CHAPTER III

NEUVE CHAPELLE

Canadians' valuable help--A ride in the dark--Pictures on the

road--Towards the enemy--At the cross-roads--"Six kilometres to Neuve

Chapelle"--Terrific bombardment--Grandmotherly howitzers--British

aeroplanes--Fight with a Taube--Flying man's coolness--Attack on the

village--German prisoners--A banker from Frankfort--The Indians'

pride--A halt to our hopes--Object of Neuve Chapelle--What we

achieved--German defences under-rated--Machine gun citadels--Great

infantry attack--Unfortunate delays--Sir John French's

comments--British attack exhausted--Failure to capture Aubers

Ridge--"Digging in"--Canadian Division's baptism of

fire--"Casualties"--Trenches on Ypres salient.

"The glory dies not, and the grief is past."--BRYDGES.

"During the battle of Neuve Chapelle the Canadians held a part of the

line allotted to the First Army, and, although they were not actually

engaged in the main attack, they rendered valuable help by keeping the

enemy actively employed in front of their trenches."--_Sir John

French's Despatch on the Battle of Neuve Chapelle, which began on

March_ 10_th_, 1915.

It was night when I left the Canadian Divisional Headquarters and

motored in a southerly direction towards Neuve Chapelle. It was the

eve of the great attack, and in the bright space of light cast by the

motor lamps along the road, there came a kaleidoscopic picture of

tramping men.

Here at the front there is no need of police restrictions on motor

headlights at night as there is in London and on English country roads.

The law under which you place yourself is the range of the enemy's

guns. Beyond that limit you are free to turn your headlights on, and

there is no danger. But, once within the range of rifle fire or shell,

you turn your lights on at the peril of your own life. So you go in

darkness.

As we rode along with lamps lit, thousands of khaki-clad men were

marching along that road--marching steadily in the direction of Neuve

Chapelle. The endless stream of their faces flashed along the edge of

the _pavé_ in the light of our lamps. Their ranked figures, dim one

moment in the darkness, sprang for an instant into clear outline as the

light silhouetted them against the background of the night. Then they

passed out of the light again and became once more a legion of shadows,

marching towards dawn and Neuve Chapelle. The tramp of battalion after

battalion was not, however, the tramp of a shadow army, but the firm,

relentless, indomitable step of armed and trained men.

Every now and then there came a cry of "Halt," and the columns came on

the instant to a stand. Minutes passed, and the command for the

advance rang out. The columns moved again. So it went

on--halt--march--halt--march--hour by hour through the night along that

congested road--a river of men and guns.

For while in one direction men were marching, in the other direction

came batteries of guns, bound by another route for their position in

front of Neuve Chapelle. The two streams passed one another--legions

of men and rumbling, clattering lines of artillery, all moving under

screen of the dark, towards the line of trenches where the enemy lay.

This was no time to risk a block in traffic, and my motor, swerving off

the paved centre of the road, sank to her axles in the quagmire of

thick, sticky mud at the side. The guns passed, and we sought to

regain the paved way again, but our wheels spun round, merely churning

dirt. We could not move out of that pasty Flemish mud, until a

Canadian ambulance wagon came to our aid. The unhitched horses were

made fast to the motor, and they heaved the car out of her clinging bed.

In the early morning I came to the cross roads. The signpost planted

at the crossing and pointing down the road to the south-east bore the

inscription "Six kilometres to Neuve Chapelle."

This was the road that the legions had taken. It led almost in a

straight line to the trenches that were to be stormed, to the village

behind them that was to be captured, and to the town of La Bassée, a

few kilometres further on, strongly held by the Germans.

"Six kilometres to Neuve Chapelle "--barely four miles; one hour's easy

walking, let us say, on such a clear, fresh morning; or five minutes in

a touring car if the time had been peace. But who knew how many hours

of bloody struggle would now be needed to cover that short level

stretch of "Six kilometres to Neuve Chapelle"! Between this signpost

and the village towards which it pointed the way, many thousands of

armed men--sons of the Empire--had come from Britain, from India, from

all parts of the Dominions Overseas, to take their share in driving the

wedge down to the end of this six kilometres of country road, and

through the heart of the German lines. Here for a moment they paused.

What hopes, what fears, what joys, what sorrows, triumphs and tragedies

were suggested by that austere signpost, pointing "like Death's

lean-lifted forefinger" down that little stretch of road marked "Six

kilometres to Neuve Chapelle"!

I went on foot part of the way here, for so many battalions of men were

massed that motor traffic was impossible. These were troops held in

reserve. Those selected for the initial infantry attack were already

in the trenches ahead right and left of the further end of the road,

waiting on the moment of the advance.

I had just passed the signpost when the comparative peace of morning

was awfully shattered by the united roar and crash of hundreds of guns.

This broke out precisely at half-past seven. The exact moment had been

fixed beforehand for the beginning of a cannonade more concentrated and

more terrific than any previous cannonade in the history of the world.

It continued with extraordinary violence for half-an-hour, all calibres

of guns taking part in it. Some of the grandmotherly British howitzers

hurled their enormously destructive shells into the German lines, on

which a hurricane of shrapnel was descending from a host of smaller

guns. The German guns and trenches offered little or no reply, for the

enemy were cowering for shelter from that storm.

I turned towards the left and watched for awhile the good part which

the Canadian Artillery played in that attack. The Canadian Division,

which was a little further north than Neuve Chapelle, waited in its

trenches, hoping always for the order to advance.

Then I passed down the road until I came to a minor crossways where a

famous general stood in the midst of his Staff. Motor despatch riders

dashed up the road, bringing him news of the progress of the

bombardment. The news was good. The General awaited the moment when

the cannonade should cease, as suddenly as it had begun, and he should

unleash his troops.

Indian infantry marched down the road and saluted the General as they

passed. He returned the salute and cried to the officer at the head of

the column, "Good luck." The officer was an Indian, who, with a smile,

replied in true Oriental fashion: "Our Division has doubled in

strength, General-Sahib, since it has seen you."

While the bombardment continued, British aeroplanes sailed overhead and

crossed over to the German lines. The Germans promptly turned some

guns on them. We saw white ball-puffs of smoke as the shrapnel shells

burst in front, behind, above, below, and everywhere around the

machines, but never near enough to hit. They hovered like eagles above

the din of the battle, surveying and reckoning the damage which our

guns inflicted, and reporting progress.

[Illustration: Map--Line occupied by British in March 1915]

Once a German Taube rose in the air and lunged towards the British

lines. Then began a struggle for the mastery, which goes to the

machine which can mount highest and fire down upon its enemy. The

Taube ringed upwards. A couple of British aeroplanes circled after it.

To and fro and round and round they went, until the end came. The

British machines secured the upper air, and soon we saw that the Taube

was done. Probably the pilot had been wounded. The machine drooped

and swooped uneasily till, like a wounded bird, it streaked down

headlong far in the distance.

I walked over to where a British aeroplane was about to start on a

flight. The young officer of the Royal Flying Corps in charge was as

cool as though he were taking a run in a motor-car at home. "As a

matter of fact," he said, "I wanted change and rest. I had spent five

months in the trenches, and was worn out and tired by the everlasting

monotony and drudgery of it all. So I applied for a job in the Flying

Corps. It soothes one's nerves to be up in the air for a bit after

living down in the mud for so long."

I watched him soar up into the morning sky and saw numerous shrapnel

bursts chasing him as he sailed about over the German lines. What a

quiet, easy-going holiday was this, dodging about in the air, a clear

mark for the enemy's guns! But, to tell the truth, the British flying

men and machines are very rarely hit. Flying in war-time is not so

perilous as it looks, though it needs much skill and a calm, collected

spirit.

At length the din of the gunfire ceased, and we knew that the British

troops were rushing from their trenches to deal with the Germans, whose

nerve the guns had shaken. Astounded as they had been by our artillery

fire, the Germans were still more amazed by the rapidity of the

infantry attack. The British soldiers and the Indians swept in upon

them instantly till large numbers threw down their weapons, scrambled

out of their trenches, and knelt, hands up, in token of surrender.

The fight swept on far beyond the German trenches, through the village,

and beyond that again. The big guns occasionally joined in, and the

chatter of the machine-guns rose and broke off. Now the motor

ambulances began to come back--up that road down which the finger

pointed to Neuve Chapelle. They lurched past us as we stood by the

signpost in an intermittent stream, bearing the wounded men from the

fight.

Presently the cheerful sight of German prisoners alternated with the

saddening procession of ambulances. Large squads of prisoners went by,

many hatless and with dirt-smeared faces, their uniforms looking as

though dipped in mustard, the effect of the bursting of the British

lyddite shells among them in their trenches. The dejection of defeat

was on their faces.

Some of them were halted and were questioned by the General. One man

turned out to be a Frankfort banker, whose chief concern later was what

would become of his money, which he said had been taken charge of by

some of his captors. He was also anxious to know where he would be

imprisoned, and seemed relieved, if not delighted, when he heard that

it would be in England.

Another prisoner had been a hairdresser in Dresden. The General

questioned him, and he gave an entertaining account of his experiences

as a soldier.

"I am a Landwehr man," he said. "I was in Germany when I was ordered

to entrain. Presently the train drew up and I was ordered to get out,

and was told I had to go and attack a place called Neuve Chapelle. So

I went on with others, and soon we came into a hell of fire, and we ran

onwards and got into a trench, and there the hell was worse than ever.

We began to fire our rifles. Suddenly I heard shouting behind me, and

looked round and saw a large number of Indians between me and the rest

of the German Army. I then looked at the other German soldiers in the

trench and saw that they were throwing their rifles out of the trench.

Well, I am a good German, but I did not want to be peculiar, so I threw

my rifle out also, and then I was taken prisoner and brought here.

Although I have not been long at the war, I have had enough of it. I

never saw daylight in the battlefield until I was a prisoner."

Some of the prisoners were brought along by the Indian troops who had

captured them. They complained bitterly that they, Germans, should be

marched about in the custody of Indians! They did not understand the

grimly humorous reply: "If the Indians are good enough to take you,

they are good enough to keep you."

The Indians smiled with delight, for they are particularly fond of

making prisoners of Germans. Most of them brought back their little

trophies of the fight, which they held out for inspection with a smile,

crying, "Souvenir!"

The stream of prisoners and of wounded passed on. The fury of battle

relaxed. Now and then some of the guns still crashed, but the machine

guns rattled further and further away, and the crackle of the rifle

fire came from a distance.

The British Army had traversed in triumph those "six kilometres to

Neuve Chapelle."

At Neuve Chapelle it halted, and there halted, too, the hopes of an

early and conclusive victory for the Allied forces.

The enemy's outposts had been driven in, but beyond these, their

fortified places bristled with machine guns, which wrought havoc on our

troops, and, indeed, brought the successful offensive to a close.

Controversy has arisen over the disappointing results which were

achieved. For a month after the battle, Neuve Chapelle was heralded by

the public as a great British victory. But doubt followed confidence,

and in a few weeks the "victory" was described as a failure. The truth

lies between these extremes.

The object of this battle of Neuve Chapelle was to give our men a new

spirit of offensive and to test the British fighting machine which had

been built up with so much difficulty on the Western front. Besides,

if this attack succeeded in destroying the German lines, it would be

possible to gain the Aubers ridge which dominates Lille. That ridge

once firmly held in our hands, the city should have been ours. That

would have been a great victory. It would probably have meant the end

of the German occupation of this part of France. In any case it must

have had a marked effect upon the whole progress of the war.[1]

That was what we hoped to do. What we actually accomplished was the

winning of about a mile of territory along a three-mile front, and the

straightening of our line. The price was too high for the result.

It was the first great effort ever made by the British to pierce the

German line since it had been established after the open field battles

of the Marne and the Aisne. The British troops had faced the German

lines for months, and while the fundamental principles of the German

defences were fairly well understood, their real strength was very much

underrated.

Things went badly from the beginning of the action. The artillery

"preparation" represented quite the most formidable bombardment the

British had so far made, but even so, it was ineffective along certain

sections of the line. After the way had been paved by shrapnel and

high explosive, the British infantry moved forward in a splendid

offensive to secure what everyone believed would be a decisive victory;

and trained observers of the battle were under the impression that the

gallant British infantry had won their end. This is an impression,

too, which was shared by some of the men for a time.

For many months the British had been almost entirely on the defensive,

and over and over again been called on to repulse heavy, massed German

attacks. The casualties sustained in repulsing these attacks first

revealed our shortage of machine-guns. What they lacked in

machine-guns, however, the British troops made up for in a deadly

accuracy of rifle fire, which was at once the terror and the admiration

of the Germans. The British had thus come to an exaggerated idea of

the efficacy of rifle fire, and a consequent over-estimate of the

importance of the German first line trenches. Over these they swarmed,

and the word went forth that the day was won.

It was only when the British troops had occupied the enemy's first and

second line trenches, they discovered that, in actual fact, they had

not done more than drive in the outposts of an army. Close at hand,

the Germans' third line loomed up like a succession of closely

interlocked citadels. Nay, more, those citadels were so constructed

that the trenches from which our men had ousted the enemy with so much

heroism and loss were deathtraps for the new tenants. The

circumstances were such that to retire meant acknowledgment of failure,

and to hang on, a grisly slaughter.

Even so, there were features of the situation which made for hope.

There were positions to be won which would very seriously jeopardise

the whole German scheme of defence; but, at the critical moment of the

battle, the advanced troops seem to have passed beyond the control of

the various commanders in the rear on account of the misty weather.

The real tragedy, however, was the non-arrival of the supports at a

point and at a time when the appearance of reserves might have made all

the difference to the fortunes of the day. The enemy was still

bewildered and demoralised, and, but for the delay, might have been

completely routed. Unfortunately, the British front was in great need

of straightening out. The 23rd Brigade continued to hang up the 8th

Division, while the 25th Brigade was fighting along a portion of the

front where it was not supposed to be at all. Units had to be

disentangled and the whole line straightened before further advance

could be made.

The fatal result was a delay which, Sir John French says, would never

have occurred had the "clearly expressed orders of the General Officer

commanding the 1st Army been more carefully observed."

Sir Douglas Haig himself hurried up to set things right, but it was

then too late to retrieve the failure which had been occasioned by

delay. The attack was thoroughly exhausted, its sting was gone, and

the enemy had pulled himself together. Night was falling, and there

was nothing to be done but "dig in" beneath the ridge above Lille, the

capture of which would have altered the whole story of the campaign on

the Western front.

As I have said, the Canadian infantry took no part in the battle,

though the troops waited impatiently and expectantly for the order to

advance, but the activity of the Canadian artillery was considerable

and important. The Canadian guns took their full share in the

"preparation" for the subsequent British infantry attack, and the

observation work of our gunners was good and continuous.

After Neuve Chapelle, quiet reigned along the Canadian trenches, though

the battle raged to the north of us at St. Eloi, and the Princess

Patricia's Battalion was involved. Early in the last days of March our

troops were withdrawn and retired to rest camps.

The Canadians had received their baptism of fire, and in extremely

favourable circumstances. They had not been called on to make any

desperate attacks on the German lines. Nor had the Germans launched

any violent assaults upon theirs. The infantry had sustained a few

casualties, but that was all; while German artillery practice against

our trenches had been curtailed on account of the violent fighting both

to the south and the north.

On the other hand, we had been surrounded by all the circumstances of

great battles. We had watched the passage of the giant guns, of which

the British made use for the first time at Neuve Chapelle, and we had

moved and lived and stood to arms amid all the stir and accessories of

vehement war. The guns had boomed their deadly message in our ears, we

had seen death in many forms, and understood to the full the meaning of

"Casualties," while, day by day, the aeroplanes wheeled and circled

overhead, passing and re-passing to the enemy's lines.

The Canadians had come to make war, and had dwelt in the midst of it,

and after their turn in the trenches many of them, no doubt, accounted

themselves war-worn veterans. Little they knew of the ordeals of the

future. Little they dreamt, when towards the middle of the month of

April they were sent to take over French trenches in the Ypres salient,

that they were within a week of that terrible but wonderful battle

which has consecrated this little corner of Flanders for Canadian

generations yet unborn.

[1] The scheme of the attack on Neuve Chapelle had been worked out by

General John Gough just before he was killed, and it was explained to

his Corps Commanders by Sir John French on May 8th as follows:--The 1st

Army was to launch the main assault, the 4th Corps being on the left

flank and the Indian Corps on the right. To hold up the enemy all

along the line, and to prevent his massing reinforcements to meet the

main attack, two other supplementary attacks were also to be made--one

attack by the 1st Corps from Givenchy, and the other by the 3rd

Corps--detailed from the 2nd Army for that purpose--to the south of

Armentières.

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