if it were voluntary, Christ was a suicide; which the emperor parries
with a mystery. They then dispute on the conception of the Virgin,
the sense of the prophecies, &c., (Phranzes, l. ii. c. 12, a whole
chapter.)]
The Roman pontiff had fought and conquered in the cause of
ecclesiastical freedom; but the victorious clergy were soon exposed
to the tyranny of their deliverer; and his sacred character was
invulnerable to those arms which they found so keen and effectual
against the civil magistrate. Their great charter, the right of
election, was annihilated by appeals, evaded by trusts or commendams,
disappointed by reversionary grants, and superseded by previous and
arbitrary reservations. [36] A public auction was instituted in the court
of Rome: the cardinals and favorites were enriched with the spoils of
nations; and every country might complain that the most important
and valuable benefices were accumulated on the heads of aliens and
absentees. During their residence at Avignon, the ambition of the
popes subsided in the meaner passions of avarice [37] and luxury: they
rigorously imposed on the clergy the tributes of first-fruits and
tenths; but they freely tolerated the impunity of vice, disorder, and
corruption. These manifold scandals were aggravated by the great schism
of the West, which continued above fifty years. In the furious conflicts
of Rome and Avignon, the vices of the rivals were mutually exposed;
and their precarious situation degraded their authority, relaxed their
discipline, and multiplied their wants and exactions. To heal the
wounds, and restore the monarchy, of the church, the synods of Pisa and
Constance [38] were successively convened; but these great assemblies,
conscious of their strength, resolved to vindicate the privileges of the
Christian aristocracy. From a personal sentence against two pontiffs,
whom they rejected, and a third, their acknowledged sovereign, whom they
deposed, the fathers of Constance proceeded to examine the nature and
limits of the Roman supremacy; nor did they separate till they had
established the authority, above the pope, of a general council. It was
enacted, that, for the government and reformation of the church, such
assemblies should be held at regular intervals; and that each synod,
before its dissolution, should appoint the time and place of the
subsequent meeting. By the influence of the court of Rome, the next
convocation at Sienna was easily eluded; but the bold and vigorous
proceedings of the council of Basil [39] had almost been fatal to the
reigning pontiff, Eugenius the Fourth. A just suspicion of his design
prompted the fathers to hasten the promulgation of their first decree,
that the representatives of the church-militant on earth were invested
with a divine and spiritual jurisdiction over all Christians, without
excepting the pope; and that a general council could not be dissolved,
prorogued, or transferred, unless by their free deliberation and
consent. On the notice that Eugenius had fulminated a bull for that
purpose, they ventured to summon, to admonish, to threaten, to censure
the contumacious successor of St. Peter. After many delays, to allow
time for repentance, they finally declared, that, unless he submitted
within the term of sixty days, he was suspended from the exercise of all
temporal and ecclesiastical authority. And to mark their jurisdiction
over the prince as well as the priest, they assumed the government of
Avignon, annulled the alienation of the sacred patrimony, and protected
Rome from the imposition of new taxes. Their boldness was justified, not
only by the general opinion of the clergy, but by the support and power
of the first monarchs of Christendom: the emperor Sigismond declared
himself the servant and protector of the synod; Germany and France
adhered to their cause; the duke of Milan was the enemy of Eugenius; and
he was driven from the Vatican by an insurrection of the Roman people.
Rejected at the same time by temporal and spiritual subjects, submission
was his only choice: by a most humiliating bull, the pope repealed his
own acts, and ratified those of the council; incorporated his legates
and cardinals with that venerable body; and _seemed_ to resign himself
to the decrees of the supreme legislature. Their fame pervaded the
countries of the East: and it was in their presence that Sigismond
received the ambassadors of the Turkish sultan, [40] who laid at his feet
twelve large vases, filled with robes of silk and pieces of gold. The
fathers of Basil aspired to the glory of reducing the Greeks, as well as
the Bohemians, within the pale of the church; and their deputies invited
the emperor and patriarch of Constantinople to unite with an assembly
which possessed the confidence of the Western nations. PalÊologus was
not averse to the proposal; and his ambassadors were introduced with due
honors into the Catholic senate. But the choice of the place appeared
to be an insuperable obstacle, since he refused to pass the Alps, or
the sea of Sicily, and positively required that the synod should be
adjourned to some convenient city in Italy, or at least on the Danube.
The other articles of this treaty were more readily stipulated: it was
agreed to defray the travelling expenses of the emperor, with a train of
seven hundred persons, [41] to remit an immediate sum of eight thousand
ducats [42] for the accommodation of the Greek clergy; and in his absence
to grant a supply of ten thousand ducats, with three hundred archers and
some galleys, for the protection of Constantinople. The city of Avignon
advanced the funds for the preliminary expenses; and the embarkation was
prepared at Marseilles with some difficulty and delay.
[Footnote 36: In the treatise delle Materie Beneficiarie of Fra Paolo,
(in the ivth volume of the last, and best, edition of his works,) the
papal system is deeply studied and freely described. Should Rome and
her religion be annihilated, this golden volume may still survive, a
philosophical history, and a salutary warning.]
[Footnote 37: Pope John XXII. (in 1334) left behind him, at Avignon,
eighteen millions of gold florins, and the value of seven millions more
in plate and jewels. See the Chronicle of John Villani, (l. xi. c. 20,
in Muratori's Collection, tom. xiii. p. 765,) whose brother received the
account from the papal treasurers. A treasure of six or eight millions
sterling in the xivth century is enormous, and almost incredible.]
[Footnote 38: A learned and liberal Protestant, M. Lenfant, has given
a fair history of the councils of Pisa, Constance, and Basil, in six
volumes in quarto; but the last part is the most hasty and imperfect,
except in the account of the troubles of Bohemia.]
[Footnote 39: The original acts or minutes of the council of Basil are
preserved in the public library, in twelve volumes in folio. Basil was a
free city, conveniently situate on the Rhine, and guarded by the arms
of the neighboring and confederate Swiss. In 1459, the university was
founded by Pope Pius II., (∆neas Sylvius,) who had been secretary to the
council. But what is a council, or a university, to the presses o Froben
and the studies of Erasmus?]
[Footnote 40: This Turkish embassy, attested only by Crantzius, is
related with some doubt by the annalist Spondanus, A.D. 1433, No. 25,
tom. i. p. 824.]
[Footnote 41: Syropulus, p. 19. In this list, the Greeks appear to
have exceeded the real numbers of the clergy and laity which afterwards
attended the emperor and patriarch, but which are not clearly specified
by the great ecclesiarch. The 75,000 florins which they asked in this
negotiation of the pope, (p. 9,) were more than they could hope or
want.]
[Footnote 42: I use indifferently the words _ducat_ and _florin_, which
derive their names, the former from the _dukes_ of Milan, the latter
from the republic of _Florence_. These gold pieces, the first that were
coined in Italy, perhaps in the Latin world, may be compared in weight
and value to one third of the English guinea.]
In his distress, the friendship of PalÊologus was disputed by the
ecclesiastical powers of the West; but the dexterous activity of a
monarch prevailed over the slow debates and inflexible temper of a
republic. The decrees of Basil continually tended to circumscribe the
despotism of the pope, and to erect a supreme and perpetual tribunal
in the church. Eugenius was impatient of the yoke; and the union of the
Greeks might afford a decent pretence for translating a rebellious synod
from the Rhine to the Po. The independence of the fathers was lost
if they passed the Alps: Savoy or Avignon, to which they acceded with
reluctance, were described at Constantinople as situate far beyond the
pillars of Hercules; [43] the emperor and his clergy were apprehensive
of the dangers of a long navigation; they were offended by a haughty
declaration, that after suppressing the _new_ heresy of the Bohemians,
the council would soon eradicate the _old_ heresy of the Greeks. [44] On
the side of Eugenius, all was smooth, and yielding, and respectful; and
he invited the Byzantine monarch to heal by his presence the schism of
the Latin, as well as of the Eastern, church. Ferrara, near the coast of
the Adriatic, was proposed for their amicable interview; and with some
indulgence of forgery and theft, a surreptitious decree was procured,
which transferred the synod, with its own consent, to that Italian city.
Nine galleys were equipped for the service at Venice, and in the Isle
of Candia; their diligence anticipated the slower vessels of Basil: the
Roman admiral was commissioned to burn, sink, and destroy; [45] and these
priestly squadrons might have encountered each other in the same seas
where Athens and Sparta had formerly contended for the preeminence of
glory. Assaulted by the importunity of the factions, who were ready to
fight for the possession of his person, PalÊologus hesitated before
he left his palace and country on a perilous experiment. His father's
advice still dwelt on his memory; and reason must suggest, that since
the Latins were divided among themselves, they could never unite in
a foreign cause. Sigismond dissuaded the unreasonable adventure; his
advice was impartial, since he adhered to the council; and it was
enforced by the strange belief, that the German CÊsar would nominate
a Greek his heir and successor in the empire of the West. [46] Even the
Turkish sultan was a counsellor whom it might be unsafe to trust, but
whom it was dangerous to offend. Amurath was unskilled in the disputes,
but he was apprehensive of the union, of the Christians. From his own
treasures, he offered to relieve the wants of the Byzantine court; yet
he declared with seeming magnanimity, that Constantinople should
be secure and inviolate, in the absence of her sovereign. [47] The
resolution of PalÊologus was decided by the most splendid gifts and the
most specious promises: he wished to escape for a while from a scene of
danger and distress and after dismissing with an ambiguous answer the
messengers of the council, he declared his intention of embarking in the
Roman galleys. The age of the patriarch Joseph was more susceptible of
fear than of hope; he trembled at the perils of the sea, and expressed
his apprehension, that his feeble voice, with thirty perhaps of his
orthodox brethren, would be oppressed in a foreign land by the power
and numbers of a Latin synod. He yielded to the royal mandate, to the
flattering assurance, that he would be heard as the oracle of nations,
and to the secret wish of learning from his brother of the West, to
deliver the church from the yoke of kings. [48] The five _cross-bearers_,
or dignitaries, of St. Sophia, were bound to attend his person; and one
of these, the great ecclesiarch or preacher, Sylvester Syropulus, [49]
has composed a free and curious history [50] of the _false_ union. [51]
Of the clergy that reluctantly obeyed the summons of the emperor and the
patriarch, submission was the first duty, and patience the most useful
virtue. In a chosen list of twenty bishops, we discover the metropolitan
titles of HeracleÊ and Cyzicus, Nice and Nicomedia, Ephesus and
Trebizond, and the personal merit of Mark and Bessarion who, in the
confidence of their learning and eloquence, were promoted to the
episcopal rank. Some monks and philosophers were named to display the
science and sanctity of the Greek church; and the service of the choir
was performed by a select band of singers and musicians. The patriarchs
of Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem, appeared by their genuine or
fictitious deputies; the primate of Russia represented a national
church, and the Greeks might contend with the Latins in the extent of
their spiritual empire. The precious vases of St. Sophia were exposed
to the winds and waves, that the patriarch might officiate with becoming
splendor: whatever gold the emperor could procure, was expended in the
massy ornaments of his bed and chariot; [52] and while they affected to
maintain the prosperity of their ancient fortune, they quarrelled for
the division of fifteen thousand ducats, the first alms of the Roman
pontiff. After the necessary preparations, John PalÊologus, with a
numerous train, accompanied by his brother Demetrius, and the most
respectable persons of the church and state, embarked in eight vessels
with sails and oars which steered through the Turkish Straits of
Gallipoli to the Archipelago, the Morea, and the Adriatic Gulf. [53]
[Footnote 43: At the end of the Latin version of Phranzes, we read a
long Greek epistle or declamation of George of Trebizond, who advises
the emperor to prefer Eugenius and Italy. He treats with contempt the
schismatic assembly of Basil, the Barbarians of Gaul and Germany, who
had conspired to transport the chair of St. Peter beyond the Alps; oi
aqlioi (says he) se kai thn meta sou sunodon exw tvn 'Hrakleiwn sthlwn
kai pera Gadhrwn exaxousi. Was Constantinople unprovided with a map?]
[Footnote 44: Syropulus (p. 26--31) attests his own indignation, and
that of his countrymen; and the Basil deputies, who excused the rash
declaration, could neither deny nor alter an act of the council.]
[Footnote 45: Condolmieri, the pope's nephew and admiral, expressly
declared, oti orismon eceipara tou Papa ina polemhsh opou an eurh ta
katerga thV Sunodou, kai ei dunhqh, katadush, kai ajanish. The naval
orders of the synod were less peremptory, and, till the hostile
squadrons appeared, both parties tried to conceal their quarrel from the
Greeks.]
[Footnote 46: Syropulus mentions the hopes of PalÊologus, (p. 36,) and
the last advice of Sigismond,(p. 57.) At Corfu, the Greek emperor was
informed of his friend's death; had he known it sooner, he would have
returned home,(p. 79.)]
[Footnote 47: Phranzes himself, though from different motives, was of
the advice of Amurath, (l. ii. c. 13.) Utinam ne synodus ista unquam
fuisset, si tantes offensiones et detrimenta paritura erat. This Turkish
embassy is likewise mentioned by Syropulus, (p. 58;) and Amurath kept
his word. He might threaten, (p. 125, 219,) but he never attacked, the
city.]
[Footnote 48: The reader will smile at the simplicity with which he
imparted these hopes to his favorites: toiauthn plhrojorian schsein
hlpize kai dia tou Papa eqarrei eleuqervdai thn ekklhsian apo thV
apoteqeishV autou douleiaV para tou basilewV, (p. 92.) Yet it would have
been difficult for him to have practised the lessons of Gregory VII.]
[Footnote 49: The Christian name of Sylvester is borrowed from the Latin
calendar. In modern Greek, pouloV, as a diminutive, is added to the end
of words: nor can any reasoning of Creyghton, the editor, excuse his
changing into S_gur_opulus, (Sguros, fuscus,) the Syropulus of his own
manuscript, whose name is subscribed with his own hand in the acts
of the council of Florence. Why might not the author be of Syrian
extraction?]
[Footnote 50: From the conclusion of the history, I should fix the date
to the year 1444, four years after the synod, when great ecclesiarch
had abdicated his office, (section xii. p. 330--350.) His passions were
cooled by time and retirement; and, although Syropulus is often partial,
he is never intemperate.]
[Footnote 51: _Vera historia unionis non ver inter GrÊcos et Latinos_,
(_Haga Comitis_, 1660, in folio,) was first published with a loose and
florid version, by Robert Creyghton, chaplain to Charles II. in his
exile. The zeal of the editor has prefixed a polemic title, for the
beginning of the original is wanting. Syropulus may be ranked with the
best of the Byzantine writers for the merit of his narration, and even
of his style; but he is excluded from the orthodox collections of the
councils.]
[Footnote 52: Syropulus (p. 63) simply expresses his intention in' outw
pompawn en' 'ItaloiV megaV basileuV par ekeinvn nomizoito; and the Latin
of Creyghton may afford a specimen of his florid paraphrase. Ut pomp‚
circumductus noster Imperator ItaliÊ populis aliquis deauratus Jupiter
crederetur, aut Crsus ex opulenta Lydia.]
[Footnote 53: Although I cannot stop to quote Syropulus for every fact,
I will observe that the navigation of the Greeks from Constantinople to
Venice and Ferrara is contained in the ivth section, (p. 67--100,) and
that the historian has the uncommon talent of placing each scene before
the reader's eye.]
Chapter LXVI: Union Of The Greek And Latin Churches.--Part III.
After a tedious and troublesome navigation of seventy-seven days,
this religious squadron cast anchor before Venice; and their reception
proclaimed the joy and magnificence of that powerful republic. In the
command of the world, the modest Augustus had never claimed such honors
from his subjects as were paid to his feeble successor by an independent
state. Seated on the poop on a lofty throne, he received the visit, or,
in the Greek style, the _adoration_ of the doge and senators. [54]
They sailed in the Bucentaur, which was accompanied by twelve stately
galleys: the sea was overspread with innumerable gondolas of pomp and
pleasure; the air resounded with music and acclamations; the mariners,
and even the vessels, were dressed in silk and gold; and in all the
emblems and pageants, the Roman eagles were blended with the lions of
St. Mark. The triumphal procession, ascending the great canal, passed
under the bridge of the Rialto; and the Eastern strangers gazed with
admiration on the palaces, the churches, and the populousness of a city,
that seems to float on the bosom of the waves. [55] They sighed to behold
the spoils and trophies with which it had been decorated after the sack
of Constantinople. After a hospitable entertainment of fifteen days,
PalÊologus pursued his journey by land and water from Venice to Ferrara;
and on this occasion the pride of the Vatican was tempered by policy
to indulge the ancient dignity of the emperor of the East. He made his
entry on a _black_ horse; but a milk-white steed, whose trappings were
embroidered with golden eagles, was led before him; and the canopy
was borne over his head by the princes of Este, the sons or kinsmen
of Nicholas, marquis of the city, and a sovereign more powerful than
himself. [56] PalÊologus did not alight till he reached the bottom of the
staircase: the pope advanced to the door of the apartment; refused his
proffered genuflection; and, after a paternal embrace, conducted the
emperor to a seat on his left hand. Nor would the patriarch descend from
his galley, till a ceremony almost equal, had been stipulated between
the bishops of Rome and Constantinople. The latter was saluted by his
brother with a kiss of union and charity; nor would any of the Greek
ecclesiastics submit to kiss the feet of the Western primate. On the
opening of the synod, the place of honor in the centre was claimed by
the temporal and ecclesiastical chiefs; and it was only by alleging that
his predecessors had not assisted in person at Nice or Chalcedon, that
Eugenius could evade the ancient precedents of Constantine and Marcian.
After much debate, it was agreed that the right and left sides of the
church should be occupied by the two nations; that the solitary chair
of St. Peter should be raised the first of the Latin line; and that the
throne of the Greek emperor, at the head of his clergy, should be equal
and opposite to the second place, the vacant seat of the emperor of the
West. [57]
[Footnote 54: At the time of the synod, Phranzes was in Peloponnesus:
but he received from the despot Demetrius a faithful account of the
honorable reception of the emperor and patriarch both at Venice and
Ferrara, (Dux.... sedentem Imperatorem _adorat_,) which are more
slightly mentioned by the Latins, (l. ii. c. 14, 15, 16.)]
[Footnote 55: The astonishment of a Greek prince and a French ambassador
(MÈmoires de Philippe de Comines, l. vii. c. 18,) at the sight of
Venice, abundantly proves that in the xvth century it was the first and
most splendid of the Christian cities. For the spoils of Constantinople
at Venice, see Syropulus, (p. 87.)]
[Footnote 56: Nicholas III. of Este reigned forty-eight years, (A.D.
1393--1441,) and was lord of Ferrara, Modena, Reggio, Parma, Rovigo,
and Commachio. See his Life in Muratori, (Antichit‡ Estense, tom. ii. p.
159--201.)]
[Footnote 57: The Latin vulgar was provoked to laughter at the strange
dresses of the Greeks, and especially the length of their garments,
their sleeves, and their beards; nor was the emperor distinguished,
except by the purple color, and his diadem or tiara, with a jewel on
the top, (Hody de GrÊcis Illustribus, p. 31.) Yet another spectator
confesses that the Greek fashion was piu grave e piu degna than the
Italian. (Vespasiano in Vit. Eugen. IV. in Muratori, tom. xxv. p. 261.)]