which has amused and exercised near twenty

years of my life, and which, however inadequate to my own wishes, I

finally deliver to the curiosity and candor of the public.

Lausanne, June 27 1787

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