Barrancas. — Santa Cruz del Quiché. — Padre Andres Guicola. —
Ruins of Utatlan. — Report of Don Garcia de Palacio upon human
sacrifices to the gods in Central America, Statement of Bernal
Diaz, about the sacrifices in Mexico. — Burning of the Quiché
Caciques at Utatlan. — Worship of idols by the Quichés. —
Sierras. — Gueguetenango.
The journey from San Tomas to Santa Cruz del Quiché was made
unexpectedly fatiguing, in consequence of the difficulties placed
across our track by the numerous barrancas which traversed the plains.
Several of these ravines were of considerable depth, and their slopes
were abrupt. It was satisfactory to realize that we were travelling
in the dry season, and the footing for the mules was therefore fairly
secure.
Upon our arrival at the village, I rode onwards to the convent steps
where I was met by Padre Andres Guicola, who was unfeignedly delighted
to see me. He said that he was glad to welcome me, and talk to somebody
who was not an Indian, and was particularly pleased to hear that I was
an Englishman, for he was a Biscayan, and had been born and bred near
San Sebastian, and had listened to the traditions concerning the great
Duke of Wellington, and memories, on the part of the ladies, of
the brave officers of his army. It added much to the pleasure he felt
in receiving me, to know that his guest was the son of one of those
officers, who had not only been present at the operations in Biscay and
on the French frontier, but was also severely wounded at Albuera, a
battle held in great respect by all patriotic Spaniards.
[Illustration: QUICHÉ INDIAN.
(HOLDING THE OFFICE OF ALGUAZIL.)]
His isolation amongst these secluded mountains, must have been
repugnant to the nature of this kind hearted and genial padre. He told
me that he had been living in his parish twenty-one years, having been
appointed in 1849, and during that long time regularly fulfilled his
duties amongst his Indians. He declared, in answer to some questions
that I asked with reference to the adjacent ruins of Utatlan, that he
knew but little except from what he had read in the history of Juarros.
The friars of the convent wrote some observations about them, and
also possessed some documents relating to the ancient customs of the
Quichés, but these were destroyed during the revolution of 1829, when
the churches and convents were sacked. Consequently no records existed.
The view from the Convent was magnificent, commanding towards the
north-west the ranges of the Cordilleras, and towards the south-west
the hills near Quezaltenango. The lofty plateau upon which it stood,
was nearly seven thousand feet above the sea. It is upon three sides
severed from the outer world by a steep barranca which almost surrounds
it. The ruins of Utatlan, the ancient capital of the Quichés, were
about one mile distant, and were evidently placed in such a manner as
to take the greatest advantage of this ravine, in order to form a
stronghold, which according to the conditions of Indian warfare must
have been practically impregnable.
After having obtained some local information respecting the structures
that I wished to examine, I crossed the plain and entered this
fortress, which once held the reputation of being one of the greatest
of the Indian cities. I was prepared to see much that would be of the
highest interest, because no change had taken place within its walls
since the time when it was destroyed by Alvarado, in 1524. The site has
never since that period been occupied or in any way disturbed. Upon
making a slight preliminary survey of the position, it was evident that
it had been chosen for a fortified inclosure, in the same manner and
for the same purpose as Patinamit. Both fortresses resembled in their
character the defensive encampment of Fort Ancient in Ohio.
Utatlan is, with the exception of its narrow approach, surrounded by
ravines. In consequence of the ground being thus confined, the original
extent of the city can be easily ascertained, and it is therefore
indisputable that the population maintained within the ramparts could
never have been numerous. It is however observable that it must have
contained buildings, temples, and sacrificial altars of considerable
magnitude. The sites of many of these were still apparent and their
ground plans could be traced. Portions of the walls were also standing.
Parts of the altars were covered with a strong thick cement.
After having walked round the exterior of the fortress, I made a
series of measurements of the spaces covered by the courts of those
structures which were supposed to have been temples or places set apart
for the purposes of religion and instruction. I observed that some
of the ground plans were similar in their proportions to those that
I had noticed within some ancient earthworks near the modern city of
Guatemala.
The pyramidal altars or Teocalli had, in their forms and constructions,
their platforms and places for idols, many points of resemblance with
others that were known to have existed in Mexico.
The rectangular courts in front of the altars, were possibly the
quadrangles within which the ceremonies connected with human sacrifices
were performed. Nothing is absolutely known with respect to the
sacrificial customs of the Quichés, and the allusions to them in the
Quiché manuscripts are not definite. It is, therefore, fortunate that
there exists a statement made to the King of Spain in the year 1576,
upon the condition of the country and the customs of the Indians in the
districts presided over by the government of Guatemala, which describes
in considerable detail what happened amongst the Chontal and Pipil
Indians dwelling in the south-eastern parts of the province. It was
made by the licentiate Don Garcia de Palacio, and with respect to the
subject of these human sacrifices, there has been nothing written which
gives so full and evidently accurate an account of those remarkable
ceremonies. The Report is so valuable and instructive, that it is
desirable to quote what immediately relates to them. Palacio, after
describing the country near lake Uxaca, says:—
“Three leagues from this is the village of Micla, where anciently the
Pipiles Indians of this district performed great devotions, and came
to offer their gifts and hold their sacrifices; as likewise did the
Chontales and other adjacent Indians of differing languages. They had
in their sacrifices some particularities different from other places,
and had _Kues_ and _teupas_ of great authority, of which there are yet
large signs and indications.
“Besides the Cacique and usual chief, they had a Pá-pa[61] whom they
called _Tecti_, who was dressed in a long blue robe and wore on the
head a diadem, and sometimes a mitre worked in different colours, and
at the top of this a bunch of very fine feathers, from some birds that
there are in this country, which they call Quetzales.[62]
“He commonly carried in his hand a staff like a bishop, and all obeyed
him in whatever related to spiritual matters. Next to him, the second
place in the priesthood was held by another who was called _tehu a
matlini_ who was the chief wizard and most learned in their books and
arts, and who declared the auguries and made prognostications.
“There were, besides these, four priests who were called _teu pixqui_
dressed in different colours, and with robes down to their feet, black,
green, red and yellow; and these were of the council in the matters of
their ceremonies, and were those who assisted in all the superstitions
and follies of their heathenism.[63]
“There was also a majordomo who had the charge of the jewels and
ornaments of the sacrifices, and who took out the hearts of those that
were sacrificed, and performed the other personal things that were
necessary; and besides there were others who had trumpets and heathen
instruments to convoke and call together the people to the sacrifices
that were going to take place.”
Palacio states that the rising sun was worshipped and that there
were two idols, one representing a man named Quetzalcoatl and the
other a woman named Itzqueye and that to these all the sacrifices
were made. There were two special ceremonies which took place, one
at the commencement of the winter and the other at the beginning of
the summer, when two boys between the ages of six and twelve were
sacrificed. Palacio then describes the sacrificial customs in war:—
“The high priest, the learned wizard, and the four priests met
together, and ascertained by their sortileges and witchcrafts whether
they should have war or if any one was coming against them, and if the
sortileges said yes, they called the Cacique and captains of war, and
told them how the enemies were coming, and where they should go to make
war.
“The Cacique summoned all his warriors, and went out in search of the
enemies, and if they gained the victory in the battle, the Cacique
dispatched a messenger to the high priest, and informed him upon what
day he had succeeded, and the sage examined unto whom the sacrifice
should be made. If it was to Quetzalcoatl the ceremonies lasted fifteen
days, and upon each day one of the Indians of those that had been
captured in the battle was sacrificed; and if it was to Itzqueye the
ceremonies lasted five days, and upon each day an Indian was sacrificed.
“The sacrifice was performed in this manner. All those who had been
in the war came in order singing and dancing, and they brought those
that they had to sacrifice, with many feathers and _chalchivetes_[64]
on their feet and hands, and with strings of cacao upon their neck,
and the captains conducted them in their midst. The high priest and
priests together with the people went out to receive them with dances
and music, and the caciques and captains presented to the high priest
these Indians for the sacrifices, and then they all went together to
the court of their _teupa_, and they danced all the above said days and
nights.
“In the middle of the court they placed a stone like a bench, and upon
this they placed the Indian that was to be sacrificed, and the four
priests held the Indian by the hands and feet. The majordomo then came
out with many feathers and covered with bells, with a stone razor in
his hand, and opened the breast and pulled out the heart, and when he
had taken it out he threw it upwards towards each of the four cardinal
points, and the fifth time he threw it in the middle of the court
directly upwards, thus declaring and giving to the god the reward for
the victory. This sacrifice was made in public, so that every one both
small and great could see it.”
It is interesting to turn from the customs described as occurring in
the remote town of Micla, to the events that happened in the city
of Mexico, several hundreds of leagues distant. It was late in the
afternoon of a summer’s day, in the year 1521. The Spaniards had
been repulsed in one of their most important attacks on the enemy,
and had been driven back over the causeway after suffering serious
losses; Cortes was wounded, and sixty Spaniards had been captured,
together with many of their Indian allies. In accordance with the
Aztec superstitious rites, these captives were at once conveyed to the
Teocalli of the war gods.
Bernal Diaz, who had taken a prominent part in the battle, states that
“during the retreat, they frequently heard the great drum resounding
with a deep and dismal noise.” At last the Spanish troops reached a
place of comparative safety, where they were secure from the enemy’s
attacks, and out of reach of stones and arrows, and then, Diaz says,
“Sandoval and Francisco de Lugo, and Andres de Tapia with Pedro de
Alvarado, were each relating what had happened and what orders Cortes
had given, when the drum of Huitzopotli again began to sound, together
with kettledrums, shell horns and other instruments like trumpets, and
these sounds were horrible and dismal, and we looked at the summit of
the highest Kue, and we saw our companions who had been captured in
the rout, and that they were being carried up by force, and with blows
and thrusts, and being taken violently to be sacrificed, and when they
had reached the top at a place where was the shrine in which were the
accursed idols, we saw that many of them had feathers put upon their
heads, others were made to dance before Huitzopotli, and after they had
danced they were thrown on their backs on the top of the sacrificial
stone, and then they cut open their breasts with flint knives, and
pulled out their heating hearts and offered them to the idols that were
in that place. The bodies and feet were thrown down the steps below,
where other Indian butchers were waiting, and who cut off their arms
and legs, and then flayed the skin from their faces, and tanned them
like glove skins with the beards on, and kept them to show at their
festivals and when they had their drunken feasts. In this manner were
all sacrificed; they devoured the legs and arms, and the hearts and
blood were offered to the idols.[65] These cruelties were seen by the
whole camp, and by Pedro de Alvarado, and Gonzalo de Sandoval, and all
the captains, and we said amongst ourselves, thank God that I was not
carried off to-day to be sacrificed.”[66]
In the whole range of American history, there is nothing which more
vividly strikes the imagination than the scenes described by the
Spanish conquerors during the siege of Mexico. The human sacrifices
and the subsequent cannibalism, represent the most revolting acts of
superstition that have ever disgraced human nature.
It is strange that, although so much has been recorded of the Aztecs
and their customs, no clear account has been given of the shape and
dimensions of their Teocallis within the city of Mexico. We have only
very doubtful representations given of them. Taking these as the best
available guides it is evident that the altars in Utatlan were built
upon similar principles, following upon a smaller scale the same
general structural plan and proportions. Utatlan was considered as
one of the most important places in Central America. According to the
historian Juarros, it held a rank only second to the capital of the
Aztecs.
Alvarado conquered the city in April, 1524, and he states in his
official Report to Cortes, that in consequence of the natural strength
of the place, and the depth of the ravines which prevented a general
action, he had decided to destroy it. He gave directions to burn the
chief caciques alive, to set fire to the town and completely reduce it
to ruins, for it was so strong and dangerous, that it was more like a
stronghold of bandits than a town of citizens.[67]
A curious circumstance is mentioned by him as happening during his
march against Utatlan. On the way, and near some rising ground, he
saw the Indians sacrifice a woman and a dog, and he says that his
interpreters told him that this act meant defiance. This statement is
remarkable because it has always been supposed that dogs were not found
amongst the Mexicans. Bernal Diaz observes that these dogs were of
small size, that they were used for food, and did not bark.
[Illustration: Approach to Utatlan from the plain.
Height of mound is about 30 feet.]
Before leaving Utatlan, Alvarado placed in office as chief of the
Quichés, an Indian named Sequechul, who was according to the laws of
that race the next in succession. From this time nothing more was known
of the Quichés, until the licentiate Alonzo de Zurita, passed this way
about the year 1554, in the execution of the duty assigned to him by
the command of the king, to report upon the condition and customs of
the Indians, both before and after the conquest. Zurita was informed
that, before the conquest, the Quichés had three chiefs. The first had
over his seat or throne three canopies of feathers, the second two, and
the third one. He says that the city had at one time contained several
kues, (small pyramidal altars) dedicated to idols, but that they were
then in ruins, and the successors of the caciques were in the utmost
poverty.
I passed over the ground where Alvarado’s camp had been pitched,
and where the caciques were sentenced to be burnt. Certainly the
sixteenth century witnessed most extraordinary scenes of cruelty
and carnage in this unhappy country. At this distance of time it
is difficult to understand what could have been the reasons which
impelled the Spaniards to burn the Indians in such numbers. Many
of them were consigned to the flames for disobedience to orders,
others upon suspicion of treasonable designs against the conquerors,
others for being discovered worshipping their ancient gods, or for
not conforming to the new religion. Perhaps the most inexplicable of
all these cruelties is what happened soon after the conquest of the
city of Mexico. Cortes, upon his return there after his expedition to
Honduras, heard that during his absence, there had been a rising of
Indians in one of the distant provinces, a sort of local rebellion
which had been suppressed. Upon his making inquiries as to the cause of
this disaffection, the principal inhabitants of the province came and
reported to him that the Spaniards under whom they had been placed had
burnt alive eight of their principal chiefs, five of whom died on the
spot, and the remaining three a few days afterwards, and although they
had demanded reparation and justice it had not been granted to them.[68]
Later in the century all the penalties of the Inquisition were
established, but it was found that the results of these acts to enforce
the Spanish rule, and to convert the Indians were unsatisfactory. The
Indians fled to the hills and forests, and would not obey the orders
to form communities or villages and thus be exposed to such cruelties.
Finally the punishment of burning alive was abolished, and the milder
punishment of whipping at the post was introduced and has remained. It
is at the present time the customary method of punishing the natives
for any default or misconduct.
In considering this subject of the treatment of the Indians at the
time of the conquest, due weight has to be given to the influence of
the priests, their enthusiasm, and their intense desire to convert the
natives by persuasion or by force. The well-known inveterate hatred
of the Indians towards their conquerors, a hatred which still exists,
was a dangerous element always present and to be guarded against by
adopting severe measures of repression. The good fortune that had
attended the operations of Cortes and his handful of Spaniards in the
conquest of this region, was doubtless in a great measure due to the
condition of the country, and the never ceasing tribal wars. Cortes and
his generals were consequently always able to obtain the assistance of
numerous allies who were glad to seize any opportunity of destroying
their enemies. But when the conquest was completed and the Spaniards
had the lands distributed amongst them, and the system of _encomiendas_
was adopted, it became necessary, at all hazards, to prevent any
combinations of Indians against them, and to put down or crush out with
unmerciful firmness the slightest tendency to rebel against the iron
and cruel rule under which they found themselves to be subjected. Many
risings were quelled, all tendency to insubordination was punished,
and the Indians remained under control. But this result was only
obtained after these unfortunate tribes had been subjected to the most
astonishing severities that have ever been inflicted by a civilised
race of conquerors.
At the convent at Santa Cruz, Padre Guicola spoke much about his
parishioners. He said that he was impressed with the conviction that
the Quichés in many respects still followed their old idolatries, and
worshipped their idols secretly. He thought that he had discovered
that certain Indians were “sacerdotes” to these idols, and that in
some manner which he had not been able to find out, they, amongst
themselves, maintained their ancient priesthood.
The accommodation for strangers was more monastic than I had expected
to find. My cell contained nothing but a wide hard board placed upon
four legs, and there were neither hooks nor posts to which I could hang
my hammock, consequently it was not practicable to make convenient
arrangements for securing comfortable quarters at night.
Before my departure I had a conversation with the Padre about the
history of the convent, and the work that used to be carried out by
the monks. Some of the descendants of the caciques of Utatlan were
educated by them, and the traditions of the origin and migrations of
the Quichés were composed by them, whilst they were still capable of
remembering what had been related concerning their early history. The
most important of the manuscripts is stated to have been written in
1544, by the son of one of the Quiché caciques, who took part in the
operations of war at the time of the arrival of the Spaniards. The
Padre was not well acquainted with the subject of the past history of
his convent, and like the other priests that I had met in the Indian
parishes, his attention was almost exclusively directed to his duties,
one of the most significant of which, in the opinion of his Indians,
was the performance of the rite of baptism.
I asked him what was the best track to follow in crossing the sierras,
and he made inquiries for me. Several of the inhabitants of the village
said, that in the remote parts of the hills I wished to cross, the
paths were not well known, and might be found to be impracticable, and
there was the danger of meeting scattered bands of rebels. Augustin
however informed me, that he had learnt from several of the natives, in
whom he could place confidence, that we need not expect to meet with
any serious difficulties, and that in the event of being uncertain
about the right direction, we might rely upon coming across Indians who
would guide us. My large Government map was of no use in the matter,
as nothing was marked upon it except ranges of mountains. Meanwhile
to guard ourselves against possible trouble, I gave directions that
we should take with us a sufficient supply of food for ourselves and
the mules, and thus we started upon our road, without feeling any
hesitation with regard to our future proceedings.
In the forenoon we came to a halt amongst the mountains, and Augustin,
who was proficient in his knowledge of making a fire out of the most
scanty materials, prepared breakfast. Whilst we were thus engaged
we were passed by numbers of Indians carrying goods and provisions.
Young and old were hurrying rapidly forward, urged by some impulse
which we were unable to comprehend, towards a destination which was
to us unknown. They looked wild and restless, and when addressed were
shy and reserved. In the evening before sunset we arrived at some
farm buildings, and I slung my hammock to the rafters of a deserted,
half-ruined shed. Augustin obtained from an adjoining hut some
tortillas, frijoles[69] and eggs, the three chief elements of Indian
domestic existence, and with these, together with a good supply of
sacate for the mules, we made ourselves at home in the Cordilleras.
In accordance with a custom that I usually adopted whenever it was
possible, I established friendly relations with an Indian family in the
neighbourhood in order to obtain some knowledge of their language or
dialect. I had a list of words in Spanish to which I obtained the local
equivalents. In this manner I made a small vocabulary of the dialects
spoken by the Indians amongst the Altos near Guatemala, by the Quichés
at Santa Cruz and San Tomas, by the Kachiquels near Las Godinas, and by
the tribe near Patinamit. This custom was not only useful in helping
me to understand the various links or differences in the tribes that
we met, but it was also a means of bringing about a small degree of
friendliness, and of overcoming that very decided unsociability which
forms such an integral part of the Indian nature.
At sunrise we were in our saddles, and soon found ourselves to be
riding over a difficult and rugged country. The hills were steep, and
the mule tracks, in many places, almost impassable. In the afternoon we
crossed a high mountain ridge, and then descended towards the Indian
hamlet of San Lorenzo, and pushed on as fast as possible, in order to
reach Gueguetenango before the night. On our arrival, we rode up to the
convent gate, where I was welcomed by Padre Juan Batista de Terran.
He was in a highly disturbed and irritated state of mind. His convent
had been battered and almost destroyed by the artillery of the Indian
rebels, commanded by Cruz, and his church was filled with soldiers who
had been quartered there, and were eating and drinking, gambling, and
leading wild and irreverent lives within the shrines.
On the following day I called upon the Corregidor and obtained a
passport for Augustin, and then sent him and the baggage mule back
to Guatemala. He had faithfully performed his duties as guide and
attendant, and had been careful in looking after the wants of the
mules, often taking great trouble in finding for them a proper supply
of forage wherever we were quartered in the night. But he had not
expected to meet with such rough tracks as we had passed over amongst
the sierras and down the barrancas, and was glad to be able to return
by more secure and better known roads.
The inhabitants of Gueguetenango, at the time of our arrival, were
in an excited and disorganised condition. They had not recovered from
the alarm caused by the recent events of the rebellion. The Plaza
was crowded with wild-looking Indians, and throughout the town there
was an unusual movement of armed men. My chief preoccupation was the
search of a trustworthy guide, which was a matter for considerable
difficulty. Finally I succeeded in securing the services of an Indian
belonging to a local tribe of the Mams. He bore the name of Carlos, and
spoke Spanish sufficiently well to enable me to keep up a tolerably
intelligible conversation with him.
I now thought it advisable to make some changes with regard to the
manner of travelling. Hitherto I had managed very well with Augustin
and one spare mule. The mule carried in the saddle bags, provisions
for several days, together with a change of clothing in case of wet
weather, but experience had shown me that it would be better to reduce
the weights to what could easily be carried by an Indian in his pack,
and who, at the same time, could act as guide. I should thus avoid the
risk of being detained by any accident happening to the cargo mule.
My own good mule carried nothing but its rider, and a great coat and
hammock, rolled up in military fashion, and strapped over the pommel of
the saddle.
Everything being satisfactorily arranged, Carlos appeared at the
convent steps at daybreak with his pack duly placed over his shoulders,
and carried by the head band. Into this were put two days’ provisions,
and part of the change of clothing. My mule carried the halter wound
round her neck. A small supply of fodder was added to the Indian’s
load, and thus we started. Carlos took the lead by breaking into a
quick, rapid pace, or steady Indian run. The mule followed at her
best speed, and before the sun had risen above the summits of the
Cordilleras, we were well forward on our way towards Jacaltenango and
the Mexican frontier.
• • • • •
Gueguetenango, the chief city of the Department, was a place
of importance before the conquest. It was the capital of the
Mams, a warlike tribe, whose caciques and principal families
were of the same race as the Quichés. They were conquered
and reduced to submission by the Spaniards in 1525. There
are certain circumstances respecting that campaign and the
methods of defence adopted by the Mams, which should receive
particular attention in connection with the theories and Indian
traditions, respecting the migrations of the mysterious tribe
who have been named the Toltecs, and who appear to have been
the predecessors of the Aztecs. There are, in the accounts of
the campaign several details which are valuable, as leading to
the conclusion that the Mams, Quichés and Kachiquels, whose
leaders were all of the same race, pursued systems of defensive
warfare, which had analogies with the habits of the tribes who
raised the fortified hill works in Ohio.
When it was decided by Alvarado to attack the Mams, a force
suitable for the purpose was organized. It consisted of a main
body of Mexican Indian allies who were supported by a small
force of Spanish cavalry and infantry; there were three hundred
Indians carrying spades and hatchets acting as pioneers, and
many others who were employed in the work of transport. After
an engagement with the Mams, who were defeated, the attacking
forces advanced to[70]Gueguetenango. Upon their arrival at
that place the Spanish General was informed that the Mams had
retreated to their fortress of Socoleo. The position of this
entrenched camp was so strong, that it was not possible to
capture it by direct assault, and the Spaniards in the end
reduced the Indians to surrender by famine.
The historian Fuentes who is stated to have personally examined
this fortress about the year 1695, reported (according to
Juarros) that the approach “was by only one entrance and that
was so narrow as scarcely to permit a horseman to pass it; from
the entrance, there ran on the right hand a parapet, raised
on the berm of the fosse, extending along nearly the whole of
that side; several vestiges of the counter-scarp and curtain
of the walls still remain, besides parts of other works, the
use of which cannot now be easily discovered; in a courtyard
there stood some large columns, upon the capitals of which were
placed quantities of pine wood, that being set on fire, gave
light at night to the surrounding neighbourhood. The citadel or
lofty cavalier of this great fortification was in the form of
a square, graduated pyramid, rising twelve or fourteen yards
from the base to the platform on the top, which was sufficient
to admit of ten soldiers standing on each side; the next
step would accommodate a greater number, and the dimensions
proportionably increased to the last or twenty-eighth step.
The steps were intersected in unequal portions by parapets
and curtains, rendering the ascent to the top so extremely
difficult, that Fuentes says, he attempted several times to
reach the platform, but was unable to perform the task, until
his Indian interpreter acted as his guide and conducted him
to the summit. The ruins of several buildings were then in
existence; they appeared to have been intended as quarters for
the soldiers; were extremely well arranged, and distributed
with due regard to proportion. Between each three or four of
these buildings there was a square courtyard paved with slabs
made of stiff clay, lime, and sand; every part of the fortress
was constructed of hewn stone, in pieces of great size, as
one which had been displaced, measured three yards in length,
by one in breadth.” ... “As the place was circumvallated by
a deep ravine, there was no way by which the walls could be
approached.”
From the above description of Socoleo it is made clear that
its construction and position were in accordance with the
principles and objects which governed the selection of the
strongholds at Patinamit and Utatlan. The pyramidal structure
called the citadel must have closely resembled the Resguardo
which guarded the entrance into the Quiché fortress.
It is of importance to note that the account given by Fuentes
of Socoleo, establishes to a great extent, the accuracy of
certain portions of the manuscripts composed by the young
Quiché caciques which relate to the traditions of the
migrations of the Quichés from Mexico, and the manner in which
they divided into separate governments the countries which they
had conquered, under the names of Quiché, Kachiquel, Mam and
Zutugil. With regard to the three first-named divisions the
methods adopted to secure their domination, were so identical,
that there can be no doubt that the statements recorded in the
manuscripts, so far as they relate to the historical accounts
of the Quichés after their arrival in Central America, may be
assumed to be trustworthy records of the Indian traditions.
According to the dispatches of the Spanish conqueror Alvarado,
he found that the Quichés inhabited the town of Quezaltenango,
and it was after the decisive battle fought near that place,
that they retreated to their entrenchments at Utatlan; thus
adopting the same tactics as were afterwards followed by the
Mams, who fought their chief battle near Gueguetenango and then
after their defeat fled to Socoleo. This custom of the Quichés
appears to be similar to that of the Mound Builders in Ohio,
who established their fortified camps in positions which were
naturally nearly impregnable or most difficult to approach,
and it is such as would be considered advisable by the chiefs
of tribes who hold their territories by conquest, and would
therefore endeavour to maintain their power by having large
entrenched encampments, within which they would be secured from
danger in the event of being unable to meet their enemies on
the plains.