CHAPTER IV.

WHICH GIVES A DOG A BAD NAME.

We have already adverted to that foreign and slanderous tradition which

lays all the grosser sins of vituperation at the Englishman's door. It

has been seen how the "damns" and "goddams" of a marauding soldiery,

though scattered upon the winds of many centuries ago, have continued to

be held up in judgment against the English-speaking race. There remains

to be noticed one other item of continental asperity that has enjoyed in

its day a full measure of approbation owing to the delightful assumption

that it savoured of perfidious Britain.

Parisian caricaturists have always affected to believe that the

inhabitants of these islands are usually accompanied in their travels

abroad by some member of the canine species. The British bull-dog has

figured again and again in pictorial skits that are supposed to

represent the idiosyncrasies of the travelling Englishman. But the

notion may very well be of older date than this period of facile

illustration. Examples can be quoted of the occurrence of the word dog,

or _dogue_, as a malediction similar to that of "goddam," and at a date

nearly as distant.[15] There can be little doubt as to the inspired

origin of the phrase. So grateful is the demon of animosity for every

new-shaped weapon of attack, that in course of time it came to be

levelled indifferently at any object whether insular or otherwise that

it happened to be the speaker's intention to abuse. The inoffensive word

was the more readily adopted by the classes who had least notion of its

signification. As Dr. Johnson, when he wished to get the better of a

fishwife in a wordy encounter, would call her a parallelogram or a

hypothenuse, so the Seine boatmen and the market-women of the Halles

would denounce their antagonist as a "_dogue_." "Je laisserais plutot ma

roupille en gage," exclaims one of the characters in the farce of

'Piarot et Janin,'[16] "que de te laisser payer mon quartier. La dogue!

tu ne me connais pas."

What actual necessity can there have been for so invidiously employing

an imported word, when the French equivalent was already firmly

established as a particle of abuse? Although in our own vernacular the

epithet "dog!" is seldom to be met with outside the histories of Miss

Porter or of Mr. James, elsewhere the Gallic "chien!" has always been in

brisk demand. Both before and since the composition of 'Piarot and

Janin,' has it been customary among a numerous class to grind it in the

teeth of persons who have been the cause of annoyance or affront. In

conjunction also with other substantives, it has served as a powerful

degree of comparison and denotes a superlative expression of contempt.

In the most polite language, _quel chien de temps_ indicates weather of

a most deplorable description; _quel chien d'auteur_, an author whose

stupidity is exasperating. The oath of _Jarnichien!_ passed for a term

of the very darkest complexion; while in _sacre chien_, we have an

expletive as forcible as any that a Frenchman can utter.

The Romans of old are said to have played with two sorts of dice, the

tali and the tesserae. The tali had four even surfaces, the tesserae six.

On opposite faces of the four-sided figure were marked respectively the

numbers one and six, the numbers three and four appearing respectively

on the other surfaces. The tessera, or six-sided figure, bore on its

additional faces the numbers two and five. Both tali and tesserae were

usually knuckle-bones of an animal, frequently the gazelle; the uneven

ends being planed smooth in the case of the tesserae, while for the tali

they were left in their natural condition. The game admitted of various

rules and of various degrees of skill, and it would seem that the more

ancient Greek sculptures represent the children and maidens of Athens

manipulating the tesserae in much the same manner as school-boys still

play at the game of knuckle-bones. But whatever element of dexterity may

have originally pervaded the pastime, it was very rapidly dispelled, and

both tali and tesserae became, as they have since remained, the

instruments of wagering and gain. The best throw, called the Venus, only

happened when each of the upturned surfaces presented different units.

The worst throw was when the four pieces exposed the same number on

each, and that number an ace. This single pip was technically known as

the _unio_, the side of six as the _senio_; while the name by which the

throw of four aces was chiefly distinguished among the gamesters of

antiquity was the _canicula_ or _canis_.

"Jure etenim id summum quid dexter senio ferret

Scire erat in voto, damnosa canicula quantum

Raderet." _Persius, Sat._ iii.

The deduction has been drawn that the player, baulked in his luck, and

turning angrily upon the prone dice as they disclosed the four upturned

aces, sought passing relief by hurling at them an insensate malediction.

In this way, after a long interval and by a slow process of development,

the _damnosa canicula_ of the Roman gamester is said to have become, or

more strictly to be represented by, the _sacre chien_ of a nearer

civilisation.

The force of association has so indelibly connected the mention of this

animal with whatever is inferior or contemptuous, that there is at first

no room for surprise at finding it used in its present application. So

imperceptibly has this turn of thought entered into our habits of mind,

that, without further inquiry, such an application would appear

perfectly natural and proportionable. But upon the very slightest

reflection a sense of inappropriateness cannot fail to be forced upon

us. Surely the nomenclature of the animal world is sufficiently varied

as to admit of the dishonour done to it being more equally divided. One

would expect to find the members of the canine family at the least no

more than sharers in the distinction in common with other creatures of

the brute world. But no such equal distribution would appear to prevail.

The question therefore that remains is, how it is that the name of the

most sagacious of animals should be universally identified in the

vernacular tongue with whatever is the most ignoble and despicable of

its kind? The wild rose is called the dog-rose, the scentless violet the

dog-violet; bad Latin is termed dog-Latin; and in Ovid we have _verba

canina_ as denoting abusive conversation.

Although the author of Gallus goes the length of saying that among the

ancients the names of the lower animals were seldom heard as particles

of abuse, the opprobrious application of the name of the dog will be

found to be most classical. The use made of the word in the conversation

of ancient Greece should be in easy recollection, bringing down as it

did upon the Athenian people the accusation of being their popular oath

of asseveration. Socrates, we are to believe, rarely used in his

swearing any other form of expression. "By the dog! Polus," he is made

to exclaim in Plato's 'Gorgias,' "I am really in doubt each time you

speak whether you are stating your own views or are asking my

opinion."[17]

When, therefore, we find in the twelfth century an archbishop of Juvavia

interdicting his countrymen from ratifying their treaties with an oath

taken by the dog, we gain some insight into the portent of the canine

oath of Thebes and Athens. The superstition and mysticism attaching to

this animal are brought still closer home by a passage from De

Joinville, which mentions the sacrificing of a living dog as a Byzantine

method of confirming an obligation. Moreover, on the coins of Syracuse

the dog as the emblem of constancy is represented in company with the

goddess Diana. That a sacrificial ceremony, barbarous at once and

ineffectual, should have received any countenance among a people of

culture, is only in accordance with the view expressed at an earlier

part of these pages, that the progress of true civilisation may be

clearly traced by comparing the relative values of the veracity. The

cities of Greece were full of straw-shoes, men who distinguished their

calling by a straw at their feet, and who were ready at the bid of a

suitor to give the lightest evidence for the heaviest fee. Confidence

had little place among a nation far too volatile and specious to be able

to rely upon any system of reciprocal good faith. From this circumstance

it was that the Greeks earned for themselves the repute of being the

least trustworthy of all the untruthful nations of antiquity. In such a

community the fragile safeguard of an oath is, from sheer helplessness,

the more rigorously demanded. The Hellenic people may be said to have

been eminently a swearing people. The character had so persistently

clung to them, and was descended from so remote an antiquity, that

Juvenal, in the Sixth Satire, can only refer their immunity from

swearing to the period when innocence was said to have prevailed upon

earth and before Jupiter had begun to let his beard grow.

But while Greek and Roman riveted oath upon oath and laid ceremony upon

ceremony, to accomplish that simple understanding which should be

effected by the mere parole of right-thinking men, there is no evidence

to show that swearing was carried to the precise point to which it has

been brought among ourselves. That at the lightest stir of the emotions

they were ready to apostrophise the ruling divinities as well as the

shapes of field and flood, of earth and air, must pass as

uncontradicted,[18] but never do they appear, as in the modern world, to

have forged their poetic oaths into weapons of malevolence and hurt.

There would seem to have been no actual counterpart in these languages

to the vituperative swearing of modern days. The difference in this

respect is somewhat singular, but it may readily be accounted for. With

the ancients, oaths were employed in guarding as efficiently as they

could the public conscience and the public security. With the moderns

they have been for the most part released from this unstable duty, and

accordingly, with untrammelled energy and ungovernable vigour, they have

entered upon a system of privateering upon their own account.

Not only had the ancient mythology to struggle against the constant

infraction of the sanctity of the deliberative oath, but the minds of

heathen votaries must have been strongly biassed by an acquaintance with

instances of light swearing in the gods themselves. To render the

practice the less capricious and incontinent, a notion of an individual

property or trade-mark in oaths came to be perceptibly encouraged. The

specific appropriation of some distinctive oath raised the presumption

that it implied an unequivocal pledge of sincerity. In this way Zeno,

the founder of the Stoics, swore continually "by the caper." Pythagoras,

we are told, was accustomed to swear by the number four, [Greek: ma ten

tetrakton]. This numeral came to be regarded in consequence as

symbolical of the divinity, and the Pythagorean school gravely

inculcated it as a point of morals to abstain from intruding upon so

illustrious an example.

Besides the oath of Socrates, "by the dog," he is reported to have sworn

variously by the goose and by the plane-tree. Those who argue in favour

of the piety of the philosopher, explain that the habit was assumed as a

foil to the irreverent mention of the gods that was then so universal.

Lucian attaches an intelligible meaning to these flippant expletives,

and represents Socrates as justifying their use. "Are you not aware," he

is presumed to reason, "that the dog is the Anubis of Egypt, the Sirius

of the skies; and in hell is the keeper Cerberus?" and Plutarch is also

found to comment on the oath, "those that worship the dog have a certain

sacred meaning that must not be revealed; in the more remote and ancient

times the dog had the highest honours paid to him in Egypt." In the

copiousness of the ancient swearing the notion of an oath accommodated

itself to all the varieties of monstrous gods. The divinities Isis and

Osiris were invoked in witness of a sacred pledge no less than the

garlic, the leek, and the onion, and indeed every other deity which, as

was said by the Roman satirist, grew and flourished in the

market-gardens of Alexandria.

We are admitted to a just appreciation of the levity of Athenian

swearing through the medium of one of the most remarkable performances

ever placed upon the stage, whether of the modern or the ancient world.

When, returning from an expedition, Socrates repaired to the theatre to

witness Aristophanes' comedy 'The Clouds,' he found himself portrayed

upon the scene as the central figure of the drama. He was even

represented swung up in a basket in his own thinking-shop and giving

utterance to innumerable heresies and follies. When Strepsiades offers

to swear by the gods, he is at once interrupted by Socrates in the

basket, who reminds him that the gods are not current coin in his system

of philosophy. "By what then do you swear?" asks Strepsiades; "by the

iron money, as they do at Byzantium?" Unhappily the query remained

unanswered.

The result, however, of the Socratic influence is intended to be shown

by the circumstance of Strepsiades subsequently swearing "by the mist!"

and reproaching his son for taking oaths in the name of a deity of the

outside world. Presently, on being importuned by a creditor for the

return of twelve minae lent for the purchase of a dapple-grey horse, he

is ready to swear any number of oaths "by the gods" that he is innocent

of the debt. His opinions have in the course of this short dialogue

undergone alteration. He feels justified in ridding himself of his

obligation to repay the loan by making use of declarations which the

philosopher has argued are no longer of any consequence.

"And will you be willing to deny it upon oath of the gods?" screams the

creditor.

"What gods?" asks Strepsiades.

"Jupiter, Mercury, and Neptune."

"Yes, by Jupiter!" rejoins Strepsiades, "and would pay down, too, a

three-obol piece besides to swear by them."

It must have been a sorry spectacle to have beheld Socrates in the midst

of an Athenian audience solemnly witnessing this masterpiece of

buffoonery, and a still sadder one to those whose feeling was still

enlisted upon the side of the moribund system of oath-taking.

One singular instance of whimsicality in the ancient practice of

swearing must not be allowed to pass unnoticed. The Levantine merchants

trading with the port of Rhodes had familiarized Athenian households

with a most excellent description of cabbage. The herb was only to be

found in its highest perfection upon the southern coasts of the

Mediterranean. This Rhodian cabbage had a mellower flavour than that

indigenous to the Troad, and was, moreover, prized by all Athenian

topers as the surest antidote to the effects of drink. No supper-table

would have been perfect without some preparation of this delicacy, and

the gay revellers knew, or in any case imagined, that with this nostrum

close at hand the choicest Chian or Lesbian vintages might safely be

defied. Hence it was that the very name of so precious a vegetable came

to be held in estimation, until it was customary to say that if it were

permitted to blaspheme without offending the gods, it would be by

mention of the Rhodian cabbage.[19] The lover in a fragment of the lost

poet Ananius invokes it solemnly in evidence of his attachment, and

there is found a suggestion in the iambics of Hipponax of the vegetable

having even entered into the mythology--

"He, falling down, worshipped the seven-leaved cabbage,

To which, before she drank the poisoned draught,

Pandora brought a cake at Thargelia."

This oath by the cabbage became in time the favourite expletive of

Ionia, and having winged its way westwards, still lingers in the shape

of the exclamation _Cavolo!_ as a popular phrase of modern Italy.

Specific forms of swearing were in a great measure localised in the

ancient world. As the Thebans swore by Osiris, the Ionians by the

cabbage and the colewort, so also in Athens Minerva formed the staple of

the national oaths. No Roman citizen was heard to swear by Castor. Why

there should have been this denial upon the part of those who swore

freely by Pollux is not easily explained. But while the Roman women were

loud in the use of "Mecastor"--the affix _me_ being supplied to adapt

the name to swearing purposes, the men abjured that oath as scrupulously

as the women in their turn ignored the expression "Mehercule."[20]

Hercules himself, so the story went, was known to swear but one oath in

the whole course of his life. In recognition of such singular

forbearance, the Roman children were instructed never to make light use

of his sacred name. The prohibition, however, extended no farther than

the four walls and curtilage of the dwelling, and they were free to make

what use they liked of it out of doors.

An instance of oaths being subjected to the like whimsical conditions is

noticeable in the domestic manners of Old Germany. We gather from the

popular mediaeval satire, the 'Ship of Fools,' that a code of rules had

been formulated regulating the propriety of swearing. Society in this

case would seem to have formed its precedents of oath-taking, and to

have withheld its sanction from any others than its own. There was a

time in Germany it appears when a man adopted an oath as deliberately as

he might take to a trade, it being only necessary, to bring it within

the licensed pale, that it should be derived from the symbols of his own

or his father's occupation. The particular merit of this system was that

while it partook of all the abandonment and conferred all the enjoyment

of swearing, it was practically no swearing at all. When, in an outburst

of passion, the grazier called out upon his beeves, or the smith invoked

his anvil or his sledge, all the advantages of swearing, whatever they

may be held to be, had been accomplished, and that without prudery being

ruffled or innocence shocked. In fact the needs of society had invented

a kind of stalking-horse for blasphemy, and the Bob Acreses and Captain

Absolutes of that day must have found themselves cruelly hoodwinked by

the inanimate effigy of swearing.

But while northern nations were conspicuous for the substantial and

ponderous nature of their oaths, the Roman yielded to none in the

multiform versatility of his adjurations. Caligula owned a horse that

he not only treated as a fellow-being and brought to meals at his table,

but whose name served him wherewith to pronounce his accustomed oaths.

The same emperor is reported to have put to death a Roman citizen who

refused to swear by his "imperial genius." Another of the oaths

prescribed by command of Caligula was "per numen Drusillae." This

wretched woman he constrained his subjects to worship as a divinity. To

explain this partiality for the use of these absurd if not impious

oaths, it would seem that a tradition had been circulated, ascribing the

duration of his own lifetime to the period during which the oath should

pass current. Any attack of illness that happened to the emperor was

directly attributed to the waning popularity of the oath. Nor was the

doctrine strange to many of the nationalities over which the Roman sway

extended. We have it distinctly occurring among the Scythians,[21] and

it has more recently been noticed by travellers as existing among

half-barbarous tribes. The oath itself was probably a development of the

affirmation that has been used more than any other in the history of the

world. The _life_ or the _head_ of the ruler of the chief tribesman, or

of the spiritual prophet, has invariably furnished the true standard of

affirmation. But even as a mere domestic oath, the _head_ of the goodman

of the house seems to have been permitted a degree of solemnity--

"Per caput hoc juro, per quod pater ante solebat."

_Virgil_, AEn. ix. 300.

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