CHAPTER I

LYNCH-LAW

AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE HISTORY OF LYNCHING IN THE UNITED STATES

BY

JAMES ELBERT CUTLER, PH.D.

_Instructor in Economics in Wellesley College; sometime Henry C.

Robinson Fellow and Instructor in Political Economy in Yale University_

❦

LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.

91 AND 93 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK

LONDON AND BOMBAY

1905

Copyright, 1905

By LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.

_All rights reserved_

_The Plimpton Press Norwood Mass._

FOREWORD

Few people are able to read about lynch-executions, with atrocious forms

of torture and cruel death, such as have occurred from time to time

within ten years in this country, without a feeling of national shame.

It is necessary that facts should be known and that public opinion

should be corrected as to the ethics of that mode of dealing with crime.

Lynch-law is a very different thing where laws and civil institutions

are in full force and activity from what it is where they are wanting.

It is not admissible that a self-governing democracy should plead the

remissness of its own selected agents as an excuse for mob-violence. It

is a disgrace to our civilization that men can be put to death by

painful methods, which our laws have discarded as never suitable, and

without the proofs of guilt which our laws call for in any case

whatsoever. It would be a disgrace to us if amongst us men should burn a

rattlesnake or a mad dog. The badness of the victim is not an element in

the case at all. Torture and burning are forbidden, not because the

victim is not bad enough, but because we are too good. It is on account

of what we owe to ourselves that these methods are shameful to us, if we

descend to them. It is evident, however, that public opinion is not

educated up to this level. The reader of the present book will learn

very interesting facts about the causes alleged for lynching, and about

the public view of that crime. Many current errors will be corrected,

and many notions which are irrelevant, although they are popularly

believed to be germane and important, will be set aside.

W. G. SUMNER.

NEW HAVEN, CONN., February, 1905.

PREFACE

In making this investigation into the history of lynching in the United

States, my point of view has been that of a student of society and

social phenomena. The purpose of the investigation has not been

primarily to write the history of lynching, but to determine from the

history the causes for the prevalence of the practice, to determine what

the social conditions are under which lynch-law operates, and to test

the validity of the arguments which have been advanced in justification

of lynching.

At the present time many positive opinions are held with reference to

lynching, and these are quite at variance one with another. Any one who

attempts to investigate a subject under such conditions cannot hope to

escape criticism; neither can he hope to have given the subject equal

consideration from every standpoint. The most that one can say is that

he has pursued the investigation with perfect honesty of purpose and

with openness of mind. To this study of the history of lynching I have

brought no theories to prove and no conscious prejudices to confirm. My

first endeavor has been to obtain all the facts possible; my final

endeavor has been to point out the conclusions clearly warranted by such

facts.

The material for a study of this nature is found in a wide range of

sources and I gratefully record here my obligations to those who have

aided me in the task of collecting and sifting this material. For some

very valuable notes on the early history of lynch-law I am indebted to

Mr. Albert Matthews, of Boston, Massachusetts. Of his notes I have made

free use, indicating my obligation to him in each instance, either by

the use of the letter (M) or by special mention. Six of the chapters

have been read by him in the manuscript, and he has given me much

encouragement and kindly criticism during the preparation of these pages

for publication.

For many valuable suggestions during the prosecution of this study I am

indebted to members of the Faculty of the Social Sciences of Yale

University, especially to Professors Sumner, Farnam, Bourne, and Keller.

The editors of the _Yale Review_ have very courteously permitted me to

use in Chapter VIII the material which was published in a condensed form

in the _Yale Review_ for August, 1904. To many others whom I cannot here

mention by name I desire to express my thanks and acknowledge my

indebtedness for information given in response to inquiries.

The number of requests which have come to hand for copies of this study,

from persons living in various sections of the United States as well as

in Europe, and the attention that has been given the subject of

lynchings in newspapers and magazines, indicate a desire on the part of

the general public to learn the facts concerning lynchings. By many it

is believed that in no other respect to-day is American civilization so

open to reproach as in its toleration of the practice of lynching, and

there is an increasing demand that this summary method of administering

justice be suppressed and utterly abolished. That this book may

contribute in some measure to a better understanding of this most

serious and difficult problem is the hope with which it is placed in the

hands of the reader.

J. E. C.

CONTENTS

CHAPTER I

PAGE

_Introduction_ 1

CHAPTER II

_Origin of the Term Lynch-law_ 13

CHAPTER III

_Early Lynch-law_ 41

CHAPTER IV

_Lynch-law 1830–1860_ 90

CHAPTER V

_The Reconstruction Period_ 137

CHAPTER VI

_Lynchings_ 155

CHAPTER VII

_Lynch-law and its Justification_ 193

CHAPTER VIII

_Remedies_ 227

CHAPTER IX

_Some Conclusions_ 267

_List of Periodicals Cited_ 280

_Index_ 282

CHARTS

FACING

PAGE

I. Number lynched compared with number legally executed,

1882–1903 162

II. Number lynched according to months in different sections

of the U. S., 1882–1903 163

III. Percentages lynched for various causes by months,

1882–1903 170

IV. Number of Whites, Negroes and Others lynched according to

years, 1882–1903 171

V. Number of women (Whites and Negroes) lynched according to

years, 1882–1903 172

Proportion lynched for various causes, 1882–1903, Women

(Whites and Negroes).

VI. Percentages lynched for various causes by years,

1882–1903, Whites and Others 173

VII. Percentages lynched for various causes by years,

1882–1903, Negroes 174

VIII. Proportion lynched for various causes, 1882–1903, Whites

and Others 175

IX. Proportion lynched for various causes, 1882–1903, Negroes 176

X. Proportion lynched for various causes in Southern States,

1882–1903, Whites and Others 177

XI. Proportion lynched for various causes in Southern States,

1882–1903, Negroes 178

XII. Proportion lynched for various causes in Western States,

1882–1903 179

XIII. Proportion lynched for various causes in Eastern States,

1882–1903 180

LYNCH-LAW

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

It has been said that our country’s national crime is lynching. We may

be reluctant to admit our peculiarity in this respect and it may seem

unpatriotic to do so, but the fact remains that lynching is a criminal

practice which is peculiar to the United States. The practice whereby

mobs capture individuals suspected of crime, or take them from the

officers of the law, and execute them without any process at law, or

break open jails and hang convicted criminals, with impunity, is to be

found in no other country of a high degree of civilization. Riots and

mob executions take place in other countries, but there is no such

frequent administration of what may be termed popular justice which can

properly be compared with lynch-law procedure in the United States. The

frequency and impunity of lynchings in the United States is justly

regarded as a serious and disquieting symptom of American society.

In general, it may be said that the practice of summarily punishing

public offenders and suspected criminals is found in two distinct types

of society: first, the frontier type where society is in a formative

state and the civil regulations are not sufficiently established to

insure the punishment of offenders; and second, the type of society

which is found in older communities with well established civil

regulations, the people of which are ordinarily law-abiding and

conservative citizens. In this second type of society, recourse to

lynch-law procedure may be had either in times of popular excitement and

social disruption, or when there is a contrast in the population such as

is to be seen in the South between the whites and the negroes, or

against disreputable characters in the community for whose punishment

under the law no tangible evidence can be adduced, or against persons

guilty of committing some heinous offense which on account of its

atrocity and fiendishness is particularly shocking to the community.

In other countries one or more of these conditions has at times existed,

and summary methods of punishment to which lynch-law procedure in the

United States bears a close resemblance have been followed. In the

course of the settlement and development of this country, however, all

of these conditions have existed almost side by side. From colonial

times down to the present day there has been a section of the country

where the frontier type of society was to be found. At the same time

there has been an older, better settled section of the country, forming

a different type of society, where, though the judiciary was well

established and the apprehension and punishment of public offenders was

well provided for in the law, circumstances have arisen of such a nature

that the regular and legal administration of justice was deemed

inadequate or defective, and was therefore disregarded. As will be made

clear in the following pages, lynch-law has been resorted to in the

United States in times of popular excitement and social disruption; it

has been inflicted upon negroes, Indians, Italians, Mexicans; it has

been inflicted upon disreputable characters; it has been inflicted upon

persons guilty of heinous offenses.

The practice of lynching does not prevail in Canada[1]; nor is a similar

practice to be found in England, France, or Germany. The nearest

approach that can be found in Europe to the American practice of

lynching exists in the rural districts of little Russia where the

peasants sometimes adopt summary measures against horse-thieves. The

Russian law provides only a light punishment for horse-stealing, and,

since the peasant’s horse is almost his only property and is his chief

instrument of labor, summary methods seem necessary in order to check

the veritable plague of horse-stealing which breaks out every year as

soon as the dark nights of autumn begin. When a thief is caught, the

common way is for the men of the village to club him to death, each

trying to strike in such a way as to inflict no injury more serious than

a bruise. Another method is to tie the criminal by the feet to the tail

of a young and active colt which is then ridden at a gallop until little

is left of the horse-thief. There is also a mode of execution whereby

the thief is bound hand and foot to a bench or log, and the women of the

village thrust needles and pins into the soles of the victim’s feet and

other sensitive parts, until death ensues.[2]

Aside from this instance which is found in the loosely organized society

of the peasants in the rural districts of Russia, nothing like lynch-law

can be said to prevail in Europe. Occasionally mobs put persons to death

who have committed some brutal and outrageous crime. A newspaper report

states that the burgomaster of Stujhely, Hungary, was lynched in

November, 1902, for having set fire to his home in which were his wife,

father, mother, and three sisters, all of whom were burned to death. The

burgomaster had become angry at the members of his family for some

trifling cause, and his method of revenge so enraged his neighbors that

they immediately “took summary measures and lynched him.”[3] A similar

report tells of the lynching of a Bohemian village schoolmaster who

suddenly became insane and began shooting his revolver right and left

among his pupils, killing three and dangerously wounding three

others.[4] People in the lower stages of civilization, such as the

Melanesians, Micronesians, and the inhabitants of the Guinea Coast of

Africa, often have secret societies which take control of important

functions, such as the initiation of young persons arriving at maturity,

or the exaction of penalties for the transgression of customs and

traditions. In most cases these societies form an essential part of the

state, holding quite the place of the chief. Occasionally they

degenerate and create a reign of terror by their extortions and

exactions. Secret tribunals for thieves and robbers, like the society of

the “Old Ox,” have existed in China.[5] Such instances, however, merely

illustrate the general truth that summary methods of punishing offenders

are sometimes resorted to in every country in times of great popular

excitement or when some peculiarly atrocious crime has been perpetrated.

They in no way invalidate the assertion that the practice of lynching is

peculiarly an American institution.

Historically some parallels may be cited showing the execution of

summary justice under frontier conditions in other countries. In

Brande’s Dictionary of Science, Literature, and Art, published in 1842,

it was stated that “lynch law may be called a democratic imitation of

the old feudal _Vehmgerichte_.” Reference was there made to the

“irregular and revengeful species of justice administered by the

populace in some parts of the United States,” evidently meaning the

operation of lynch-law on the western frontier at that time. Lynch-law

in the United States has never been administered by an organization so

perfect and extensive as that of the Vehmic courts.[6] The feudal

conditions have been lacking which made that organization possible. It

is only in its _raison d’être_ that the frontier type of lynch-law may

be compared to the Vehmic courts. The early settlers in this country

felt themselves compelled to resort to summary proceedings as a means of

protection; the civil government was not sufficiently organized and

established to insure the punishment of violators of the public peace

and security. In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries utter

lawlessness and disregard of authority was prevailing in Germany, and

for a time the Vehmic courts afforded some protection against the

outrages of the princes and nobles. With the increasing strength of the

regular governments, however, the need of special protection diminished

and these tribunals gradually disappeared. Like the Vehmic courts, with

the establishment of the judiciary and a more effective execution of the

laws by the officials, the administration of lynch-law in the western

half of the United States has declined.

The tendency, it may be noted, for societies secretly organized for the

arbitrary punishment of offenders to pass into the control of the

persons against whom they were originally directed, is to be seen not

only in the history of the Vehmic courts but also in the history of the

Ku-Klux Klan and numerous vigilance societies in the United States. The

proceedings of such societies necessarily awaken distrust and fear among

the more quiet in the community, while the rogues, whose characters are

not yet known, hasten to obtain admittance, both as a shield against

enemies and a cloak to cover their own misdeeds. Soon their vindictive

actions and their rascalities excite the indignation of the community; a

counterparty of “moderators” must be formed to check the “regulators”;

then begins a deadly struggle for supremacy. Such, in brief, is the

abuse of lynch-law on the frontier. The tyranny of the Vehmic courts

becomes the taking of private vengeance, the feud and the _vendetta_,

under lynch-law.

The Vehmic courts, however, give no explanation for the presence of

lynch-law as an institution in American society. No connection can be

traced further than a few similarities in the methods adopted to put

down lawlessness at a time when the civil government proved weak and

inefficient.

Some writers have stated that lynch-law was anciently known in England

by the name of Lydford law and Halifax law, and that the same thing was

known in Scotland as Cowper justice and Jeddart or Jedburg justice.

Lydford law is defined in a dictionary of the seventeenth century as “a

certain Law whereby they first hang a Man and afterwards indite him.”[7]

One of Grose’s Proverbs reads:

“First hang and draw,

Then hear the cause by Lidford law.”

Westcott, in his “History of Devonshire,” has preserved some droll

verses about the town of Lydford. The first twelve lines are as follows:

“I oft have heard of Lydford law,

How in the morning they hange and draw,

And sit in judgement after;

At first I wondered at yt much,

But since I fynd the reasons such

As yt deserves no laughter.

“They have a castle on a hill,

I tooke it for an old wyndmill,

The vanes blowen off by weather:

To lye therein one night, ’tis guest,

’Twere better to be ston’d and prest,

Or hang’d; now chuse you whether.”[8]

It has been asserted, therefore, that “Lydford law became a proverbial

expression for summary punishment without trial.”[9] This, however, is

going further than the facts will allow, and is wholly misleading when

thus used to show the connection between Lydford law and lynch-law. It

would seem to imply that Lydford law in England was once as well known,

as a name for summary punishment, as lynch-law has become in this

country. As a proverbial expression Lydford law never came into general

use; it was confined to one section of England and never became more

than a localism.

In another part of England a certain summary procedure was known by the

name of Halifax law. In this case there was a trial followed by

immediate punishment. The trial was of a summary nature without adequate

opportunity of defense, and the punishment was irrevocable. The name,

Halifax law, originated from the so-called _gibbet law_ or custom in the

forest of Hardwick, coextensive with the parish of Halifax, under which

the frith burghers summarily tried any one charged with stealing goods

to the value of 13½ d., and could condemn him to be beheaded on the

market-day.[10]

Cowper justice is defined by Jamieson to mean “trying a man after

execution; the same with Jeddart, or Jedburgh justice,” and the latter

he defines as “a legal trial after the infliction of punishment.”

Jeddart justice refers to Jedburgh, a Scotch border town, where many of

the border raiders are said to have been hanged without the formality of

a trial. It is said that “in mockery of justice, assizes were held upon

them after that they had suffered.”[11]

All of these expressions, however, were entirely provincial. They were

merely different names used to characterize the methods employed in

various parts of England and Scotland for executing popular justice.

These practices differ from the administration of lynch-law in not

dispensing with all regular proceedings. Further, as will appear later,

the death penalty was not at first inflicted under lynch-law;

originally, lynching was synonymous with whipping. It is impossible,

therefore, to trace lynch-law back to these mediæval practices and find

in them any explanation for the existence of the practice of lynching in

the United States.

A general idea of the history of lynch-law in the United States is

obtained by noting the definitions of the term that have appeared from

time to time in the dictionaries. Brande’s Dictionary of Science,

Literature, and Art (1842)[12] contains the following: “Lynch Law. The

irregular and revengeful species of justice administered by the populace

in some parts of the United States is said to have been so called from a

Virginian farmer of the name of Lynch, who took the law into his hands

on some occasion, by chasing a thief, tying him to a tree, and flogging

him with his own hands.” A “University Edition” of Webster’s Dictionary

(1845) defines “Lynch-law” as “The practice of punishing men for crime

by private, unauthorized persons, without a legal trial”; and gives the

verb lynch meaning “to inflict punishment without the forms of law, as

by a mob.” Worcester’s Dictionary (1846) has “Lynch-law. An irregular

and revengeful species of justice, administered by the populace or a

mob, without any legal authority or trial. Brande.” For the verb lynch

the meaning is given, “To condemn and execute in obedience to the decree

of a multitude or mob, without a legal trial; sometimes practiced in the

new settlements in the southwest part of the United States. Qu. Rev.” In

Webster’s Dictionary (1848) “Lynch-law” is defined as “The practice of

punishing men for crimes or offenses by private, unauthorized persons,

without a legal trial. The term is said to be derived from a Virginia

farmer, named Lynch, who thus took the law into his own hands. (U.

S.)”[13]

Some important changes are noticeable in the definitions attached to

lynch-law forty years later. The Progressive Dictionary of the English

Language, edited by Samuel Fallows and published at Chicago in 1885,

gives this definition for the verb lynch: “To punish without the forms

of law; specifically to hang by mob-law.” In a note it is stated that

more than one etymology is claimed for the word. John S. Farmer in his

“Americanisms,” published at London in 1889, says the origin of the term

lynch-law “is wrapped in mystery; many explanations have been put

forward; none, however, are conclusive.” In Webster’s Dictionary,

edition of 1893, the following definition is found: “Lynch: To inflict

punishment upon, especially death, without the forms of law, as when a

mob captures and hangs a suspected person.” Lynch-law is defined in a

general way as “The act or practice by private persons of inflicting

punishment for crimes or offenses, without due process of law,” but this

note is added: “The term _Lynch law_ is said to be derived from a

Virginian named Lynch, who took the law into his own hands. But the

origin of the term is very doubtful.”[14]

There are two differences between the definitions formulated in the

forties and those formulated in the eighties and in recent years. In the

later definitions the operation of lynch-law is described as being much

more harsh and severe, and there is an expression of doubt as to the

origin of the term. In the earlier definitions death is not mentioned as

the ordinary penalty administered by lynch-law and the American origin

of the term is accepted without question. The doubt as to the origin

probably arose because of the number of stories which have appeared, all

claiming to account for its origin, and also because of the lack of any

careful investigation to determine the question authentically from

historical sources. The increased harshness expressed in the definitions

is, of course, due to the fact that the punishment inflicted under the

name of lynch-law has become more severe and inexorable. Lynching is now

practically synonymous with summary and illegal capital punishment at

the hands of a mob. In the following pages the history of this change

will be traced and the conditions noted which have led to the

continuance of the practice of lynching and given to it its increased

severity.

In the above citations to various definitions that have been given for

lynch-law it was noted that more than one origin has been claimed for

the term. An investigation into the circumstances surrounding its origin

will throw considerable light on the early history of lynch-law

procedure in the United States, and this question will therefore be

taken up in some detail.

Lynch-law; an investigation into the history of lynching in the United States · 第 1 / 10 章