AN ACCOUNT OF THE COMMERCE CARRIED ON BETWEEN THE CITY OF MANILA ON THE
ISLAND OF LUCONIA, AND THE PORT OF ACAPULCO ON THE COAST OF MEXICO
About the end of the fifteenth century and the beginning of the
sixteenth, the searching after new countries, and new branches of
commerce, was the reigning passion among several of the European
princes. But those who engaged most deeply and fortunately in these
pursuits were the kings of Spain and Portugal, the first of them having
discovered the immense and opulent continent of America and its
adjacent islands, whilst the other, by doubling the Cape of Good Hope,
had opened to his fleets a passage to the southern coast of Asia,
usually called the East Indies, and by his settlements in that part of
the globe, became possessed of many of the manufactures and natural
productions with which it abounded, and which, for some ages, had been
the wonder and delight of the more polished and luxurious part of
mankind.
In the meantime, these two nations of Spain and Portugal, who were thus
prosecuting the same views, though in different quarters of the world,
grew extremely jealous of each other, and became apprehensive of mutual
encroachments. And, therefore, to quiet their jealousies, and to
enable them with more tranquillity to pursue the propagation of the
Catholick faith in these distant countries (they having both of them
given distinguished marks of their zeal for their mother church, by
their butchery of innocent pagans), Pope Alexander VI. granted to the
Spanish crown the property and dominion of all places, either already
discovered, or that should be discovered, an hundred leagues to the
westward of the islands of Azores, leaving all the unknown countries to
the eastward of this limit to the industry and disquisition of the
Portuguese; and this boundary being afterwards removed two hundred and
fifty leagues more to the westward, by the agreement of both nations,
it was imagined that this regulation would have suppressed all the
seeds of future {217} contests. For the Spaniards presumed that the
Portuguese would be thereby prevented from meddling with their colonies
in America, and the Portuguese supposed that their East Indian
settlements, and particularly the Spice Islands, which they had then
newly found out, were for ever secured from any attempts of the Spanish
nation.
But it seems the infallibility of the Holy Father had, on this
occasion, deserted him, and for want of being more conversant in
geography, he had not foreseen that the Spaniards, by pursuing their
discoveries to the west, and the Portuguese to the east, might at last
meet with each other, and be again embroiled, as it actually happened
within a few years afterwards. For Ferdinand Magellan, an officer in
the King of Portugal's service, having received some disgust from the
court, either by the defalcation of his pay, or by having his parts, as
he conceived, too cheaply considered, he entered into the service of
the King of Spain. As he appears to have been a man of ability, he was
desirous of signalizing his talents in some enterprize which might
prove extremely vexatious to his former masters, and might teach them
to estimate his worth from the greatness of the mischief he brought
upon them, this being the most obvious and natural turn of all
fugitives, more especially of those who, being really men of capacity,
have quitted their country by reason of the small account that has been
made of them. Magellan, in pursuance of these vindictive views,
knowing that the Portuguese considered their traffic to the Spice
Islands as their most important acquisition in the east, resolved with
himself to instigate the court of Spain to an attempt, which, by still
pushing their discoveries to the westward, would give them a right to
interfere both in the property and commerce of those renowned
countries; and the King of Spain approving of this project, Magellan,
in the year 1519, set sail from the port of Sevil in order to carry
this enterprize into execution. He had with him a considerable force,
consisting of five ships and two hundred and thirty-four men, with
which he stood for the coast of South America, and ranging along shore,
he at length, towards the end of October 1520, had the good fortune to
discover those streights which have since been denominated from him,
and which opened him a passage into the South Seas. This, which was
the first part of his scheme, being thus happily accomplished, he,
after some stay on the {218} coast of Peru, set sail again to the
westward, with a view of falling in with the Spice Islands. In this
extensive run across the Pacific Ocean, he first discovered the
Ladrones or Marian Islands, and continuing on his course, he at length
reached the Philippine Islands, which are the most eastern part of
Asia, where, venturing on shore in an hostile manner, and skirmishing
with the Indians, he was slain.
By the death of Magellan, his original project of securing some of the
Spice Islands was defeated; for those who were left in command
contented themselves with ranging through them, and purchasing some
spices from the natives, after which they returned home round the Cape
of Good Hope, being the first ships which had ever surrounded this
terraqueous globe, and thereby demonstrated, by a palpable experiment
obvious to the grossest and most vulgar capacity, the reality of its
long-disputed spherical figure.
But though Spain did not hereby acquire the property of any of the
Spice Islands, yet the discovery of the Philippines, made in this
expedition, was thought too considerable to be neglected, since these
were not far distant from those places which produced spices, and were
very well situated for the Chinese trade, and for the commerce of other
parts of India. A communication, therefore, was soon established and
carefully supported between these islands and the Spanish colonies on
the coast of Peru: whence the city of Manila (which was built on the
island of Luconia, the chief of the Philippines) became in a short time
the mart for all Indian commodities, which were brought up by the
inhabitants, and were annually sent to the South Seas, to be there
vended on their account; and the returns of this commerce to Manila
being principally made in silver, the place by degrees grew extremely
opulent, and its trade so far increased as to engage the attention of
the court of Spain, and to be frequently controlled and regulated by
royal edicts.
In the infancy of this trade it was carried on from the port of Callao
to the city of Manila, in which navigation the trade-wind continually
favoured them; so that notwithstanding these places were distant
between three and four thousand leagues, yet the voyage was often made
in little more than two months. But then the return from Manila was
extremely troublesome and tedious, and is said to have sometimes lasted
above a twelvemonth; which, if they pretend to ply up {219} within the
limits of the trade-wind, is not at all to be wondered at. Indeed,
though it is asserted that in their first voyages they were so
imprudent and unskilful as to attempt this course, yet that route was
soon laid aside, by the advice, as it is said, of a Jesuit, who
persuaded them to steer to the northward till they got clear of the
trade-winds, and then by the favour of the westerly winds, which
generally prevail in high latitudes, to stretch away for the coast of
California. This we know hath been the practice for at least a hundred
and sixty years past, as Sir Thomas Cavendish, in the year 1586,
engaged off the south end of California a vessel bound from Manila to
the American coast. And it was in compliance with this new plan of
navigation, and to shorten the run both backwards and forwards, that
the staple of this commerce to and from Manila was removed from Callao
on the coast of Peru, to the port of Acapulco on the coast of Mexico,
where it continues fixed to this time.
Such was the commencement, and such were the early regulations of this
commerce; but its present condition being a much more interesting
subject, I must beg leave to dwell longer on this head, and to be
indulged in a more particular narration, beginning with a description
of the island of Luconia, and of the port and bay of Manila.
The island of Luconia, though situated in the latitude of 15° north, is
esteemed to be in general extremely healthy, and the water that is
found upon it is said to be the best in the world. It produces all the
fruits of the warm climates, and abounds in a most excellent breed of
horses, supposed to be carried thither first from Spain. It is very
well seated for the Indian and Chinese trade; and the bay and port of
Manila, which lies on its western side, is perhaps the most remarkable
on the whole globe, the bay being a large circular bason, near ten
leagues in diameter, great part of it entirely land-locked. On the
east side of this bay stands the city of Manila, which is large and
populous, and which, at the beginning of this war, was only an open
place, its principal defence consisting in a small fort, which was
almost surrounded on every side by houses; but they have lately made
considerable additions to its fortifications, though I have not yet
learnt after what manner. The port, peculiar to the city, is called
Cabite, and lies near two leagues to the southward: and in this port
all the ships employed for the Acapulco trade are usually stationed.
{220}
The city of Manila itself is in a healthy situation, is well watered,
and is in the neighbourhood of a very fruitful and plentiful country;
but as the principal business of this place is its trade to Acapulco,
it lies under some disadvantage from the difficulty there is in getting
to sea to the eastward: for the passage is among islands and through
channels, where the Spaniards, by reason of their unskilfulness in
marine affairs, waste much time, and are often in great danger.
The trade carried on from this place to China and different parts of
India is principally for such commodities as are intended to supply the
kingdoms of Mexico and Peru. These are spices, all sorts of Chinese
silks and manufactures, particularly silk stockings, of which I have
heard that no less than fifty thousand pair were the usual number
shipped in each cargoe; vast quantities of Indian stuffs, as callicoes
and chints, which are much worn in America, together with other minuter
articles, as goldsmiths' work, etc., which is principally wrought at
the city of Manila itself by the Chinese; for it is said there are at
least twenty thousand Chinese who constantly reside there, either as
servants, manufacturers, or brokers. All these different commodities
are collected at Manila, thence to be transported annually in one or
more ships to the port of Acapulco in the kingdom of Mexico.
This trade to Acapulco is not laid open to all the inhabitants of
Manila, but is confined by very particular regulations, somewhat
analogous to those by which the trade of the register ships from Cadiz
to the West Indies is restrained. The ships employed herein are found
by the King of Spain, who pays the officers and crew; and the tunnage
is divided into a certain number of bales, all of the same size: these
are distributed amongst the convents at Manila, but principally to the
Jesuits, as a donation to support their missions for the propagation of
the Catholick faith; and the convents have thereby a right to embark
such a quantity of goods on board the Manila ship as the tunnage of
their bales amounts to; or if they chuse not to be concerned in trade
themselves, they have the power of selling this privilege to others:
nor is it uncommon, when the merchant to whom they sell their share is
unprovided of a stock, for the convent to lend him considerable sums of
money on bottomry.
The trade is by the royal edicts limited to a certain value, which the
annual cargoe ought not to exceed. Some Spanish {221} manuscripts I
have seen, mention this limitation to be 600,000 dollars; but the
annual cargoe does certainly surpass this sum, and though it may be
difficult to fix its exact value, yet from many comparisons I conclude
that the return cannot be much short of three millions of dollars.
As it is sufficiently obvious that the greatest share of the treasure
returned from Acapulco to Manila does not remain in that place, but is
again dispersed into different parts of India; and as all European
nations have generally esteemed it good policy to keep their American
settlements in an immediate dependence on the mother country, without
permitting them to carry on directly any gainful traffick with other
powers; these considerations have occasioned many remonstrances to be
presented to the court of Spain against this Indian trade allowed to
the kingdom of Mexico. It has been urged that the silk manufactures of
Valencia and other parts of Spain are hereby greatly prejudiced, and
the linens carried from Cadiz much injured in their sale: since the
Chinese silks coming almost directly to Acapulco, can be afforded
considerably cheaper there than any European manufactures of equal
goodness, and the cotton from the Coromandel coast makes the European
linens nearly useless. So that the Manila trade renders both Mexico
and Peru less dependant upon Spain for a supply of their necessities
than they ought to be, and exhausts those countries of a considerable
quantity of silver, the greatest part of which, were this trade
prohibited, would center in Spain, either in payment for Spanish
commodities, or in gains to the Spanish merchant: whereas now the only
advantage which arises from it is the enriching the Jesuits, and a few
particular persons besides, at the other extremity of the world. These
arguments did so far influence Don Joseph Patinho, who was formerly
prime minister, and an enemy to the Jesuits, that about the year 1725
he had resolved to abolish this trade, and to have permitted no Indian
commodities to be introduced into any of the Spanish ports in the West
Indies, except such as were brought thither by the register ships from
Europe. But the powerful untrigues of the Jesuits prevented this
regulation from taking place.
This trade from Manila to Acapulco and back again is usually carried on
in one or at most two annual ships, which set sail from Manila about
July, and arrive at Acapulco in {222} the December, January, or
February following; and having there disposed of their effects, return
for Manila some time in March, where they generally arrive in June; so
that the whole voyage takes up very near an entire year. For this
reason, though there is often no more than one ship freighted at a
time, yet there is always one ready for the sea when the other arrives;
and therefore the commerce at Manila is provided with three or four
stout ships, that in case of any accident the trade may not be
suspended. The largest of these ships, whose name I have not learnt,
is described as little less than one of our first-rate men-of-war; and
indeed she must be of an enormous size, as it is known that when she
was employed with other ships from the same port to cruise for our
China trade, she had no less than twelve hundred men on board. Their
other ships, though far inferior in bulk to this, are yet stout large
vessels, of the burthen of twelve hundred tun and upwards, and usually
carry from three hundred and fifty to six hundred hands, passengers
included, with fifty odd guns. As these are all king's ships,
commissioned and paid by him, there is usually one amongst the captains
stiled the general, and he carries the royal standard of Spain at the
main topgallant mast-head, as we shall more particularly observe
hereafter.
And now having described the city and port of Manila, and the shipping
employed by its inhabitants, it is necessary to give a more
circumstantial detail of the navigation from thence to Acapulco. The
ship having received her cargo on board, and being fitted for the sea,
generally weighs from the mole of Cabite about the middle of July,
taking the advantage of the westerly monsoon, which then sets in. It
appears that the getting through the channel called the Boccadero, to
the eastward, must be a troublesome navigation, and in fact it is
sometimes the end of August before they compleat it. When they have
cleared this passage, and are disintangled from the islands, they stand
to the northward of the east, till they arrive in the latitude of
thirty degrees or upwards, where they expect to meet with westerly
winds, before which they stretch away for the coast of California.
It is indeed most remarkable that by the concurrent testimony of all
the Spanish navigators, there is not one port nor even a tolerable road
as yet found out betwixt the Philippine Islands and the coast of
California: so that from {223} the time the Manila ship first loses
sight of land, she never lets go her anchor till she arrives on the
coast of California, and very often not till she gets to its
southermost extremity. As this voyage is rarely of less than six
months' continuance, and the ship is deep laden with merchandize and
crowded with people, it may appear wonderful how they can be supplied
with a stock of fresh water for so long a time. The method of
procuring it is indeed extremely singular, and deserves a very
particular recital.
It is well known to those who are acquainted with the Spanish customs
in the South Seas, that their water is preserved on shipboard, not in
casks but in earthen jars, which in some sort resemble the large oil
jars we often see in Europe. When the Manila ship first puts to sea,
she takes on board a much greater quantity of water than can be stowed
between decks, and the jars which contain it are hung all about the
shrouds and stays, so as to exhibit at a distance a very odd
appearance. Though it is one convenience of their jars that they are
much more manageable than casks, and are liable to no leekage, unless
they are broken, yet it is sufficiently obvious that a six or even a
three months' store of water could never be stowed in a ship so loaded
by any management whatever; and therefore without some other supply
this navigation could not be performed. A supply indeed they have, but
the reliance upon it seems at first sight so extremely precarious that
it is wonderful such numbers should risque the perishing by the most
dreadful of all deaths on the expectation of so casual a relief. In
short, their only method of recruiting their water is by the rains,
which they meet with between the latitudes of 30° and 40° north, and
which they are always prepared to catch. For this purpose they take to
sea with them a great number of mats, which, whenever the rain
descends, they range slopingly against the gunwale from one end of the
ship to the other, their lower edges resting on a large split bamboe;
whence all the water which falls on the mats drains into the bamboe,
and by this, as a trough, is conveyed into a jar. And this method of
furnishing themselves with water, however accidental and extraordinary
it may at first sight appear, hath never been known to fail them, but
it hath been common for them, when their voyage is a little longer than
usual, to fill all their water jars several times over.
{224}
However, though their distresses for fresh water are much short of what
might be expected in so tedious a navigation, yet there are other
inconveniences generally attendant upon a long continuance at sea from
which they are not exempted. The principal of these is the scurvy,
which sometimes rages with extreme violence, and destroys great numbers
of the people; but at other times their passage to Acapulco (of which
alone I would be here understood to speak) is performed with little
loss.
The length of time employed in this passage, so much beyond what
usually occurs in any other known navigation, is perhaps in part to be
imputed to the indolence and unskilfulness of the Spanish sailors, and
to an unnecessary degree of caution, on pretence of the great riches of
the vessel: for it is said that they rarely set their main-sail in the
night, and often lie by unnecessarily. Thus much is certain, that the
instructions given to their captains (which I have seen) seem to have
been drawn up by such as were more apprehensive of too strong a gale,
though favourable, than of the inconveniences and mortality attending a
lingering and tedious voyage. For the captain is particularly ordered
to make his passage in the latitude of 30 degrees, if possible, and to
be extremely careful to stand no farther to the northward than is
absolutely necessary for the getting a westerly wind. This, according
to our conceptions, appears to be a very absurd restriction, since it
can scarcely be doubted but that in the higher latitudes the westerly
winds are much steadier and brisker than in the latitude of 30 degrees.
Indeed the whole conduct of this navigation seems liable to very great
censure: since, if instead of steering E.N.E. into the latitude of 30
degrees, they at first stood N.E. or even still more northerly, into
the latitude of 40 or 45 degrees, in part of which coast the
trade-winds would greatly assist them, I doubt not but by this
management they might considerably contract their voyage, and perhaps
perform it in half the time which is now allotted for it. This may in
some measure be deduced from their own journals; since in those I have
seen, it appears that they are often a month or six weeks after their
laying the land before they get into the latitude of 30 degrees;
whereas, with a more northerly course, it might easily be done in less
than a fortnight. Now when they were once well advanced to the
northward, the {225} westerly winds would soon blow them over to the
coast of California, and they would be thereby freed from the other
embarrassments to which they are at present subjected, only at the
expence of a rough sea and a stiff gale. This is not merely matter of
speculation; for I am credibly informed that about the year 1721, a
French ship, by pursuing this course, ran from the coast of China to
the valley of Vanderas, on the coast of Mexico, in less than fifty
days: but it was said that notwithstanding the shortness of her
passage, she suffered prodigiously by the scurvy, so that she had only
four or five of her crew remaining alive when she arrived in America.
However, I shall descant no longer on the probability of performing
this voyage in a much shorter time, but shall content myself with
reciting the actual occurrences of the present navigation. The Manila
ship having stood so far to the northward as to meet with a westerly
wind, stretches away nearly in the same latitude for the coast of
California, and when she has run into the longitude of about 100
degrees from Cape Espiritu Santo, she generally finds a plant floating
on the sea, which, being called Porra by the Spaniards, is, I presume,
a species of sea-leek. On the sight of this plant they esteem
themselves sufficiently near the California shore, and immediately
stand to the southward; and they rely so much on this circumstance,
that on the first discovery of the plant, the whole ship's company
chant a solemn _Te Deum_, esteeming the difficulties and hazards of
their passage to be now at an end; and they constantly correct their
longitude thereby, without ever coming within sight of land. After
falling in with these signs, as they denominate them, they steer to the
southward without endeavouring to approach the coast, till they have
run into a lower latitude, for as there are many islands, and some
shoals adjacent to California, the extreme caution of the Spanish
navigators renders them very apprehensive of being engaged with the
land. However, when they draw near its southern extremity, they
venture to hale in, both for the sake of making Cape St. Lucas to
ascertain their reckoning, and also to receive intelligence from the
Indian inhabitants, whether or no there are any enemies on the coast;
and this last circumstance, which is a particular article in the
captain's instructions, obliges us to {226} mention the late
proceedings of the Jesuits among the California Indians.
Since the first discovery of California, there have been various
wandering missionaries who have visited it at different times, though
to little purpose. But of late years the Jesuits, encouraged and
supported by a large donation from the Marquis de Valero, a most
munificent bigot, have fixed themselves upon the place, and have there
established a very considerable mission. Their principal settlement
lies just within Cape St. Lucas, where they have collected a great
number of savages, and have endeavoured to inure them to agriculture
and other mechanic arts. Nor have their efforts been altogether
ineffectual, for they have planted vines at their settlements with very
good success, so that they already make a considerable quantity of
wine, which begins to be esteemed in the neighbouring kingdom of
Mexico, it resembling in flavour the inferior sorts of Madera.
The Jesuits then being thus firmly rooted on California, they have
already extended their jurisdiction quite across the country from sea
to sea, and are endeavouring to spread their influence farther to the
northward, with which view they have made several expeditions up the
gulf between California and Mexico, in order to discover the nature of
the adjacent countries, all which they hope hereafter to bring under
their power. And being thus occupied in advancing the interests of
their society, it is no wonder if some share of attention is engaged
about the security of the Manila ship, in which their convents at
Manila are so deeply concerned. For this purpose there are
refreshments, as fruits, wine, water, etc., constantly kept in
readiness for her, and there is besides care taken at Cape St. Lucas to
look out for any ship of the enemy, which might be cruising there to
intercept her, this being a station where she is constantly expected,
and where she has been often waited for and fought with, though
generally with little success. In consequence then of the measures
mutually settled between the Jesuits of Manila and their brethren at
California, the captain of the galeon is ordered to fall in with the
land to the northward of Cape St. Lucas, where the inhabitants are
directed, on sight of the vessel, to make the proper signals with
fires. On discovering these fires, the captain is to send his launch
on shore with twenty men well armed, who are to carry with them the
{227} letters from the convents at Manila to the California
missionaries, and are to bring back the refreshments which will be
prepared for the ship, and likewise intelligence whether or no there
are enemies on the coast. If the captain finds, from the account which
is sent him, that he has nothing to fear, he is directed to proceed for
Cape St. Lucas, and thence to Cape Corientes, after which he is to
coast it along for the port of Acapulco.
The most usual time of the arrival of the galeon at Acapulco is towards
the middle of January, but this navigation is so uncertain that she
sometimes gets in a month sooner, and at other times has been detained
at sea above a month longer. The port of Acapulco is by much the
securest and finest in all the northern part of the Pacific Ocean,
being, as it were, a bason surrounded by very high mountains. But the
town is a most wretched place, and extremely unhealthy, for the air
about it is so pent up by the hills that it has scarcely any
circulation. Acapulco is besides destitute of fresh water, except what
is brought from a considerable distance, and is in all respects so
inconvenient, that except at the time of the mart, whilst the Manila
galeon is in the port, it is almost deserted.
When the galeon arrives in this port, she is generally moored on its
western side to two trees, and her cargoe is delivered with all
possible expedition. And now the town of Acapulco, from almost a
solitude, is immediately thronged with merchants from all parts of the
kingdom of Mexico. The cargoe being landed and disposed of, the silver
and the goods intended for Manila are taken on board, together with
provisions and water, and the ship prepares to put to sea with the
utmost expedition. There is indeed no time to be lost, for it is an
express order to the captain to be out of the port of Acapulco on his
return, before the first day of April, N.S.
Having mentioned the goods intended for Manila, I must observe that the
principal return is always made in silver, and consequently the rest of
the cargoe is but of little account; the other articles, besides the
silver, being some cochineal and a few sweetmeats, the produce of the
American settlements, together with European millinery ware for the
women at Manila, and some Spanish wines, such as tent and sherry, {228}
which are intended for the use of their priests in the administration
of the sacrament.
And this difference in the cargoe of the ship to and from Manila
occasions a very remarkable variety in the manner of equipping her for
these two different voyages. For the galeon when she sets sail from
Manila, being deep laden with variety of bulky goods, she has not the
conveniency of mounting her lower tier of guns, but carries them in her
hold, till she draws near Cape St. Lucas, and is apprehensive of an
enemy. Her hands too are as few as is consistent with the safety of
the ship, that she may be less pestered by the stowage of provisions.
But on her return from Acapulco, as her cargoe lies in less room, her
lower tier is (or ought to be) always mounted before she leaves the
port, and her crew is augmented with a supply of sailors, and with one
or two companies of foot, which are intended to reinforce the garrison
at Manila. Besides, there being many merchants who take their passage
to Manila on board the galeon, her whole number of hands on her return
is usually little short of six hundred, all which are easily provided
for by reason of the small stowage necessary for the silver.
The galeon being thus fitted in order to her return, the captain, on
leaving the port of Acapulco, steers for the latitude of 13° or 14°,
and then continues on that parallel till he gets sight of the island of
Guam, one of the Ladrones. In this run the captain is particularly
directed to be careful of the shoals of St. Bartholomew, and of the
island of Gasparico. He is also told in his instructions, that to
prevent his passing the Ladrones in the dark, there are orders given
that, through all the month of June, fires shall be lighted every night
on the highest part of Guam and Rota, and kept in till the morning.
At Guam there is a small Spanish garrison (as will be more particularly
mentioned hereafter), purposely intended to secure that place for the
refreshment of the galeon, and to yield her all the assistance in their
power. However, the danger of the road at Guam is so great that though
the galeon is ordered to call there, yet she rarely stays above a day
or two, but getting her water and refreshments on board as soon as
possible, she steers away directly for Cape Espiritu Santo, on the
island of Samal. Here the captain is again ordered to look out for
signals, and he is told that centinels {229} will be posted not only on
that cape, but likewise in Catanduanas, Butusan, Birriborongo, and on
the island of Batan. These centinels are instructed to make a fire
when they discover the ship, which the captain is carefully to observe,
for if, after this first fire is extinguished, he perceives that four
or more are lighted up again, he is then to conclude that there are
enemies on the coast, and on this he is immediately to endeavour to
speak with the centinel on shore, and to procure from him more
particular intelligence of their force, and of the station they cruize
in; pursuant to which, he is to regulate his conduct, and to endeavour
to gain some secure port amongst those islands, without coming in sight
of the enemy; and in case he should be discovered when in port, and
should be apprehensive of an attack, he must land his treasure, and
must take some of his artillery on shore for its defence, not
neglecting to send frequent and particular accounts to the city of
Manila of all that passes. But if after the first fire on shore, the
captain observes that two others only are made by the centinels, he is
then to conclude that there is nothing to fear, and he is to pursue his
course without interruption, making the best of his way to the port of
Cabite, which is the port to the city of Manila, and the constant
station for all ships employed in this commerce to Acapulco.
{230}