THE COMMON CHARACTERISTICS OF TEUTONIC AND GREEK HEROIC POETRY.
Our review of the Homeric poems has led us to conclude that their
origin and early history was in many respects analogous to that of the
English heroic poems; and further, that there is no valid reason for
regarding the stories with which they deal as mythical or fictitious,
although we cannot, as in the case of the English poems, actually prove
that they rest upon a historical basis. We must now endeavour to see
what common elements the two series of poems contain in regard to style
and spirit. This will enable us to determine whether the term 'Heroic
Age,' as applied to the two cases in common, can be held to mean
anything more than an age of 'heroes,' whose deeds were celebrated in
poetry.
The most cursory glance at the two groups of poems will be sufficient
to show that they contain many common features in regard to style. In
both we find the constant repetition of the same formulae, e.g. in
the introduction of speeches. Thus in the first part of Beowulf eight
speeches out of thirteen by the hero himself are introduced by the
formula: _Beowulf maþelode bearn Ecgþeowes_, while three of Hrothgar's
seven speeches follow the words: _Hroðgar maþelode helm Scyldinga_.
In the Iliad we may compare the constant repetition of such formulae
as: τὸν δ' ἀπαμειβόμενος προσέφη κρείων Ἀγαμέμνων or: τὸν δ' ἠμείβετ'
ἔπειτα Γερήνιος ἱππότα Νέστωρ. The explanation of such formulae is
probably to be found in the fact that both sets of poems were designed
for preservation by oral tradition. In literary poems such as the
Aeneid they seem to be avoided. Indeed the words introducing a speech
are here seldom allowed to occupy a whole verse.
Another feature common to the two groups of poems is the love of
describing somewhat minutely the details of a transaction which in
itself is nothing unusual. Often in such cases they use very similar
language. Thus in Od. IV 778 ff. Antinoos' preparations are described
as follows: "With these words he picked out twenty men who were the
best, and they went on their way to the swift ship and the sea-shore.
First of all they pushed out the ship into deep water; and they placed
the mast and the sails in the black ship and made ready the oars in
the leathern rowlocks, each in its proper place, and spread out the
white sails. And high-hearted squires carried their arms. The ship
they moored afloat in the roadstead; but they themselves disembarked.
There they took their supper and waited for the approach of evening."
With this passage we may compare Beow. 205 ff.: "The hero had with him
picked champions of the men of the Geatas, the bravest he could find;
so with fourteen companions he made his way to the vessel. A skilful
pilot was the man who pointed out the features of the coast. When due
time had elapsed the ship was afloat beneath the lee of the cliff, and
the warriors all prepared ascended the prow, where the waves of the sea
were playing upon the sand. Into the bosom of the craft men bore their
bright treasures, even their resplendent armour. The company pushed off
their timbered craft and started on the adventure of their choice."
Again the movements of royal personages in their palaces are sometimes
rather carefully noted. In Od. I 328 ff. we are told that "Icarios'
daughter, thoughtful Penelope, became conscious of the glorious song
in her upper chamber; and she descended the lofty staircase of her
dwelling, but not alone, for two attendant maidens accompanied her. Now
when the noble lady drew near the suitors she stood beside the pillar
of the well built house, holding her shining veil before her face; and
one of her trusty attendants stood by her on either side." With this we
may compare Beow. 921 ff.: "As for the king himself, the guardian of
the ring-hoards, famed for his sterling qualities--he likewise strode
majestically from his bedchamber with a great following; and with him
his queen traversed the ascent to the mead-hall, accompanied by a band
of maidens. When Hrothgar arrived at the hall he stood by the pillar
(?), gazing on the lofty roof, adorned with gold, and on Grendel's arm."
Both poems also elaborate the various stages in the arrival and
reception of visitors. As an example we may take the account of
Telemachos' arrival at Menelaos' palace in Od. IV 20 ff.: "At this
time the hero Telemachos and Nestor's distinguished son had drawn
up with their horses in the vestibule of the palace. Now the lord
Eteoneus, renowned Menelaos' active squire, came forward and saw them.
And he went on his way through the building to give the news to the
shepherd of the people; and standing beside him addressed him with
winged words." Menelaos replies that the strangers are to be brought
in at once. The arrival of Beowulf at the Danish king's palace is
described at much greater length. First, he is greeted by Wulfgar, the
king's herald and henchman. Then he replies, and Wulfgar promises to
take his message. "Quickly then he sped to where Hrothgar was sitting,
aged and grey-haired, among his retinue of nobles. Exulting in his
prowess he passed on until he took his stand at the side of the prince
of the Danes; for he knew the usage of chivalry." After this we have
still three more speeches--first by Wulfgar to the king, then the
latter's reply and finally Wulfgar's answer to Beowulf--before the
visitors enter.
We may compare also the formulae used in greetings to strangers. Thus
in Od. I 169 ff. Telemachos addresses the disguised Athene as follows:
"Now come, tell me this and declare it plainly: Who of men art thou,
and whence? Where are thy city and thy parents? And (tell me) upon
what sort of a ship thou hast come"--with several other questions.
Another case occurs in III 71 ff., where Nestor is greeting Telemachos:
"Sirs, who are ye, and whence do ye sail the watery paths? Is it upon
some enterprise, or do ye wander over the sea at random, like pirates
who rove, risking their lives and bringing evil to men of other
lands?" Beowulf receives a somewhat similar greeting from the Danish
coast-guard, when he lands (v. 237 ff.): "What warriors are ye that
thus have come clad in coats of mail, bringing hither your lofty ship
over the waters along the high road of the sea?" And again, shortly
afterwards (v. 251 ff): "Now must I know your origin, before ye start
hence and proceed further as spies into the land of the Danes. Ye
dwellers afar, ye who traverse the sea, hear now my fixed resolve. Best
is it with speed to make known whence ye are come."
Again, both poems like to dwell upon the emotions felt in greeting or
bidding farewell to friends. Thus in Od. XVI 14 ff. it is stated that
Eumaios "came up to his lord and kissed his head and both his fair eyes
and both his hands, and the hot tears fell from him. As an affectionate
father greets his son when he returns from a distant land after nine
years absence--an only son and well loved (?), for whose sake he has
endured many hardships--even so then did the noble swineherd kiss
godlike Telemachos all over and embrace him as one escaped from death."
With this we may compare the account of Hrothgar's farewell to Beowulf
(v. 1870 ff.): "Then did the king of noble lineage, the prince of the
Scyldingas, kiss that best of squires and clasp him round the neck.
Tears fell from him, as he stood there with his grey hair. Aged and
venerable as he was, he felt uncertain, indeed he thought it unlikely,
that they would ever meet again in spirited converse. So dear was this
man to him that he could not restrain his heart's emotion; but in his
breast, fast bound within his heart, a secret longing for the beloved
man burnt in his blood."
The frequent use of similes, as in the last passage from the Odyssey,
is one of the chief features in which Greek heroic poetry differs from
Teutonic. Sometimes however the same kind of picture is brought before
us in a different way. Thus among the commonest Homeric similes are
those derived from hunting scenes. A typical example occurs in Il. XV
271 ff.: "As when hounds and men of the country chase a horned stag or
a wild goat, and it is saved by a precipitous rock or dense wood, and
they cannot succeed in finding it," etc. With this may be compared a
passage in Beowulf describing the pool in which the demons had made
their lair (v. 1369 ff.): "Though the heath-ranger, the stag of mighty
horns, may make his way to the forest when beset by hounds after a long
chase, he will yield up his spirit and his life on the brink before he
will be willing to shelter his head therein."
Occasionally we meet with similes of a more ambitious, not to say
extravagant, character, as in Il. II 455 ff., where the gleam arising
from the bronze armour of the Achaean army is compared to the blaze
produced by a forest fire. For this also we find parallels in Teutonic
poetry, e.g. Finn 35 f.: "A gleam arose from the swords, as though
Finn's fortress were all on fire."
In the use of epithets and poetical expressions many remarkable
parallels are to be found. Some of these are merely of a descriptive
character, e.g. ἄκριας ἠνεμοέσσας (Od. XVI 365) beside _windige
naessas_ (Beow. 1359), and some are little more than circumlocutions,
e.g. υἷες Ἀχαιῶν, _Geata bearn_, for Ἀχαιοί, _Geatas_. In other cases
however a distinct metaphor is involved, as when ships are called ἁλὸς
ἵπποι (Od. IV 708), corresponding to the Anglo-Saxon _brimhengest_,
which is probably an epic word, though it does not occur in the extant
fragments. In particular note should be taken of the metaphorical terms
applied to kings, e.g. ποιμὴν λαῶν which may be compared with _folces
hyrde_, ἕρκος Ἀχαιῶν with _eodur Scyldinga_, and perhaps also οὖρος
Ἀχαιῶν with the very common expression _eorla hleo_.
* * * * *
The characteristics which we have been discussing up till now affect
only the language and style of the two groups of poems. But it is to be
observed that they possess also certain common features which appear
to be of deeper significance. Thus such expressions as ὄλβον ἐπέκλωσαν
or _wigspeda gewiofu_ ('the webs of success in war') are probably to
be traced to a primitive religious conception, which may be seen more
clearly in Od. VII 196 ff.: "There he shall experience afterwards
whatever Fate and the stern Κλῶθες ('spinning women') spun for him
when he was born[496]." For the prevalence of similar ideas among the
Teutonic peoples we may refer to Helgakviða Hundingsbana, I 3 f.,
Gylfaginning, cap. 15, Niáls Saga, cap. 157, and above all to the Saga
af Nornagesti (cap. 11), which presents such a remarkable parallel to
the story of Althaia and Meleagros.
Somewhat clearer evidence of a common religious conception is furnished
by Beow. 2124 ff., a passage which we have already quoted (p. 54). The
rite of 'paying the due of fire' (λελάχωσι πυρός) to a dead man is
often mentioned in the Iliad (e.g. VII 79 f., XXII 342 f., XXIII 76;
cf. XXIV 37 f.) and undoubtedly had a religious significance. This may
be seen especially from the speech of Elpenor in Od. XI 71 ff.: "There
I exhort thee then, my lord, to be mindful of me and not to leave me
behind unlamented and unburied, abandoning me when thou goest away,
lest I bring down wrath from the gods upon thee. But burn me up with my
arms, all that I possess, and construct for me a barrow upon the shore
of the grey sea, the memorial of an unfortunate man, so that I may be
known even to those who shall be hereafter."
It will be observed that this passage, apart from its religious
bearing, expresses a desire on the part of the speaker that his memory
may not be forgotten. Here we are brought to one of the most striking
characteristics of heroic poetry, both Greek and Teutonic, namely
the constantly expressed thirst for fame, both during one's own life
and in after times. As a typical example we may take a passage from
Hector's speech before his combat with Aias (Il. VII 85 ff.): "I will
give up his body to the longhaired Achaeans, so that they may take him
to the well-decked ships for burial and construct for him a memorial
barrow by the broad Hellespont. So shall it be said in time to come by
some one who lives in after days, when he sails his many-oared ship
over the dark sea: 'This is the memorial of a man who died long ago,
who once upon a time was slain in his prowess by glorious Hector.' So
shall it be said in time to come; and my fame shall never perish." In
Od. XXIV 80 ff. Agamemnon's spirit describes how such honours had been
paid to the remains of Achilles: "Then over them our sacred host of
warriors from Argos constructed a great and splendid grave-mound, upon
a projecting headland above the broad Hellespont--so that it might
be conspicuous to men upon the sea, both those who are now alive and
those who shall be hereafter." With both these passages we may compare
the dying words of Beowulf (v. 2802 ff.): "After the pyre is consumed
command my famous warriors to construct a splendid grave-chamber where
the headland juts into the sea. It shall tower aloft on Hrones Naes as
a memorial for my people--so that in after days the name of 'Beowulf's
Barrow' shall be familiar to mariners who ply their tall ships from
afar over the dark waters."
The summit of a hero's ambition is to have his glory celebrated
everywhere and for all time. Odysseus himself says (Od. IX 20) that his
glory reaches to heaven. His wife bewails her troubles in the following
words (_ib._ IV 724): "Before this I lost my brave lion-hearted husband
who was preeminent among the Danaoi for every kind of excellence. Far
and wide was that brave man's glory spread, throughout Hellas and mid
Argos." The extent of Beowulf's fame is proclaimed in more extravagant
terms. One passage (v. 1221 ff.) has already been quoted (p. 88). We
may compare also v. 856 ff.: "There was Beowulf's fame celebrated.
Frequently and by many was it declared that whether to the south or
north, between the two seas, on earth's broad expanse and beneath the
canopy of heaven, there existed no nobler warrior nor one more worthy
to govern."
This love of glory is held up as an incitement to bravery in critical
situations, as in Wald. I 8 ff., where Hildegyth encourages the hero as
follows: "O son of Aelfhere, a day is come which without doubt has in
store for thee one or other of two issues--either to lose thy life or
to possess lasting glory among mortals." For the alternative form of
expression, though used from a different point of view, we may compare
Socos' speech in Il. XI 430 ff.: "O far-famed Odysseus, today thou
shalt either be able to boast over two sons of Hippasos--that thou hast
slain such men as we are and robbed us of our arms--or smitten beneath
my spear thou shalt lose thy life."
The last passage introduces us to another prominent characteristic of
heroic poetry, namely the boasting of warriors over their own personal
prowess and the deeds they have performed or are going to perform.
Sometimes this is represented as taking place in the banqueting hall,
as in Il. XX 83 ff., where the disguised Apollo thus taunts Aineias:
"Aineias, thou counseller of the Trojans, where now is thy boasting,
in which thou didst vow to the princes of the Trojans, when quaffing
thy wine, that thou wouldst try thy strength in open battle against
Achilles son of Peleus!" We may compare Beow. 480 ff.: "Often enough
have scions of combat vowed over the ale-cup, when drunken with beer,
that they would abide Grendel's onset in the hall with their terrible
swords." Beowulf himself indulges in a similar boast (v. 636 ff.): "I
am resolved to perform a deed of knightly prowess or to meet with my
life's end in this mead-hall."
Again, it is by boasting of much the same kind that warriors make
themselves known to one another when they meet in battle. A typical
example occurs in Finn 24 ff.: "Sigeferth is my name. I am a prince of
the Secgan and a rover known far and wide. Many hardships and stern
encounters have I endured. Here too thou shalt have for certain (i.e.
I shall not draw back from) whichever course (i.e. war or peace) thou
dost prefer to take with me." We may compare Il. XIII 448 ff., where
Idomeneus makes himself known to Deiphobos: "Now stand forth thyself
to face me, that thou mayest see what sort of a scion of Zeus is come
here. First Zeus begat Minos to be ruler of Crete, and Minos again
begat the blameless Deucalion; and Deucalion begat me to be lord
over many men in broad Crete. But now have ships brought me hither
with consequences evil to thee and to thy father and the rest of the
Trojans."
It will be seen that in this passage Idomeneus prides himself as much
on his ancestry[497] as on his own prowess. The idea of inherited
valour finds expression again in Il. V 252 ff., where Diomedes says
to Sthenelos: "Exhort me not to flight, for I am sure thou wilt not
persuade me. Nowise inbred in me is it to fight a runaway battle,
neither to cower in fear. My courage is steadfast still." Practically
the same idea appears in Beow. 2694 ff.: "Then, as I have been told,
in the national king's dire need the knight stood upright and showed
forth his prowess--strength and valour such as was inbred in him."
The feeling of pride in a noble family becomes clearly noticeable also
on occasions when the family is threatened with extinction. Beowulf's
farewell words to Wiglaf are (v. 2814 ff.): "Thou art the last remnant
of our house, even of Waegmund's line. All my kinsmen in their knightly
prowess has Fate swept off to their doom. I myself must follow them."
We may compare Od. XIV 180 f., though here the speaker, Eumaios, is
only a dependent of the house: "On his return home the illustrious
suitors are lying in wait for him, in order that the seed of godlike
Arceisios may vanish nameless from Ithaca."
Lastly, the heroic spirit shows itself in the exhortations of
princes to their followers. As an instance we may quote a verse
which occurs several times, in speeches of Hector and Patroclos:
"Be men, my friends, and set your minds upon impetuous valour." The
same exhortation, though in a more elaborate form, occurs in Finn 10
ff.: "But awake now, my warriors, have your hands ready (or 'take
your mail-coats'), be mindful of your prowess, leap forth in the
forefront (?), be stout of heart."
It is true that these last two passages would in themselves be
appropriate in any martial poetry. But we must take the context into
account. Patroclos immediately (XVI 271 f.) adds the words "in order
that we may do honour to the son of Peleus, who is by far the best
of the men of Argos." So in Finn 40 f. we are told that "never was a
nobler recompense paid for sweet mead than was (then) rendered to Hnaef
by his bachelors." The same thought occurs elsewhere in the English
poems, e.g. in Beow. 2634 ff., where Wiglaf is exhorting his comrades:
"I remember the time when we were receiving mead, when in the beer-hall
we pledged ourselves to our lord who gave us these bracelets, that
if need like this befell him we would repay the battle-harness, the
helmets and sharp swords." And again, shortly afterwards (v. 2646 ff.):
"Now is the day come that our liege-lord needs the strength of brave
warriors. Let us draw near to help our war-chief, so long as the heat
of the fierce and terrible flames shall last."
The underlying idea is clearly that which is described by Tacitus
(_Germ._ 14) in his account of the comitatus of the ancient Germans:
"The _principes_ fight for victory, but the _comites_ fight for their
_princeps_[498]." And this description is probably true of the Homeric
Greeks just as much as of the Teutonic heroes. The terms used in the
two sets of poems (θεράπων--_þegn_, i.e. _comes_; ἄναξ--_dryhten_, i.e.
_princeps_), seem to correspond to one another almost exactly, though
it is not easy to find a satisfactory rendering for them in modern
English. For kings too, especially such as are of preeminent position,
we find in each case a very similar expression (ἄναξ ἀνδρῶν--_eorla
dryhten_), which properly denotes the relationship of liege-lord.
In both cases alike the leading idea of the Heroic Age may be fittingly
summed up in the phrase κλέα ἀνδρῶν. This is practically equivalent
to the Anglo-Saxon _dom_, with which we have dealt above (p. 87 f.).
It is essential to notice that the object so much prized is personal
glory. In Hector's speech before his combat with Aias (cf. p. 325) the
glory which would result from the combat to the hero or his opponent is
the only subject touched upon. No consideration is taken of any effect
which might be produced thereby upon the fortunes of the war.
The same characteristic appears throughout the passages which we have
quoted and countless others. Occasionally we hear also of pride of
family, but scarcely ever of any truly national feeling. Patroclos
exhorts his men to bravery (Il. XVI 270 ff.) in order that they may
win glory not for the Achaean nation but for their own personal lord;
and he adds further that by so doing they will bring shame upon the
national leader. Achilles himself retires from the conflict owing to a
personal wrong, and only returns to it in order to avenge his friend.
The same phenomena appear in the English poems. That Wiglaf whose
bravery is said to be 'inbred' (cf. p. 328) was the son of a certain
Weohstan, whose great achievement was the slaying of the Swedish prince
Eanmund. Yet Eanmund was at this time apparently under the protection
of Heardred, king of the Geatas, who also lost his life in the same
war. Weohstan however, though he belonged to the Geatas, was in the
service of Onela, their enemy. It would seem then that he was fighting
against his own nation. Such cases appear to have been by no means
uncommon in the Teutonic Heroic Age. For it was customary at that time
for young noblemen to take service under foreign princes; and the
obligations which personal service imposed were held to be superior to
all others.
Love of home and zeal in its defence are of course frequently mentioned
in both groups of poems. We may refer to the common phrase φίλην ἐς
πατρίδα γαῖαν. Most frequently however, as we might expect, these
features appear in connection with the Trojans. In Il. XII 243, when
Pulydamas has urged retreat in consequence of an omen, Hector replies:
"The best of all omens is to fight in defence of our country." Priam
uses the same expression (_ib._, XXIV 499 f.) when he comes to plead
with Achilles for his son's body: "He preserved my city and its
inhabitants, even Hector whom thou hast now slain as he fought in
defence of his country." These feelings may be regarded as forms of
patriotism; but it is patriotism of a distinctly practical kind, as may
be seen from Il. XV 494 ff., where Hector is addressing his followers:
"Now fight in close formation at the ships. Whosoever of you through
shot or blow meets with death and fate, let him die. Not unseemly is it
for him to die fighting in defence of this country. He will leave his
wife and children in safety, his house also and his estate unharmed,
if the Achaeans depart with their ships to their own dear fatherland."
Much the same feelings are expressed in the English poems. As an
example we may take Beow. 520 ff., where Unferth is describing the
return of Breca after his swimming contest: "Welcome to his subjects
was he when he made his way to his own dear home, the land of the
Brondingas and his beautiful sacred city[499] where people, city and
treasures belonged to him." We may refer also to Widsith, v. 119 ff.:
"I have visited Wulfhere and Wyrmhere. Often enough did they wage war
unceasing, when around the forest of the Vistula the Gothic army
with their sharp swords had to defend their ancient domain[500] from
Attila's subjects." And again (_ib._, v. 127 ff.): "Often enough did
the spear fly whistling and shrieking, from that troop into a hostile
army, when Wudga and Hama guarded their golden treasures and (the lives
of) their men and women."
Such passages as these afford abundant evidence for patriotism of the
practical kind. But this is not the same thing as national pride. We
shall best be able to appreciate the special characteristics of heroic
poetry in this respect by comparing it with other martial poems, dating
from later times. An excellent example of national pride is furnished
by the well-known epitaph on Leonidas and the Spartans who perished
at Thermopylai. We may also quote the 'Laconian Embaterion' commonly
included among the fragments of Tyrtaios: "O ye youths, whose fathers
have been citizens of Sparta, the home of heroes, come, hold forth the
shield in your left hand and cast the spear with good courage. Regard
not your life, for so to do is not Sparta's ancestral custom." Other
good examples may be found in the works of the early elegiac poets.
What perhaps deserves notice above all in poetry of this type is the
use of the first person plural with reference to exploits performed
by the poet's nation in bygone times--a form of speech which seems
to be quite foreign to heroic poetry. An example occurs in Tyrtaios'
Eunomia (fragm. 2): "This city has been given to the Heracleidai by
Zeus himself, the son of Cronos and husband of fair-crowned Hera.
Together with them we forsook breezy Erineos and made our way to
Pelops' broad island." Here the reference is to the first arrival of
the Dorians in the Peloponnesos. Another case may be found in the poem
on the Messenian war (fragm. 5): "... our king Theopompos dear to the
gods, by whose help we captured spacious Messene.... Round about it
(or 'for its sake') war was waged for nineteen years, ever without
ceasing, by the fathers of our fathers, warriors who possessed the
spirit of endurance." A similar usage appears in Mimnermos, fragm. 9:
"On quitting steep Pylos, the town of Neleus, we came in ships to the
pleasant land of Asia, and at fair Colophon with overmastering strength
we took up our abode, beginning the arduous assault. Thence in turn,
starting from the river Aleis, by the will of the gods we took Aeolian
Smyrna[501]." Both the foundation of Colophon and the capture of Smyrna
took place long before the poet's time.
The same patriotic sentiment is to be found in the martial poetry of
later times in England. Thus in the poem on the battle of Brunanburh
(v. 20 ff.) we are told that "throughout the whole day the West Saxons
with troops of horse pressed on in pursuit of the enemy's forces.
Fiercely they cut down the fugitives from behind with swords sharpened
on the grindstone. Nor did the Mercians refuse stern hand-to-hand
combat to any of the warriors who in the ship's bosom had followed
Anlaf over the rolling waters to our land, to meet their doom in
battle. On the field of action lay five young kings stretched lifeless
by the sword; and with them seven of Anlaf's earls, and a countless
host both of the seamen and the Scots." And again (v. 65 ff.):
"Never in this island before now, so far as the books of our ancient
historians can tell us, has greater slaughter been made of an army by
the edge of the sword--since the time when the Angles and Saxons made
their way hither from the east over the wide seas, invading Britain,
when warriors eager for glory, proud forgers of war, overcame the Welsh
and won for themselves a country."
We need not hesitate to interpret the last part of this quotation as
an expression of national consciousness, just as much as in the poem
of Mimnermos given above, although it does not use the first person
with reference to the achievements of the Saxon invaders. But the poem
as a whole differs essentially from the heroic type owing to the fact
that--though the princes are mentioned incidentally--it is permeated
throughout by the sense of national rather than individual glory.
Thus far we have been dealing with individual passages in the poems.
Now we must consider briefly the motives of the stories and the
characteristics for which the heroes are celebrated. The story of
Beowulf consists of a series of adventures in which the hero seeks to
display his prowess in encounters with monsters. The story of Finn, if
we may form an opinion from the fragmentary evidence at our disposal,
dealt with a fatal quarrel between two brothers-in-law, followed by
revenge. The theme of Waldhere's story is the elopement, or rather
escape, of lovers and the bravery shown by the hero in defence of his
bride. The term elopement may more properly be applied to the story
of Heðinn and Högni, whatever was the original form of its ending. A
counterpart to this is furnished by the story of Hagbarðr and Signý,
which ended tragically in the death of the lovers. The story of Sigurðr
deals with a woman's revenge, brought about by disappointed love. The
theme of the story of Hamðir and Sörli is the revenge undertaken by
them for the death of their sister. Revenge is likewise the theme of
Ingeld's story--in this case for the death of a father. The story of
Offa is an instance of heroism in single combat. In the various stories
connected with Dietrich von Bern attention is centred chiefly on the
bravery, loyalty and resourcefulness of the hero and his knights.
It will be seen that throughout the heroic poetry of the Teutonic
peoples, in episodes as well as in the main stories, the chief motif
is almost invariably love or revenge or personal bravery. The same
remark applies obviously enough to Greek heroic poetry--to the Iliad
and Odyssey, as well as to the stories of Heracles, Iason and the
rest. The characteristics too for which the heroes are distinguished
are on the whole very much the same in both cases--strength, courage,
resourcefulness, generosity, hospitality. The characters of Beowulf and
Hrothgar may appeal to us more than those of Achilles and Nestor, but
the main outlines are very similar. If there is any difference worth
noting in this respect between the two sets of poems it is that the
Greek attach more importance to personal beauty--a feature which only
becomes prominent in the later forms of the Teutonic stories.
Now let us turn for a moment to the heroes of 'post-heroic' times.
During the centuries which immediately followed the Heroic Age we
hear of many princes and other persons who rose to fame both in
England and on the Continent. Sometimes this fame was acquired through
successful warfare; but it is as generals rather than as warriors
that such persons are celebrated. More frequently they are known to
us as legislators, founders of institutions, promoters of religion
and protectors of the public peace. In this country we may think of
such persons as the Kentish king Aethelberht, the Northumbrian kings
Edwin and Oswald, the Mercian king Offa, and, above all, of Alfred
the Great--not to mention numerous prominent ecclesiastics. In Greece
the number of names known to us during the corresponding period is
extremely small. Yet the most prominent names which we meet with at
the dawn of the historical period are those of legislators and public
benefactors, such as Zaleucos and Solon. In earlier times by far the
best known name is that of the Spartan legislator Lycurgos, whether he
was really a historical person or a character of mythical origin. We
may perhaps compare him with that Wiger Spa, 'a heathen in the heathen
age,' whose authority is referred to in King Byrger's preamble to the
Law of the Uppland Swedes.
A similar character is borne by the traditional heroes of nations which
have no Heroic Age. We may instance Bruteno and Widowuto the legendary
founders and legislators of the state of the ancient Prussians. The
same is true of the early kings of Rome, Romulus, Numa, Servius
Tullius and the founders of the Republic. The essential feature which
distinguishes these characters from those of the Heroic Age is the fact
that they are known chiefly, not for what they performed or experienced
during their lives, but for the effects of their doings upon later
generations.
The explanation of this difference is no doubt to be sought largely
in the nature of the records. For a modern analogy to the stories of
Sigurðr or Achilles we should turn naturally to a romance or novel;
for those of Offa or Lycurgos analogy would be sought rather in the
biography of a statesman[502]. But it must be clearly recognised that
the difference here does not lie between historical and unhistorical.
Attila was a man of flesh and blood, no less certainly than Offa,
while the historical existence of Lycurgos is as much debated as
that of Achilles. And what shall we say with regard to such a
character as Romulus? The difference lies rather between political
and non-political, or--to speak more accurately--between national
and non-national. Offa's fame is inseparably bound up with the
aggrandisement and reorganisation of the Mercian kingdom. Lycurgos and
Romulus are scarcely conceivable without Sparta or Rome. But Sigurðr
and Achilles might belong to any Teutonic or Greek community; in the
former case indeed the hero's nationality is not known for certain.
We have seen that the heroic poetry of the Teutonic peoples had what
may be called an international circulation from the beginning; and we
have no reason for doubting that in the Heroic Age itself the same was
the case in Greece. On the other hand the memory of the later heroes
and their achievements was preserved only, or almost only, in the
records and traditions of individual states. The interest to which
stories of this latter group appeal is in general limited to the hero's
own state; we have no evidence that such stories were international
property[503]. It is the fact that the interest of the heroic stories
was both individual and universal--i.e. that it lay in individuals not
essentially bound up with a given community--which fitted them for
international circulation.
But this difference of interest is itself a matter which calls for
explanation. If we are to trust the evidence of the records it is
due to differences in the ideas which animated heroic and non-heroic
society[504]. Among these we may note especially an essential
difference in the conception of the state. With this question we shall
have to deal more fully in a later chapter. It may be indicated here
however that in the Heroic Age the state appears to have been regarded
as little more than the property of an individual--or rather perhaps
of a family, which itself was intimately connected with a number of
other families in similar positions. The decline and disappearance
of kingship in Greece during the eighth century presupposes of course
that such a conception had long ceased to retain its vitality. And even
among the Teutonic peoples, which usually preserved the institution of
kingship, we find abundant evidence for a similar change of view. Among
the Franks kingship had long been a mere shadow when the non-royal
Pippin took the throne in 752. In England we do not meet with non-royal
kings until more than a century later; but even by Bede's time it is
clear that the kingdom had come to be looked upon as something more
than the property of the royal family.
* * * * *
When once the characteristics of the spirit of the Heroic Age have
been fully recognised they will be found to explain several features
in the stories which have often been regarded as incredible. One of
these is the fact that wars are generally represented as arising out
of the personal quarrels or jealousies of princes, or out of wrongs
perpetrated by one prince upon another. Thus it has been assumed by
many scholars that the story of the abduction of Helen is of mythical
origin, not on account of any intrinsic improbability contained in
it, but because it is founded on a motif which is extremely common in
folk-tales. But it has been pointed out above (p. 265) that the reason
why the abduction motif is common in folk-tales lies in the fact that
under unsettled social conditions such occurrences were common in real
life. The conditions of the Heroic Age, whether Greek or Teutonic, were
doubtless not normally so unsettled that the abduction of a queen or
princess could fail to attract attention. In the case of the wife of a
distinguished king it can scarcely be doubted that such an event would
produce a profound sensation; and it is to this, we may presume, that
the story in the first place owed its celebrity. But the part played
by women in international quarrels during the Teutonic Heroic Age must
not be overlooked. In addition to the stories of which love adventures
form the main theme (cf. p. 333) we may allude to such cases as Beow.
2930 ff., where Haethcyn is said to have carried off the Swedish queen
with consequences disastrous to himself. Above all however it is well
to bear in mind the story of the war between the Angli and the Warni
(cf. p. 97 f.), a war which owed its origin to Radiger's repudiation
of his marriage contract with the English king's sister. We have seen
that this story comes not from a poem, but from the work of a strictly
contemporary Roman historian.
Nor can it be said that this case stands alone. According to Gregory
of Tours (III 6) the overthrow of the Burgundian kingdom was due to
the instigation of Hrothhild, who implored her sons to exact vengeance
for the murder of her parents--a case not unlike the Norse version
of the story of Hamðir and Sörli. Hildeberht's invasion of Spain was
undertaken in answer to messages from his sister Hlothhild, who had
been illtreated by her husband, the Visigothic king Amalaric (_ib._,
III 10). The dissensions which eventually brought about the downfall
of the Thuringian kingdom had their origin in the proud and jealous
character of Amalaberga, the wife of Irminfrith (_ib._, III 4). Unless
we are prepared to shut our eyes to the plain evidence of history
we are bound to recognise that the personal feelings of queens and
princesses were among the very strongest of the factors by which the
politics of the Heroic Age were governed.
There has undoubtedly been a tendency among modern historians
to neglect the personal element in early Teutonic history and
to concentrate attention upon the movements of peoples and upon
'constitutional' changes. The feature with which we have just been
dealing is only one of several which owing to this neglect have been
regarded as essentially 'poetic' motives, the origin of which must
be sought in myth or fiction. Decisive evidence to the contrary is
furnished by writers of the sixth century. Certainly the picture of
Teutonic court life which they give produces a different impression
from that which we gain from the poems. The atmosphere suggested
by the latter is one of adventure and romance, whereas the former
convey an idea of reckless brutality. Yet it is only necessary to
place the two sets of records side by side in order to see that the
one is complementary to the other--that the difference lies not in
the subjects treated but in the point of view from which they are
regarded. Gregory (II 28) records without comment or explanation that
the Burgundian king Gundobad slew his brother Hilperic (Hrothhild's
father) with the sword and drowned his wife with a stone tied to her
neck. If this incident had been treated in heroic poetry we should
doubtless gain a very different impression. Different too would be
the impression conveyed by the story of Sigurðr, if we had it from a
Roman historian. But when the two stories are compared it cannot be
said that the picture which the poems present of the Burgundian kingdom
under Guthhere is incompatible with the picture which history gives
us of the Burgundian kingdom under Gundobad, some fifty years later.
No true impression of the Heroic Age can be obtained by crediting the
youthful kings of unlearned communities with a knowledge of political
principles which we have acquired from long study of the history of
many nations; and it is equally futile to seek for grounds of policy in
actions which very frequently were dictated solely by passion. Ambition
was no doubt a factor, as in all stages of society. But the form which
it seems to have taken as a rule was purely personal and directed
towards the acquisition of wealth or glory rather than with any view of
establishing the kingdom upon a permanent basis[505].
Another feature to which exception has been taken is the fact that
in battle scenes the fighting is generally represented as a series
of single combats between the various leading men. Here again the
objection seems to be based on a misunderstanding of the conditions
of heroic warfare. In the first place we have no reason for doubting
that in both the periods with which we are dealing the leaders were
far better armed than the rank and file of the forces. In hand to hand
fighting the possession of defensive armour, helmet and mail-coat,
constitutes an overwhelming advantage. Secondly, the passion for
personal glory, which is so prominent in the poems, must have prompted
the ambitious man to pick out the most distinguished opponents. If
he was a 'squire' success would bring rich rewards[506]. But even
the leaders themselves, as among the Germans of Tacitus' time[507],
were doubtless expected to distinguish themselves by preeminence in
bravery, rather than by skilful generalship. Thirdly, and this is the
most important point, the general object aimed at in a battle was not
to gain a strategic advantage but to kill the leaders. Very often this
meant the destruction of the enemy's organisation. At times indeed it
appears that the death or capture of a king led forthwith to the end of
hostilities. Thus in the battle of Strassburg in 357, when the Romans
captured the Alamannic king Chonodomarius, his personal retinue, to
the number of two hundred, gave themselves up voluntarily to share
his captivity[508]. And in Beowulf we see from more than one passage
that when the king was slain the heart of the resistance was broken.
Under such conditions we may well believe that the direction to 'fight
neither with small nor great, save only with the king,' was a piece of
perfectly sound policy.
We have to take account moreover of another element, somewhat strange
to modern ideas, namely the intense eagerness to get possession of a
fallen enemy's arms. In the battle scenes of the Iliad this feature is
constantly to the fore; indeed the most severe conflicts usually take
place over the bodies of warriors. In the English poems it is much
the same. We may quote Beow. 2985 ff.: "Thereupon the warrior (Eofor)
despoiled his opponent. He took from Ongentheo his iron mail-coat and
his sharp and hilted sword, together with his helmet, and brought the
old man's accoutrements to Hygelac." And again v. 2613 ff.: "To him
(Eanmund) Weohstan brought death in combat by the sword's edge; and
to his kinsmen he presented the burnished helmet, the ring-formed
mail-coat and the ancient sword of giant workmanship--though the latter
was returned to him by Onela." It will be seen that the Teutonic
warriors, who in both these cases are 'squires,' render up the spoils
to their lords, whereas the Greek princes keep them for themselves; but
we need not doubt that they expected an equivalent reward.
The article chiefly coveted seems to have been the coat of mail. In
Wald. II 16 ff. the hero says to Guthhere: "Take from me the grey
mail-coat, if thou dare; for thou seest how I am worn out with battle.
Upon my shoulders here stands an heirloom from Aelfhere; good it is
and ..., adorned with gold, a superb garment for a prince to possess,
when his hand is defending life's treasure from his foes." Such
articles were doubtless very costly, and often, as in this case, they
were handed on from generation to generation. Beowulf's coat of mail
had belonged to his grandfather, and was believed to be the workmanship
of Weland. Before his encounter with Grendel he charges the king of the
Danes to send it back to Hygelac in the event of his death. A coat of
mail which was found intact at Vi in Fyn contains about twenty thousand
rings, and it has been calculated that such an article would take a
single workman nearly a whole year to make[509].
It is to be remembered further that wealthy princes, prompted no doubt
by love of display, were in the habit of carrying about their persons
a considerable amount of gold. Glaucos indeed is said to have gone to
battle in golden armour worth a hundred oxen (Il. VI 235 f.). Hygelac,
when he was slain, was wearing the magnificent necklet which Wealhtheo
had given to Beowulf (v. 1195 ff.). Historical records give evidence to
the same effect[510]; and there can be little doubt that the spoils of
such kings often amounted to a considerable fortune. If, in addition
to spoils of this kind, account is taken of the chances of booty and
ransoms, not only after a general victory but also in incidental and
more or less private forays[511], it will be seen that warfare of
the heroic type offered very substantial inducements, apart from the
acquisition of glory.
It is not to be supposed that such warfare was really of an effective
character. Even in the Iliad itself (VI 67 ff.) a warning is raised
against it by the old Nestor, who is represented (_ib._ II 555) as an
exceptionally skilful general, but his advice seems to be unheeded.
Between two armies of the heroic type the issue had to be decided, if
at all, by a pitched battle. Sheltered behind fortifications, even
an inferior army had not much to fear. In that case the people most
exposed to danger were what we should call non-combatants--not only
the women and children and unwarlike dependents of the combatants
themselves[512], but also any neighbouring communities who might be
caught unawares by bands of hungry warriors.
On the other hand against organised forces, like those of the later
Spartans or the Romans, at all events if commanded by generals who
followed a definite plan of campaign, the Homeric Achaeans would have
had no chance after the first encounter. This may be seen especially
from the history of the campaigns against the Italian Gauls, who appear
to have employed a very similar method of warfare. The Saxons and
other northern peoples owed their successes largely to the rapidity
of their movements, combined with the fact that they had command of
the sea. But, so far as we know, they seldom or never had to deal with
any considerable Roman army. In Britain their procedure was probably
similar to that followed by the Scandinavian invaders in the Viking
Age; but the latter were unable to cope with prolonged and organised
resistance, such as was offered by Alfred the Great. The armies of the
Goths at the height of their power were doubtless more formidable; but
they had probably learnt much from long experience of the Romans, both
as foes and allies. It is not to be forgotten however that supremacy
came ultimately to the Franks, who of all the Teutonic peoples seem to
have been least affected by the spirit of the Heroic Age.
FOOTNOTES:
[496] We may compare such expressions as _me þaet wyrd gewaef_ in the
Anglo-Saxon Rhyming Poem (Cod. Exon.), v. 70.
[497] We may compare a passage from the poem on the battle of Maldon,
which largely follows heroic poetry (cf. pp. 3, 97). In v. 216 ff.
Aelfwine, one of Byrhtnoth's knights, boasts as follows: "I will make
my lineage known to all, that I come of a great Mercian house. My
grandfather, Ealhhelm by name, was a wise earl and blessed with worldly
prosperity. Not against me shall knights bring public reproach, that I
am willing to leave this army and make my way home, now that my prince
lies slain in battle." Ealhhelm held office in the reign of Edmund I.
[498] _iam uero infame in omnem uitam ac probrosum superstitem principi
suo ex acie recessisse. illum defendere, tueri, sua quoque fortia
facta gloriae eius assignare praecipuum sacramentum est. principes pro
uictoria pugnant, comites pro principe._
[499] _freoðoburh_, lit. 'city of peace.' The expression probably
springs from the sacred peace attaching to the king's dwelling, to
which we find frequent allusions in the laws (Ine, § 6, Alfred, § 7,
etc.).
[500] _ealdne eþelstol._ If this expression is to be interpreted in a
local sense ('seat of authority') it is possible to read the idea of
patriotism as a sentiment into it; but my impression is that the poet
means no more than defence of home. A different interpretation of the
passage is given by Prof. Heusler (_S.-B. d. Akad. d. Wiss. zu Berlin_,
1909, p. 926), according to whom it means "Verteidigung des _eald
eþelstol_, des alten Erbthrones (nicht Stammsitzes)."
[501] For the translation of this fragment I am indebted to the
kindness of Mr A. B. Cook.
[502] This analogy applies perhaps also to the objects aimed at in
the two sets of records. Within certain limitations it may be said
that the object of the heroic stories is to entertain and that of
unheroic records to instruct. The latter remark holds good not only for
historical works but also for tribal traditions and tribal law. It is
likely that opportunity was taken to impart instruction of this type at
festal gatherings. We may quote a passage from Praetorius' _Deliciae
Prussicae_ (ed. Pierson, p. 24) relating to a festal gathering of
young people at a time when the Prussian Lithuanians had not yet been
entirely converted. "Darauf haben sie sich um die Eiche und Stein
niedergesetzt, der Weydulut aber uf den Stein das Fell gelegt, sich
darauf gesetzet, einen Sermon gehalten von ihrem Herkommen und alten
Gebräuchen, Glauben p. p., den Zemyna, den Perkuns und andere mehr
genennet." There is abundant evidence for the existence of similar
traditions among the Teutonic peoples from the earliest times--for
which the reader may be referred to Dr Schütte's interesting book
_Oldsagn om Godtjod_ (especially pp. 118-197). But in heroic poetry,
whether Teutonic or Greek, references to the early traditions of a
nation are extremely rare and practically limited to the ancestors
of the royal family, while 'law' is the will of the ruler. For Greek
parallels we must turn to works of the Hesiodic school and the elegiac
poets.
With regard to historical works we have to remember that all records
dating from the Heroic Age are of foreign origin. But it is certainly
to be noted that the interest of the stories given by Gregory of Tours
and other writers of the sixth century--in so far as they relate to
persons of Teutonic blood--is essentially personal, and similar to that
which characterises the poems. This is the more noteworthy since these
stories are related from a totally different point of view (cf. p. 338
f.).
[503] Except in so far as (in the case of Teutonic stories) they are
connected with the Church.
[504] I would call attention here to an interesting paper by Prof.
Heusler (_S.-B. d. Akad. d. Wiss. zu Berlin_, 1909, p. 920 ff.),
in which he seeks to show that the historical element in Teutonic
heroic poetry has been exaggerated. The evidence adduced in favour
of this view consists in the first place of unhistorical situations,
chronological dislocations, etc. Most of the examples are taken from
the later forms of the stories (Stage IV of our scheme). We have
already discussed these phenomena (p. 152 ff.), and here I would only
add that the observation quoted from Prof. Murko's paper on p. 936,
note, may be applied, _mutatis mutandis_, to chronological as well
as geographical relations. What interests us here however is the
second piece of evidence brought forward by Prof. Heusler (p. 924
f.). He fully recognises and admirably expresses the individualistic,
non-national spirit of Teutonic heroic poetry--as contrasted with that
of the Old French epics: "Es herrschen in unsrer Sage die persönlichen
Ideen".... "Die germanische Sage kennt keinen Nationalfeind," etc.
Yet apparently he regards this phenomenon ('die persönliche Fabel')
as a characteristic of the poetry only, and not of the society which
produced it. Now in order to prove that this is an 'unhistorical'
element evidence must be brought to show that the attitude of the
poems--the early poems (Stage II)--does not faithfully reflect the
spirit of the age. I know of no evidence to justify so startling a
conclusion; on the contrary we shall see in the following chapters that
contemporary historical works frequently testify to the prevalence
of the same ideas which we find expressed in the poems. Even the
statement that Teutonic heroic poetry is 'unpolitical' seems to me to
require some reservation. Certainly it knows nothing of modern ideas of
politics. But have we any ground for disputing that it represents the
politics current in the courts in which it grew up? Lastly, objection
must be taken to the contrast drawn on p. 933 between Teutonic and
Greek heroic poetry. So far as the Homeric evidence is concerned the
observations made here apply not to the poems as we have them but to
certain hypotheses regarding their 'pre-history,' with which we have
dealt above (p. 267 ff.).
[505] As a typical case we may cite the story of the Frankish prince
Hlothric (Greg. Tur., II 40), who at Clovis' suggestion caused his own
father to be murdered. He offered Clovis a share of the treasures, but
was himself killed by the envoys of the latter while he was bending
over his father's treasure-chest.
[506] In Beow. 2991 ff. we are told that Eofor, who slew the Swedish
king Ongentheo, was rewarded by Hygelac with the hand of his only
daughter and an enormous grant of land and treasure.
[507] Cf. _Germ._ 14: _cum uentum in aciem turpe principi uirtute
uinci, turpe comitatui uirtutem principis non adaequare_. It is not
to be doubted that princes of the Heroic Age did seek to display
their prowess in single combats. The story of Theodric's combat with
an Avar champion named Xerxer (Fredegar, _Chron._ II 57) appears
to be based on an exploit for which we have contemporary evidence
in Ennodius' Panegyric (p. 266 in Hartel's edition; cf. Jiriczek,
_Deutsche Heldensagen_, I p. 140 f.), where the defeated warrior is
called _Bulgarum ductor_. It is well known also that the princes of the
ancient Gauls were in the habit of engaging their enemies in single
combat. There is satisfactory historical evidence for two cases in
which distinguished Romans proved victorious in such encounters (cf.
D'Arbois de Jubainville, _La Civilisation des Celtes_, p. 17 ff.).
The period to which these notices refer may be described as a Gaulish
Heroic Age (cf. p. 427 ff.).
[508] Cf. Ammianus Marcellinus, XVI 12. 60.
[509] Cf. S. Müller, _Nordische Altertumskunde_, II p. 128.
[510] Cf. especially Procopius' description of Totila at his last
battle (_Goth._ IV 31): τήν τε γὰρ τῶν ὅπλων σκευὴν κατακόρως τῷ χρυσῷ
κατειλημμένην ἠμπίσχετο καὶ τῶν οἱ φαλάρων κόσμος ἔκ τε τοῦ πίλου καὶ
τοῦ δόρατος ἁλουργός τε καὶ ἄλλως βασιλεῖ πρέπων ἐκρέματο θαυμαστὸς
ὅσος.
[511] Even in time of peace merchants might turn into freebooters (cf.
Od. XIV 262 ff.). Piracy indeed was scarcely regarded as disreputable
(_ib._ III 72 ff.; cf. p. 322). The same conditions prevailed during
the Viking Age and doubtless also during the Teutonic Heroic Age.
[512] As illustrations of the barbarities associated with warfare of
this type we may refer to the speech of Theodric, king of the Franks,
given by Gregory, III 7, and to the behaviour of Theodberht's army
in Italy, recorded by Procopius (_Goth._ II 25). At such a time the
atrocities which Greek tradition relates in connection with the fall of
Troy would have caused little comment. Yet the early heroic poems give
less evidence even than the Homeric poems for cruelty of this kind.