In the treaty with the empress Anne, the Ottoman prince had inserted

a singular condition, that it should be lawful for him to sell his

prisoners at Constantinople, or transport them into Asia. A naked crowd

of Christians of both sexes and every age, of priests and monks, of

matrons and virgins, was exposed in the public market; the whip was

frequently used to quicken the charity of redemption; and the indigent

Greeks deplored the fate of their brethren, who were led away to the

worst evils of temporal and spiritual bondage [50] Cantacuzene was

reduced to subscribe the same terms; and their execution must have been

still more pernicious to the empire: a body of ten thousand Turks had

been detached to the assistance of the empress Anne; but the entire

forces of Orchan were exerted in the service of his father. Yet these

calamities were of a transient nature; as soon as the storm had passed

away, the fugitives might return to their habitations; and at the

conclusion of the civil and foreign wars, Europe was completely

evacuated by the Moslems of Asia. It was in his last quarrel with his

pupil that Cantacuzene inflicted the deep and deadly wound, which could

never be healed by his successors, and which is poorly expiated by his

theological dialogues against the prophet Mahomet. Ignorant of their own

history, the modern Turks confound their first and their final passage

of the Hellespont, [51] and describe the son of Orchan as a nocturnal

robber, who, with eighty companions, explores by stratagem a hostile

and unknown shore. Soliman, at the head of ten thousand horse, was

transported in the vessels, and entertained as the friend, of the Greek

emperor. In the civil wars of Romania, he performed some service and

perpetrated more mischief; but the Chersonesus was insensibly filled

with a Turkish colony; and the Byzantine court solicited in vain the

restitution of the fortresses of Thrace. After some artful delays

between the Ottoman prince and his son, their ransom was valued at sixty

thousand crowns, and the first payment had been made when an earthquake

shook the walls and cities of the provinces; the dismantled places were

occupied by the Turks; and Gallipoli, the key of the Hellespont, was

rebuilt and repeopled by the policy of Soliman. The abdication of

Cantacuzene dissolved the feeble bands of domestic alliance; and his

last advice admonished his countrymen to decline a rash contest, and to

compare their own weakness with the numbers and valor, the discipline

and enthusiasm, of the Moslems. His prudent counsels were despised by

the headstrong vanity of youth, and soon justified by the victories

of the Ottomans. But as he practised in the field the exercise of the

_jerid_, Soliman was killed by a fall from his horse; and the aged

Orchan wept and expired on the tomb of his valiant son. [511]

[Footnote 50: The most lively and concise picture of this captivity

may be found in the history of Ducas, (c. 8,) who fairly describes what

Cantacuzene confesses with a guilty blush!]

[Footnote 51: In this passage, and the first conquests in Europe,

Cantemir (p. 27, &c.) gives a miserable idea of his Turkish guides; nor

am I much better satisfied with Chalcondyles, (l. i. p. 12, &c.)

They forget to consult the most authentic record, the ivth book

of Cantacuzene. I likewise regret the last books, which are still

manuscript, of Nicephorus Gregoras. * Note: Von Hammer excuses the

silence with which the Turkish historians

pass over the earlier intercourse of the Ottomans with the European

continent, of which he enumerates sixteen different occasions, as

if they disdained those peaceful incursions by which they gained

no conquest, and established no permanent footing on the Byzantine

territory. Of the romantic account of Soliman's first expedition, he

says, "As yet the prose of history had not asserted its right over

the poetry of tradition." This defence would scarcely be accepted as

satisfactory by the historian of the Decline and Fall.--M. (in Quarterly

Review, vol. xlix. p. 293.)]

[Footnote 511: In the 75th year of his age, the 35th of his reign. V.

Hammer. M.]

Chapter LXIV: Moguls, Ottoman Turks.--Part IV.

But the Greeks had not time to rejoice in the death of their enemies;

and the Turkish cimeter was wielded with the same spirit by Amurath the

First, the son of Orchan, and the brother of Soliman. By the pale and

fainting light of the Byzantine annals, [52] we can discern, that he

subdued without resistance the whole province of Romania or Thrace, from

the Hellespont to Mount HÊmus, and the verge of the capital; and that

Adrianople was chosen for the royal seat of his government and religion

in Europe. Constantinople, whose decline is almost coeval with her

foundation, had often, in the lapse of a thousand years, been assaulted

by the Barbarians of the East and West; but never till this fatal hour

had the Greeks been surrounded, both in Asia and Europe, by the arms

of the same hostile monarchy. Yet the prudence or generosity of Amurath

postponed for a while this easy conquest; and his pride was satisfied

with the frequent and humble attendance of the emperor John PalÊologus

and his four sons, who followed at his summons the court and camp of the

Ottoman prince. He marched against the Sclavonian nations between

the Danube and the Adriatic, the Bulgarians, Servians, Bosnians, and

Albanians; and these warlike tribes, who had so often insulted the

majesty of the empire, were repeatedly broken by his destructive

inroads. Their countries did not abound either in gold or silver;

nor were their rustic hamlets and townships enriched by commerce or

decorated by the arts of luxury. But the natives of the soil have been

distinguished in every age by their hardiness of mind and body; and

they were converted by a prudent institution into the firmest and most

faithful supporters of the Ottoman greatness. [53] The vizier of Amurath

reminded his sovereign that, according to the Mahometan law, he was

entitled to a fifth part of the spoil and captives; and that the

duty might easily be levied, if vigilant officers were stationed in

Gallipoli, to watch the passage, and to select for his use the stoutest

and most beautiful of the Christian youth. The advice was followed:

the edict was proclaimed; many thousands of the European captives were

educated in religion and arms; and the new militia was consecrated and

named by a celebrated dervis. Standing in the front of their ranks, he

stretched the sleeve of his gown over the head of the foremost soldier,

and his blessing was delivered in these words: "Let them be called

Janizaries, (_Yengi cheri_, or new soldiers;) may their countenance be

ever bright! their hand victorious! their sword keen! may their spear

always hang over the heads of their enemies! and wheresoever they go,

may they return with a _white face!_" [54] [541] Such was the origin of

these haughty troops, the terror of the nations, and sometimes of

the sultans themselves. Their valor has declined, their discipline is

relaxed, and their tumultuary array is incapable of contending with

the order and weapons of modern tactics; but at the time of their

institution, they possessed a decisive superiority in war; since

a regular body of infantry, in constant exercise and pay, was not

maintained by any of the princes of Christendom. The Janizaries fought

with the zeal of proselytes against their _idolatrous_ countrymen; and

in the battle of Cossova, the league and independence of the Sclavonian

tribes was finally crushed. As the conqueror walked over the field,

he observed that the greatest part of the slain consisted of beardless

youths; and listened to the flattering reply of his vizier, that age and

wisdom would have taught them not to oppose his irresistible arms. But

the sword of his Janizaries could not defend him from the dagger of

despair; a Servian soldier started from the crowd of dead bodies, and

Amurath was pierced in the belly with a mortal wound. [542] The grandson

of Othman was mild in his temper, modest in his apparel, and a lover

of learning and virtue; but the Moslems were scandalized at his absence

from public worship; and he was corrected by the firmness of the

mufti, who dared to reject his testimony in a civil cause: a mixture of

servitude and freedom not unfrequent in Oriental history. [55]

[Footnote 52: After the conclusion of Cantacuzene and Gregoras, there

follows a dark interval of a hundred years. George Phranza, Michael

Ducas, and Laonicus Chalcondyles, all three wrote after the taking of

Constantinople.]

[Footnote 53: See Cantemir, p. 37--41, with his own large and curious

annotations.]

[Footnote 54: _White_ and _black_ face are common and proverbial

expressions of praise and reproach in the Turkish language. Hic _niger_

est, hunc tu Romane caveto, was likewise a Latin sentence.]

[Footnote 541: According to Von Hammer. vol. i. p. 90, Gibbon and the

European writers assign too late a date to this enrolment of the

Janizaries. It took place not in the reign of Amurath, but in that of

his predecessor Orchan.--M.]

[Footnote 542: Ducas has related this as a deliberate act of self-devotion

on the part of a Servian noble who pretended to desert, and stabbed

Amurath during a conference which he had requested. The Italian

translator of Ducas, published by Bekker in the new edition of the

Byzantines, has still further heightened the romance. See likewise in

Von Hammer (Osmanische Geschichte, vol. i. p. 138) the popular Servian

account, which resembles that of Ducas, and may have been the source of

that of his Italian translator. The Turkish account agrees more nearly

with Gibbon; but the Servian, (Milosch Kohilovisch) while he lay

among the heap of the dead, pretended to have some secret to impart to

Amurath, and stabbed him while he leaned over to listen.--M.]

[Footnote 55: See the life and death of Morad, or Amurath I., in

Cantemir, (p 33--45,) the first book of Chalcondyles, and the Annales

Turcici of Leunclavius. According to another story, the sultan was

stabbed by a Croat in his tent; and this accident was alleged to

Busbequius (Epist i. p. 98) as an excuse for the unworthy precaution

of pinioning, as if were, between two attendants, an ambassador's arms,

when he is introduced to the royal presence.]

The character of Bajazet, the son and successor of Amurath, is strongly

expressed in his surname of _Ilderim_, or the lightning; and he might

glory in an epithet, which was drawn from the fiery energy of his soul

and the rapidity of his destructive march. In the fourteen years of his

reign, [56] he incessantly moved at the head of his armies, from

Boursa to Adrianople, from the Danube to the Euphrates; and, though he

strenuously labored for the propagation of the law, he invaded, with

impartial ambition, the Christian and Mahometan princes of Europe

and Asia. From Angora to Amasia and Erzeroum, the northern regions of

Anatolia were reduced to his obedience: he stripped of their hereditary

possessions his brother emirs of Ghermian and Caramania, of Aidin and

Sarukhan; and after the conquest of Iconium the ancient kingdom of the

Seljukians again revived in the Ottoman dynasty. Nor were the conquests

of Bajazet less rapid or important in Europe. No sooner had he imposed a

regular form of servitude on the Servians and Bulgarians, than he

passed the Danube to seek new enemies and new subjects in the heart

of Moldavia. [57] Whatever yet adhered to the Greek empire in Thrace,

Macedonia, and Thessaly, acknowledged a Turkish master: an obsequious

bishop led him through the gates of ThermopylÊ into Greece; and we may

observe, as a singular fact, that the widow of a Spanish chief, who

possessed the ancient seat of the oracle of Delphi, deserved his favor

by the sacrifice of a beauteous daughter. The Turkish communication

between Europe and Asia had been dangerous and doubtful, till he

stationed at Gallipoli a fleet of galleys, to command the Hellespont

and intercept the Latin succors of Constantinople. While the monarch

indulged his passions in a boundless range of injustice and cruelty, he

imposed on his soldiers the most rigid laws of modesty and abstinence;

and the harvest was peaceably reaped and sold within the precincts of

his camp. Provoked by the loose and corrupt administration of justice,

he collected in a house the judges and lawyers of his dominions, who

expected that in a few moments the fire would be kindled to reduce them

to ashes. His ministers trembled in silence: but an ∆thiopian buffoon

presumed to insinuate the true cause of the evil; and future venality

was left without excuse, by annexing an adequate salary to the office

of cadhi. [58] The humble title of emir was no longer suitable to the

Ottoman greatness; and Bajazet condescended to accept a patent of sultan

from the caliphs who served in Egypt under the yoke of the Mamalukes:

[59] a last and frivolous homage that was yielded by force to opinion; by

the Turkish conquerors to the house of Abbas and the successors of

the Arabian prophet. The ambition of the sultan was inflamed by the

obligation of deserving this august title; and he turned his arms

against the kingdom of Hungary, the perpetual theatre of the Turkish

victories and defeats. Sigismond, the Hungarian king, was the son and

brother of the emperors of the West: his cause was that of Europe and

the church; and, on the report of his danger, the bravest knights of

France and Germany were eager to march under his standard and that of

the cross. In the battle of Nicopolis, Bajazet defeated a confederate

army of a hundred thousand Christians, who had proudly boasted, that

if the sky should fall, they could uphold it on their lances. The

far greater part were slain or driven into the Danube; and Sigismond,

escaping to Constantinople by the river and the Black Sea, returned

after a long circuit to his exhausted kingdom. [60] In the pride of

victory, Bajazet threatened that he would besiege Buda; that he would

subdue the adjacent countries of Germany and Italy, and that he would

feed his horse with a bushel of oats on the altar of St. Peter at Rome.

His progress was checked, not by the miraculous interposition of the

apostle, not by a crusade of the Christian powers, but by a long and

painful fit of the gout. The disorders of the moral, are sometimes

corrected by those of the physical, world; and an acrimonious humor

falling on a single fibre of one man, may prevent or suspend the misery

of nations.

[Footnote 56: The reign of Bajazet I., or Ilderim Bayazid, is contained

in Cantemir, (p. 46,) the iid book of Chalcondyles, and the Annales

Turcici. The surname of Ilderim, or lightning, is an example, that the

conquerors and poets of every age have _felt_ the truth of a system

which derives the sublime from the principle of terror.]

[Footnote 57: Cantemir, who celebrates the victories of the great

Stephen over the Turks, (p. 47,) had composed the ancient and modern

state of his principality of Moldavia, which has been long promised, and

is still unpublished.]

[Footnote 58: Leunclav. Annal. Turcici, p. 318, 319. The venality of the

cadhis has long been an object of scandal and satire; and if we distrust

the observations of our travellers, we may consult the feeling of the

Turks themselves, (D'Herbelot, Bibliot. Orientale, p. 216, 217, 229,

230.)]

[Footnote 59: The fact, which is attested by the Arabic history of Ben

Schounah, a contemporary Syrian, (De Guignes Hist. des Huns. tom. iv. p.

336.) destroys the testimony of Saad Effendi and Cantemir, (p. 14, 15,)

of the election of Othman to the dignity of sultan.]

[Footnote 60: See the Decades Rerum Hungaricarum (Dec. iii. l. ii. p.

379) of Bonfinius, an Italian, who, in the xvth century, was invited

into Hungary to compose an eloquent history of that kingdom. Yet, if it

be extant and accessible, I should give the preference to some homely

chronicle of the time and country.]

Such is the general idea of the Hungarian war; but the disastrous

adventure of the French has procured us some memorials which illustrate

the victory and character of Bajazet. [61] The duke of Burgundy,

sovereign of Flanders, and uncle of Charles the Sixth, yielded to the

ardor of his son, John count of Nevers; and the fearless youth was

accompanied by four princes, his _cousins_, and those of the French

monarch. Their inexperience was guided by the Sire de Coucy, one of the

best and oldest captain of Christendom; [62] but the constable, admiral,

and marshal of France [63] commanded an army which did not exceed the

number of a thousand knights and squires. [631] These splendid names were

the source of presumption and the bane of discipline. So many might

aspire to command, that none were willing to obey; their national spirit

despised both their enemies and their allies; and in the persuasion that

Bajazet _would_ fly, or _must_ fall, they began to compute how soon they

should visit Constantinople and deliver the holy sepulchre. When their

scouts announced the approach of the Turks, the gay and thoughtless

youths were at table, already heated with wine; they instantly clasped

their armor, mounted their horses, rode full speed to the vanguard,

and resented as an affront the advice of Sigismond, which would have

deprived them of the right and honor of the foremost attack. The battle

of Nicopolis would not have been lost, if the French would have obeyed

the prudence of the Hungarians; but it might have been gloriously won,

had the Hungarians imitated the valor of the French. They dispersed

the first line, consisting of the troops of Asia; forced a rampart

of stakes, which had been planted against the cavalry; broke, after

a bloody conflict, the Janizaries themselves; and were at length

overwhelmed by the numerous squadrons that issued from the woods, and

charged on all sides this handful of intrepid warriors. In the speed

and secrecy of his march, in the order and evolutions of the battle, his

enemies felt and admired the military talents of Bajazet. They accuse

his cruelty in the use of victory. After reserving the count of Nevers,

and four-and-twenty lords, [632] whose birth and riches were attested by

his Latin interpreters, the remainder of the French captives, who had

survived the slaughter of the day, were led before his throne; and, as

they refused to abjure their faith, were successively beheaded in

his presence. The sultan was exasperated by the loss of his bravest

Janizaries; and if it be true, that, on the eve of the engagement, the

French had massacred their Turkish prisoners, [64] they might impute to

themselves the consequences of a just retaliation. [641] A knight, whose

life had been spared, was permitted to return to Paris, that he

might relate the deplorable tale, and solicit the ransom of the noble

captives. In the mean while, the count of Nevers, with the princes and

barons of France, were dragged along in the marches of the Turkish camp,

exposed as a grateful trophy to the Moslems of Europe and Asia, and

strictly confined at Boursa, as often as Bajazet resided in his capital.

The sultan was pressed each day to expiate with their blood the blood of

his martyrs; but he had pronounced that they should live, and either for

mercy or destruction his word was irrevocable. He was assured of their

value and importance by the return of the messenger, and the gifts and

intercessions of the kings of France and of Cyprus. Lusignan presented

him with a gold saltcellar of curious workmanship, and of the price

of ten thousand ducats; and Charles the Sixth despatched by the way of

Hungary a cast of Norwegian hawks, and six horse-loads of scarlet cloth,

of fine linen of Rheims, and of Arras tapestry, representing the battles

of the great Alexander. After much delay, the effect of distance rather

than of art, Bajazet agreed to accept a ransom of two hundred thousand

ducats for the count of Nevers and the surviving princes and barons:

the marshal Boucicault, a famous warrior, was of the number of the

fortunate; but the admiral of France had been slain in battle; and the

constable, with the Sire de Coucy, died in the prison of Boursa. This

heavy demand, which was doubled by incidental costs, fell chiefly on the

duke of Burgundy, or rather on his Flemish subjects, who were bound by

the feudal laws to contribute for the knighthood and captivity of the

eldest son of their lord. For the faithful discharge of the debt, some

merchants of Genoa gave security to the amount of five times the sum; a

lesson to those warlike times, that commerce and credit are the links of

the society of nations. It had been stipulated in the treaty, that the

French captives should swear never to bear arms against the person of

their conqueror; but the ungenerous restraint was abolished by Bajazet

himself. "I despise," said he to the heir of Burgundy, "thy oaths

and thy arms. Thou art young, and mayest be ambitious of effacing the

disgrace or misfortune of thy first chivalry. Assemble thy powers,

proclaim thy design, and be assured that Bajazet will rejoice to meet

thee a second time in a field of battle." Before their departure, they

were indulged in the freedom and hospitality of the court of Boursa. The

French princes admired the magnificence of the Ottoman, whose hunting

and hawking equipage was composed of seven thousand huntsmen and seven

thousand falconers. [65] In their presence, and at his command, the belly

of one of his chamberlains was cut open, on a complaint against him for

drinking the goat's milk of a poor woman. The strangers were astonished

by this act of justice; but it was the justice of a sultan who disdains

to balance the weight of evidence, or to measure the degrees of guilt.

[Footnote 61: I should not complain of the labor of this work, if my

materials were always derived from such books as the chronicle of

honest Froissard, (vol. iv. c. 67, 72, 74, 79--83, 85, 87, 89,) who read

little, inquired much, and believed all. The original MÈmoires of the

MarÈchal de Boucicault (Partie i. c. 22--28) add some facts, but they

are dry and deficient, if compared with the pleasant garrulity of

Froissard.]

[Footnote 62: An accurate Memoir on the Life of Enguerrand VII., Sire

de Coucy, has been given by the Baron de Zurlauben, (Hist. de l'AcadÈmie

des Inscriptions, tom. xxv.) His rank and possessions were equally

considerable in France and England; and, in 1375, he led an army of

adventurers into Switzerland, to recover a large patrimony which he

claimed in right of his grandmother, the daughter of the emperor Albert

I. of Austria, (Sinner, Voyage dans la Suisse Occidentale, tom. i. p.

118--124.)]

[Footnote 63: That military office, so respectable at present, was still

more conspicuous when it was divided between two persons, (Daniel, Hist.

de la Milice FranÁoise, tom. ii. p. 5.) One of these, the marshal of

the crusade, was the famous Boucicault, who afterwards defended

Constantinople, governed Genoa, invaded the coast of Asia, and died in

the field of Azincour.]

[Footnote 631: Daru, Hist. de Venice, vol. ii. p. 104, makes the whole

French army amount to 10,000 men, of whom 1000 were knights. The curious

volume of Schiltberger, a German of Munich, who was taken prisoner

in the battle, (edit. Munich, 1813,) and which V. Hammer receives as

authentic, gives the whole number at 6000. See Schiltberger. Reise in

dem Orient. and V. Hammer, note, p. 610.--M.]

[Footnote 632: According to Schiltberger there were only twelve French

lords granted to the prayer of the "duke of Burgundy," and "Herr Stephan

Synther, and Johann von Bodem." Schiltberger, p. 13.--M.]

[Footnote 64: For this odious fact, the AbbÈ de Vertot quotes the Hist.

Anonyme de St. Denys, l. xvi. c. 10, 11. (Ordre de Malthe, tom. ii. p.

310.)]

[Footnote 641: See Schiltberger's very graphic account of the massacre.

He was led out to be slaughtered in cold blood with the rest f

the Christian prisoners, amounting to 10,000. He was spared at the

intercession of the son of Bajazet, with a few others, on account of

their extreme youth. No one under 20 years of age was put to death. The

"duke of Burgundy" was obliged to be a spectator of this butchery which

lasted from early in the morning till four o'clock, P. M. It ceased only

at the supplication of the leaders of Bajazet's army. Schiltberger, p.

14.--M.]

[Footnote 65: Sherefeddin Ali (Hist. de Timour Bec, l. v. c. 13) allows

Bajazet a round number of 12,000 officers and servants of the chase.

A part of his spoils was afterwards displayed in a hunting-match of

Timour, l. hounds with satin housings; 2. leopards with collars set with

jewels; 3. Grecian greyhounds; and 4, dogs from Europe, as strong as

African lions, (idem, l. vi. c. 15.) Bajazet was particularly fond of

flying his hawks at cranes, (Chalcondyles, l. ii. p. 85.)]

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