THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD
A civil war is worse in many respects than a foreign war. When the
members of a society are forced to settle any differences that they may
have and come together in order to resist the aggressions of a foreign
foe, the internal organization of the society is strengthened. A civil
war, on the contrary, shakes the very foundations of the social
structure. The antagonism of interests which brings on and attends a
civil war weakens every social bond and tends to disorganize the
society. Hence, a longer period of time is required for the effects of
internal dissension to be obliterated. The feelings engendered by such a
war are not easily overcome either by the victors or by the vanquished.
For men who have fought against each other on the battle-field, quietly
to lay aside their arms and at once enter into business and social
relations, requires an amount of magnanimity and forbearance that human
nature in general does not possess.
At the close of the Civil War in the United States, the South was in a
much weaker condition than the North. An attempt had been made to set up
a new and separate government, but the attempt had failed utterly. The
Union armies had overrun whole sections of the South and left the
country desolate. The Emancipation Proclamation had put an end to the
institution of negro slavery on which the whole organization of Southern
society had rested. Out of the ruins of the old must arise a new society
organized on an entirely different basis. It was inevitable that there
should be social disturbances and acts of violence while so great a
change was in progress.[195]
Before the passions of war had subsided, however, and an opportunity had
been given the Southerners to accommodate themselves to the new order of
things, new causes for irritation and animosity appeared. Politically,
the reconstruction policy adopted by the Federal Congress, by its lack
of wisdom and of efficient leadership, brought continued humiliation and
annoyance. Socially, there were two causes of vexation and exasperation
which the people were in no mood to bear. The class of individuals known
as “carpet-baggers,” by reason of their mercenary and malicious conduct,
aggravated the people beyond endurance. The second disturbing element
was the negroes.[196]
The history of the reconstruction period—the mistakes, the
misunderstandings, the hostility as between the whites of the North and
of the South; the criminal dishonesty and knavery of the “carpet-bag
governments”; the ignorance and lawlessness prevailing among the
negroes—all this may be read elsewhere. Without attempting to fix the
blame for the anomalous condition of affairs, it is sufficient here to
point out that the administration of civil law was only partially and
imperfectly re-established, and that for that reason, and for other
reasons, there was an unusual amount of disorder and violence prevailing
over the country. The proof of this is to be found not only in the daily
newspapers, but also in the records of the proceedings and debates in
Congress during the twelve years from 1865 to 1877, and especially in
the thirteen volumes embodying the report of the joint select committee
appointed by Congress to investigate affairs in the insurrectionary
States with reference to the Ku-Klux conspiracy.[197] It is to this
so-called Ku-Klux conspiracy that attention is here to be directed. The
mystery connected with the organization known as the Ku-Klux Klan and
the peculiar history and subsequent influence of the organization makes
it necessary to speak of it here in some detail.[198]
In May, 1866, a number of young men in the town of Pulaski, in Giles
County, Tennessee, formed a secret society for the purpose of diversion
and amusement to which they gave the name “Ku-Klux Klan.”[199] The
mystery connected with the name—mysterious because it was meaningless
and alliterative—gave it a peculiar potency. This was manifest not only
in the impression made by it on the general public, but likewise in the
weird influence that it had on the members of the Klan themselves. They
had adopted a mysterious name; thereupon the original plan was modified
so as to make everything connected with the order harmonize with the
name. Amusement was kept as the end in view, but the methods by which
they were to obtain it were those of secrecy and mystery. When the
report of the committee on rules and ritual came up for consideration,
the recommendations were modified to adapt them to the new idea. The
report as finally adopted provided for the following officers: a Grand
Cyclops or President, a Grand Magi or Vice-President, a Grand Turk or
Marshal, a Grand Exchequer or Treasurer, and two Lictors who were the
outer and inner guards of the “Den,” as the place of meeting was
designated.
The members bound themselves by oath to maintain profound and absolute
secrecy with reference to the order and everything pertaining to it.
This obligation prohibited those who assumed it from disclosing that
they were Ku Klux, or the name of any other member, and from soliciting
any one to become a member. Each member was required to provide himself
with the following outfit: A white mask, a tall cardboard hat so
constructed as to increase the wearer’s apparent height, a gown or robe
of sufficient length to cover the entire person. The matter of color and
material was left to the individual’s taste and fancy, and each selected
what in his judgment would be the most hideous and fantastic. Each
member carried also a small whistle with which, by means of a code of
signals agreed upon, they held communications with one another.
The “den” was at first in the law office of a member of the Pulaski bar,
where the suggestion for the formation of the Klan had been made. But
the room was small, and it was too near the business portion of the town
to be a suitable place for meeting. On the brow of a ridge that runs
along the western outskirts of the town there stood at that time the
ruins of an old residence that had been partially demolished by a
cyclone. Underneath the portion that remained standing was a large
cellar. No other houses stood near, and around these ruins were the
storm-torn, limbless trunks of trees which had once formed a magnificent
grove. This dreary, desolate and uncanny place was in every way most
suitable for a “den,” and the Klan appropriated it. When a meeting was
held one Lictor was stationed near the house and the other fifty yards
from it on the road leading into the town. These were dressed in the
fantastic regalia of the order and bore tremendous spears as the badge
of their office.
At the close of the war, when the young men of the South who had escaped
death on the battle-field returned to their homes, they passed through a
period of enforced inactivity. They could not engage at once in business
or professional pursuits. In the case of many, business habits were
broken up. Few had capital to enter mercantile or agricultural
enterprises. There was also a total lack of the amusements and social
diversions which prevail wherever society is in a normal condition. The
reaction, therefore, which followed the excitement of army scenes and
service was intense.
It is not strange, then, that this secret society with its mysterious
name and grotesque disguises should awaken profound curiosity in the
town of Pulaski. By means of subterfuges members were easily secured
without direct solicitation and the order rapidly increased in size. By
the time the eligible material in the town had been used up, the young
men from the country, whose curiosity had been inflamed by the newspaper
notices, began to come in and apply for admission to the Klan. Then
“dens” were established at various points in the country. Sometimes a
stranger from other parts of Tennessee, or from Mississippi, Alabama, or
Texas, visiting in a neighborhood where the order prevailed, would be
initiated and on his departure carry with him permission to establish a
“den” at home. In fact this was often done without such permission, and
thus the connecting link between these “dens” was very fragile. It was
only by a sort of tacit agreement that the Pulaski Klan was regarded as
the source of power and authority. This was the condition of affairs in
April, 1867. During the fall and winter of 1866, the growth of the Klan
had been rapid, and it had spread over a wide extent of territory. So
far there had appeared no need for a compact organization, rigid rules,
and close supervision. The leading members of the Klan were
contemplating nothing more serious than amusement. They enjoyed the
baffled curiosity and wild speculations of a mystified public even more
than the rude sport afforded by the ludicrous initiations.
About this time the combined operation of several causes led to the
transformation of the Ku-Klux Klan into a band of “regulators.” These
causes may be grouped under three heads: (1) The impressions made by the
order upon the minds of those who united with it; (2) The impressions
upon the public by its weird and mysterious methods; (3) The anomalous
and peculiar condition of affairs in the South at this time.
The prevalent idea seems to have been that the Klan contemplated some
great and important mission. When admitted to membership this
conclusion, in the case of many, was deepened rather than removed by
what they saw and heard. There was nothing in the ritual or the
obligation or in any part of the ceremony to favor such a conclusion;
but the impression still remained that this mysteriousness and secrecy,
the high-sounding titles of the officers, the grotesque dress of the
members, and the formidable obligation, all meant more than mere sport.
Each had his own speculations as to what was to be the character of the
serious work which the Klan had to do, but many were satisfied that
there was such work.
When the meetings first began to be held in the dilapidated house on the
hill passers-by were frequent. Most of them passed the grim and ghostly
sentinel by the roadside in silence, but always with a quickened step.
Occasionally one would stop and ask: “Who are you?” In awfully
sepulchral tones the invariable answer was: “A spirit from the other
world. I was killed at Chickamauga.” Such an answer, especially when
given to a superstitious negro, was extremely terrifying and if, in
addition, he heard the uproarious noises issuing from the “den” at the
moment of a candidate’s investiture with the “regal crown,” he had the
foundation for a most awe-inspiring story. There came from the country
similar stories. The belated laborer, passing after nightfall some
lonely and secluded spot, heard horrible noises and saw fearful sights.
These stories were repeated with such embellishments as the imagination
of the narrator suggested until the feeling of the negroes and of many
of the white people, at mention of the Ku-Klux, was one of awe and
terror.
In the country it was noticed that the nocturnal perambulations of the
colored population diminished or entirely ceased wherever the Ku-Klux
appeared. In many ways there was a noticeable improvement in the habits
of a large class which had hitherto been causing great annoyance. In
this way the Klan gradually realized that the most powerful devices ever
invented for controlling the ignorant and superstitious were in their
hands. Even the most highly cultured were unable wholly to resist the
weird and peculiar feeling which pervaded every community where the
Ku-Klux appeared. Circumstances made it evident that the measures and
methods employed for sport might be effectually used to subserve the
public welfare—to suppress lawlessness and protect property. The very
force of circumstances carried the Klan away from its original purpose,
so that in the summer of 1867 it was virtually a band of regulators,
honestly, but in an injudicious and dangerous way, trying to protect
property and preserve peace and order.
It was this conception of the mission of the Klan which led to its
reorganization on a plan corresponding to its increased size and new
purpose. Some abuses of what was by common consent the law of the Klan
and some other evils had already made their appearance. It was hoped
also that this danger could be effectually guarded against by
reorganization. With these objects in view the Grand Cyclops of the
Pulaski “den” sent out a request to all the “dens” of which he had
knowledge, to appoint delegates to meet in convention at Nashville,
Tennessee, early in the summer of 1867. At the time appointed this
convention was held and delegates were present from a number of States.
A plan of reorganization, previously prepared, was submitted to this
convention and adopted. The territory covered by the Klan was designated
as the “Invisible Empire.” This was subdivided into “realms” coterminous
with the boundaries of the States. The “realms” were divided into
“dominions,” corresponding to congressional districts, the “dominions”
into “provinces” coterminous with counties, and the “provinces” into
“dens.” The officers were the Grand Wizard of the Invisible Empire and
his ten Genii, the Grand Dragon of the Realm and his eight Hydras, the
Grand Titan of the Dominion and his six Furies, the Grand Cyclops of the
Den and his two Night Hawks, and other minor officers. The declaration
of principles and objects prescribed loyalty to the United States
government and opposition to lawlessness and violence of every kind. No
material change was made in the methods of the Klan’s operations. The
essential features of mystery, secrecy, and grotesqueness were retained,
but steps were taken with a view to deepening and intensifying the
impressions already made upon the public mind. Henceforth the Ku-Klux
courted publicity as assiduously as they had formerly seemed to shun it.
They appeared at different points at the same time and always when and
where they were least expected. Devices were multiplied to deceive
people in regard to their numbers and to play upon the fears of the
superstitious. On the night of July 4, 1867, public parades were made in
many towns in Tennessee.
For several years there existed in the South a spurious and perverted
form of the “Union League.” Against this organization the Ku-Klux
directed their efforts, and this has given color to the assertion that
the Ku-Klux Klan was a political organization having only political ends
in view. The “Union Leagues” in the South, or the “Loyal Leagues” as
they were sometimes called, were generally composed of the disorderly
element of the negro population and led by white men who were then
considered the basest and meanest of men, the “carpet-baggers” and
“scalawags.” The depredations committed by members of these
organizations and the general lawlessness then prevailing constitutes
the justification for the Ku-Klux Klan taking upon itself the duty of a
vigilance society. In justification of the devices which were used to
terrorize the negroes, it was held that it was not only better to deter
the negroes from theft and other lawlessness in this way than to put
them in the penitentiary, but it was the only way at this time by which
they could be controlled. The jails would not contain them; the courts
could not or would not try them.
At first the Klan seemed to exercise a wholesome influence, but the good
effect was short-lived. The order contained within itself sources of
weakness. The devices and disguises by which the Klan deceived outsiders
enabled all who were so disposed, even its own members, to practice
deception on the Klan itself. It placed in the hands of its own members
the facility to do deeds of violence for the gratification of personal
feeling and have them credited to the Klan. Many deeds of violence were
thus done by men who were Ku-Klux, but who, while acting under cover of
their connection with the Klan, were not under its orders. In addition
to this the very class which the Klan proposed to hold in check and awe
into good behavior soon became wholly unmanageable. Those who had
formerly committed depredations to be laid to the charge of the negroes,
after a brief interval of good behavior, assumed the guise of Ku-Klux
and returned to their old ways. Outrages were committed by masked men in
regions far remote from any Ku-Klux organizations. Secrecy was the
strength of the Ku-Klux Klan so long as it was conjoined with mystery,
but when the masks and disguises ceased to be mysterious, secrecy was
its greatest weakness.
Causes were at work also which led the Klan to adopt measures of greater
severity. It had come to pass that all the disorder done in the country
was charged upon the Ku-Klux because done under disguises which they had
invented and used. They felt that the charge of wrong was unfairly
brought against them, and, as is frequently the case, they were carried
beyond the limits of prudence and right by a hot zeal for
self-vindication against unjust aspersions. The mystery and secrecy that
had been courted by the Klan led to the Klan and its objects being
wholly misunderstood and misinterpreted. Many people were sure that the
Klan meant treason and revolution. A feeling of intense hostility
succeeded the first impressions of awe and terror which the Klan had
inspired. The negroes formed organizations of a military character the
avowed purpose of which was “to make war upon and exterminate the
Ku-Klux.” On several occasions the Klan was fired into. The effect of
such attacks was to provoke counter hostility from the Klan, and so
there was irritation and counter irritation till in some places the
state of things was little short of open warfare.
Matters continued to grow worse until it was imperatively necessary that
there should be interference on the part of the government. In
September, 1868, the legislature of Tennessee, in obedience to the call
of Governor Brownlow, assembled in extra session and passed a most
stringent anti-Ku-Klux statute. In some sections of the State a reign of
terror followed and the governor was compelled to send troops and
proclaim martial law in certain counties. In March, 1869, the Grand
Wizard of the Invisible Empire issued a proclamation to his subjects.
This proclamation recited the legislation directed against the Klan and
stated that the order had in large measure accomplished the objects of
its existence. At a time when the civil law afforded inadequate
protection to life and property, when robbery and lawlessness of every
description were unrebuked, when all the better elements of society were
in constant dread for the safety of their property, persons, and
families, the Klan had afforded protection and security to many
firesides and in many ways contributed to the public welfare. But
greatly to the regret of all good citizens, some members of the Klan had
violated positive orders; others, under the name and disguises of the
organization, had assumed to do acts of violence, for which the Klan was
held responsible. The Grand Wizard had been invested with the power to
determine questions of paramount importance to the interests of the
order. Therefore, in the exercise of that power, the Grand Wizard
declared that the organization that had been known as the Ku-Klux Klan
was dissolved and disbanded.
For several years after March, 1869, the papers reported and commented
on “Ku-Klux outrages” committed at various places.[200] The authors of
these outrages no doubt acted in the name of the Klan and under its
disguises, and it may be that in some cases they were men who had been
Ku-Klux, but it cannot be charged that they were acting by the authority
of the order. The report of the joint committee of Congress appointed to
investigate the “Ku-Klux conspiracy” records a great deal of lawlessness
and violence during the period 1866–71, a part of which may be justly
attributed to the Klan. The greater part of the outrageous conduct
attributed to the Klan belongs to a date subsequent to its disbandment,
and is chargeable merely to the influence of the operations of the Klan.
As one writer has put it, the birth of this order was an accident, its
growth a comedy, and its death a tragedy. Its existence can be explained
only when the anomalous condition of social and political affairs in the
South during the years immediately succeeding the war is taken into
account.
In this discussion of the conditions in the Southern States which
promoted recourse to lynch-law, it must not be forgotten that at the
same time the frontier type of lynch-law was in vogue in the West. The
tide of immigration toward that part of the United States, which had set
in early in the fifties, continued with increased vigor after the close
of the Civil War. While the establishment of Territorial government,
followed by admission to the Union and State government, was remarkably
expeditious in the West, yet there was constant occasion for recourse to
lynch-law against desperadoes and persons guilty of stealing live stock.
In other sections of the country, also, lynch-law was in operation.[201]
The following statistics, obtained from an examination of the files of
the New York Times for the three years, 1871–73, give some idea of the
distribution and character of lynchings at that time[202]:
Kentucky: 2 negroes hung for rape, 1 white hung for rape, 1 negro hung
for murder, 3 negroes shot by masked men, 1 negro “murdered” by
Ku-Klux.
Tennessee: 2 negroes hung for robbery and arson, 1 negro shot and hung
for robbery and murder, 1 negro shot for attempted outrage, 1 negro
hung and shot for murder, 1 white shot for murder of wife.
Missouri: 5 horse thieves hung, 1 negro hung for outrage, 1 white hung
for murder, 3 whites hung for murder and robbery, 3 whites shot for
defending and being bondsmen of county officials accused of
peculation.
California: 2 whites hung for murder, 1 white hung and shot for
murder, 1 Indian hung for murder, 1 Malay (steward of steamer) shot
and thrown overboard near coast of California for ravishing sick girl,
eleven years old.
Montana: 2 whites hung for murder.
Louisiana: 4 negroes hung for murder, 3 horse thieves hung.
Virginia: 1 desperado, horse thief and murderer hung.
Alabama: 1 white shot for murder.
South Carolina: 2 whites shot for murder, 10 negroes shot and hung by
Ku-Klux.
Nevada: 1 desperado hung, 1 white hung for killing man in saloon row.
Wisconsin; 1 white hung for murder.
Indiana: 3 negroes hung for murder, 1 white hung for murder.
Nebraska: 1 negro and 1 white man “killed” for robbery and shooting
woman.
Kansas: 2 whites hung for murder, 1 desperado and 1 horse thief
“killed in jail.”
Colorado: 2 whites hung for keeping gambling outfit.
Michigan: 2 whites died from beating which they received for killing a
man in a German-Irish riot on the streets.
Ohio: 2 whites hung for murder.
Maryland: 1 negro hung for arson.
Total: 41 whites, 32 negroes, 1 Malay, 1 Indian.
The majority of those lynched in these three years, as given by the
Times, were forcibly taken from the custody of officers of the law. In
some instances, the jails were broken into, and the prisoners were taken
out and hanged or were killed in the jail; in other instances, the
prisoners were taken from the officers and put to death before they
could be taken to the jail. Some of the lynchings were carried on by
vigilance societies, others by mobs of masked persons or by “Ku-Kluxes.”
With two exceptions, nothing is said in the reports of these lynchings
about any attempts to take legal action against the lynchers. In the two
instances where attempts were made to prosecute the lynchers, it does
not appear that there was any measure of success.
It thus appears that lynch-law was in operation in nearly every part of
the United States during the years immediately following the close of
the Civil War, and that the ordinary penalty inflicted was death. It
was, however, the application of lynch-law under the anomalous
conditions in the South that rendered the reconstruction period a
distinctive period in the history of lynch-law. The reconstruction of
the Southern States has been rightly characterized as “one of the worst
periods of misgovernment and maladministration in the history of any
civilized community.”[203] The emancipation of the slaves and the
reconstruction policy carried out by the political leaders in Congress
not only brought about a changed relation between the two races, but
made negro domination a real evil and an imminent danger. The Southern
planters considered themselves justified in resorting to summary
measures as a means of protecting their property and their families.
Both the social and the political conditions in the South were such as
to give a distinctively new impulse to the lynching spirit.[204]
It is true that the extreme measures taken under Ku-Klux disguises never
received the approval of the mass of the Southern people, but, on the
other hand, few determined efforts were made by the civil authorities in
the Southern States to bring Ku-Klux offenders to justice. The outrage
upon freedmen, persons of Northern origin and Southerners accused of
favoring the reconstruction acts of Congress, were not stopped until
after Congress had passed the so-called “force bill” in 1871. By this
measure the jurisdiction of the Federal courts was extended to Ku-Klux
cases, and the President was authorized to suspend the writ of _habeas
corpus_ when necessary to preserve order. The Federal troops were not
entirely withdrawn from the South until 1877.
As a result of the doings of reconstruction times, habits of lawlessness
have been perpetuated at the South, the effect of which is still to be
seen. The disguises introduced by the Ku-Klux[205] have frequently given
security against identification at lynchings in recent years. The modern
“White Caps,” so well known in the central and eastern States as well as
in the South, though they are merely local and generally only temporary
organizations, use the same methods that were employed by the Ku-Klux.
The “White Caps” may be regarded as the successors of the Ku-Klux.