Catholicity of the Reformation--Friendship between Farel and
Œcolampadius--Farel and Erasmus--Altercation--Farel
demands a Disputation--Theses--Scripture and
Faith--Discussion.
[Sidenote: CATHOLICITY OF THE REFORMATION]
The catholicity of the Reformation is a noble feature in its
character. The Germans pass into Switzerland; the French into Germany;
in latter times men from England and Scotland pass over to the
continent, and doctors from the continent into Great Britain. The
reformers in the different countries spring up almost independently of
one another; but no sooner are they born than they hold out the hand
of fellowship. There is among them one sole faith, one spirit, one
Lord. It has been an error, in our opinion, to write, as hitherto, the
history of the Reformation for a single country; the work is one, and
from their very origin the Protestant Churches form "a whole body,
fitly jointed together."[936]
[936] Ephes. iv. 16.
Many refugees from France and Lorraine at this time formed at Basle a
French Church, whose members had escaped from the scaffold. They had
spoken there of Farel, of Lefevre, and of the occurrences at Meaux;
and when the former arrived in Switzerland, he was already known as
one of the most devoted champions of the Gospel.
[Sidenote: FRIENDSHIP OF ŒCOLAMPADIUS AND FAREL.]
He was immediately taken to Œcolampadius, who had returned to Basle
some time before. Rarely does it happen that two men of more opposite
character are brought together. Œcolampadius charmed by his
mildness, Farel carried away his hearers by his impetuosity: but from
the first moment these two men felt themselves united for ever.[937]
It was another meeting of a Luther and Melancthon. Œcolampadius
received Farel into his house, gave him an humble chamber, a frugal
table, and introduced him to his friends; and it was not long before
the learning, piety, and courage of the young Frenchman gained every
heart. Pellican, Imeli, Wolfhard, and other ministers of Basle felt
themselves strengthened in the faith by his energetic language.
Œcolampadius was at that time much depressed in spirit: "Alas!"
said he to Zwingle, "I speak in vain, and see not the least reason to
hope. Perhaps among the Turks I might meet with greater
success![938]......Alas!" added he with a deep sigh, "I lay the blame
on myself alone." But the more he saw of Farel, the more his heart
cheered up, and the courage he received from the Dauphinese became the
ground-work of an undying affection. "O my dear Farel," said he, "I
hope that the Lord will make our friendship immortal, and if we cannot
live together here below, our joy will only be the greater when we
shall be united at Christ's right hand in heaven."[939] Pious and
affecting thoughts!......Farel's arrival was for Switzerland evidently
a succour from on high.
[937] Amicum semper habui a primo colloquio. Farel to Bulling. 27th
May 1556.
[938] Fortasse in mediis Turcis felicius docuissem. Zw. et Ecol. Epp.
p. 200.
[939] Mi Farelle, spero Dominum conservaturum amicitiam nostram
immortalem; et si hic conjungi nequimus, tanto beatius alibi apud
Christum erit contubernium. Ibid. p. 201.
[Sidenote: FAREL AND ERASMUS.]
But while this Frenchman was delighted with Œcolampadius, he shrank
coldly and with noble pride from a man at whose feet all the nations
of Christendom fell prostrate. The prince of the schools, he from whom
every one coveted a word or a look, the master of the age--Erasmus--was
neglected by Farel. The young Dauphinese had refused to go and pay
homage to the old sage of Rotterdam, despising those men who are only
by halves on the side of the truth, and who, though clearly aware of
the consequences of error, are full of forbearance towards those who
propagate it. Thus we witness in Farel that decision which has become
one of the distinctive characters of the Reformation in France and
French Switzerland, and which some have called stiffness,
exclusiveness, and intolerance. A controversy, arising out of the
commentaries of the doctor of Etaples, had begun between the two
great doctors of the age, and at every entertainment the guests would
take part with Erasmus against Lefevre, and Lefevre against
Erasmus.[940] Farel hesitated not to take his master's side. But what
had especially annoyed him was the cowardice of the philosopher of
Rotterdam with regard to the evangelical Christians. Erasmus shut his
door against them. Good! Farel will not go and beg for admission. This
was a trifling sacrifice to him, as he felt that Erasmus possessed not
that piety of heart which is the foundation of all true theology.
"Frobenius's wife knows more of theology than he does," said Farel;
and indignant at the conduct of Erasmus, who had written advising the
pope how to set about extinguishing the Lutheran conflagration, he
boldly affirmed that Erasmus desired to stifle the Gospel.[941]
[940] Nullum est pene convivium. Er. Epp. p. 179.
[941] Consilium quo sic extinguatur incendium Lutheranum. Ibid.
[Sidenote: VEXATION AND ANGER OF ERASMUS.]
This independence in young Farel exasperated the illustrious scholar.
Princes, kings, doctors, bishops, popes, reformers, priests, men of
the world--all were ready to pay him their tribute of admiration; even
Luther had treated him with a certain forbearance; and this
Dauphinese, unknown to fame and an exile, dared brave his power. Such
insolent freedom caused Erasmus more annoyance than the homage of the
whole world could give him pleasure; and accordingly he neglected no
opportunity of venting his ill humour on Farel; besides, by attacking
so notorious a heretic, he was clearing himself in the eyes of the
Romanists from all suspicion of heresy. "I have never met with any
thing more false, more violent, and more seditious than this
man,"[942] said he; "his heart is full of vanity, his tongue
overflowing with malice."[943] But the anger of Erasmus was not
confined to Farel; it was directed against all the French refugees in
Basle, whose frankness and decision offended him. They had little
respect to persons; and if the truth was not openly professed, they
cared not for the man, however exalted might be his genius. They were
possibly wanting in some measure in the suavity of the Gospel; but
their fidelity reminds us of the vigour of the ancient prophets; and
it is gratifying to meet with men who do not bow down before what the
world adores. Erasmus, amazed at this lofty disdain, complained of it
to every one. "What!" wrote he to Melancthon, "shall we reject
pontiffs and bishops, to have more cruel, scurvy, and furious tyrants
in their place;......for such it is that France has sent
us."[944]--"Some Frenchmen," wrote he to the pope's secretary, in a
letter accompanying his book on _Free Will_, "are still more out of
their wits than even the Germans. They have five expressions always in
their mouths: _Gospel_, _Word of God_, _Faith_, _Christ_, _Holy
Ghost_; and yet I doubt whether they be not urged on by the spirit of
Satan."[945] Instead of Farellus he would often write _Fallicus_, thus
designating one of the frankest men of his day with the epithets of
cheat and deceiver.
[942] Quo nihil vidi mendacius, virulentius, et seditiosius. Ibid.
798.
[943] Acidæ linguæ et vanissimus. Ibid. 2129.
[944] Scabiosos......rabiosos......nam nuper nobis misit Gallia. Er.
Epp. p. 350.
[945] Non dubitem quin agantur spiritu Satanæ. Ibid.
[Sidenote: THE SAINTS--FAREL ASKS FOR DISCUSSION.]
The vexation and anger of Erasmus were at their height, when it was
reported to him that Farel had called him a _Balaam_. Farel believed
that Erasmus, like this prophet, allowed himself (perhaps
unconsciously) to be swayed by presents to curse the people of God.
The learned Dutchman, unable longer to contain himself, resolved to
chastise the impudent Dauphinese; and one day, as Farel was talking
with several friends on the doctrines of Christianity in the presence
of Erasmus, the latter, rudely interrupting him, said: "Why do you
call me Balaam?"[946] Farel, at first astonished by so abrupt a
question, soon recovered himself and answered, that it was not he who
had given him that title. On being pressed to name the offender, he
said it was Du Blet of Lyons, a refugee at Basle like himself.[947]
"It may be he who made use of the word," replied Erasmus, "but it was
you who taught him." And then, ashamed of having lost his temper, he
quickly turned the conversation to another subject. "Why," said he to
Farel, "do you assert that we ought not to invoke the saints? Is it
because it is not enjoined in Holy Scripture?"--"Yes!" replied the
Frenchman.--"Well then!" resumed Erasmus, "I call upon you to prove by
Scripture that we ought to invoke the Holy Ghost." Farel made this
simple and true reply: "If He is God, we must invoke Him."[948]--"I
dropt the conversation," says Erasmus, "for night was coming on."[949]
From that hour, whenever the name of Farel fell from his pen, he
represented him as a hateful person, who ought by all means to be
shunned. The reformer's letters, on the contrary, are full of
moderation as regards Erasmus. The Gospel is milder than philosophy,
even in the most fiery temper.
[946] Diremi disputationem. Ibid. p. 804.
[947] Ut diceret negotiatorem quemdam Dupletum hoc dixisse. Ibid. p.
2129.
[948] Si Deus est, inquit, invocandus est. Er. Epp. p. 804.
[949] Omissa disputatione, nam imminebat nox. Ibid. p. 804. We have
only Erasmus's account of this conversation; he himself informs us
that Farel reported it very differently.
The evangelical doctrine already counted many friends in Basle, both
in the council and among the people; but the doctors of the university
opposed it to the utmost of their power. Œcolampadius, and Stör
pastor of Liestal, had maintained some theses against them. Farel
thought it his duty also to profess in Switzerland the great principle
of the evangelical school of Paris and of Meaux: _The Word of God is
all-sufficient_. He requested permission of the university to maintain
certain theses, "the rather to be reproved," added he, "if I am in
error, than to teach others;"[950] but the university refused.
[950] Damit er gelehrt werde, ob er irre. Fussli Beytr. iv. 244.
[Sidenote: THESES--SCRIPTURE AND FAITH.]
Upon this Farel addressed the council; and the council issued a public
notice that a Christian man, named William Farel, having by the
inspiration of the Holy Ghost drawn up certain articles in conformity
with the Gospel,[951] they had given him leave to maintain them in
Latin. The university forbade all priests and students to be present
at the disputation; but the council sent out a proclamation to the
contrary effect.
[951] Aus Eingiessung des heiligen Geistes ein christlicher Mensch und
Bruder. Ibid.
The following are some of the thirteen propositions put forth by
Farel:
"Christ has given us the most perfect rule of life: no one has the
right to take anything from it, or to add anything thereto.
"To live according to any other precepts than those of Christ, leads
directly to impiety.
"The real ministry of priests is to attend to the ministering of the
Word; and for them there is no higher dignity.
"To deprive the glad-tidings of Christ of their certainty, is to
destroy them.
"He who hopes to be justified by his own power, and by his own merits,
and not by faith, sets himself up as God.
"Jesus Christ, whom all things obey, is our polestar, and the only
star that we ought to follow."[952]
[952] Gulielmus Farellus Christianis lectoribus, die Martis post
Reminiscere. Füssli Beytr. iv. 247. Füssli does not give the Latin
text.
Thus did this "Frenchman" stand up in Basle.[953] It was a child of
the mountains of Dauphiny, brought up in Paris at the feet of Lefevre,
who thus boldly set forth in that illustrious university of
Switzerland, and in the presence of Erasmus, the great principles of
the Reformation. Two leading ideas pervaded Farel's theses: one, that
of a return to Holy Scripture; the other, of a return to faith: two
things which the Papacy at the beginning of the 18th century
distinctly condemned as impious and heretical in the famous
constitution _Unigenitus_, and which, closely connected with each
other, do in fact subvert the whole of the papal system. If faith in
Christ is the beginning and end of Christianity, it follows that we
must cleave to the Word of Christ, and not to the voice of the Church.
Nay more: if faith in Christ unites souls, where is the necessity of
an external bond? Is it with croziers, bulls, and tiaras, that their
holy unity is formed? Faith joins in spiritual and true unity all
those in whose hearts it takes up its abode. Thus vanished at a single
blow the triple delusion of meritorious works, human traditions, and
false unity; and this is the sum of Roman-catholicism.
[953] Schedam conclusionum a Gallo illo. Zw. Epp. p. 333.
[Sidenote: THE DISPUTATION--MEEKNESS AND IMPETUOSITY.]
The disputation began in Latin.[954] Farel and Œcolampadius set
forth and proved their articles, calling repeatedly on their
adversaries to reply; but not one of them appeared. These sophists, as
Œcolampadius terms them, acted the braggart,--but in dark holes and
corners.[955] The people, therefore, began to despise the cowardice of
the priests, and to detest their tyranny.[956]
[954] Schedam conclusionum Latine apud nos disputatam. Zw. Epp. p.
333.
[955] Agunt tamen magnos interim thrasones sed in angulis lucifugæ.
Ibid.
[956] Incipit tamen plebs paulatim illorum ignaviam et tyrannidem
verbo Dei agnoscere. Ibid.
Thus Farel took his stand among the defenders of the Reformation. They
were greatly delighted to see a Frenchman combine so much learning and
piety, and already began to anticipate the noblest triumphs. "He is
strong enough," said they, "to destroy the whole Sorbonne
single-handed."[957] His candour, sincerity, and frankness captivated
every heart.[958] But amidst all his activity, he did not forget that
every mission should begin with our own souls. The gentle
Œcolampadius made a compact with the ardent Farel, by which they
mutually engaged to practise humility and meekness in their familiar
conversations. These bold men, even on the field of battle, were
fitting themselves for the duties of peace. It should be observed,
however, that the impetuosity of a Luther and a Farel were necessary
virtues. Some effort is required when the world is to be moved and the
Church renovated. In our days we are too apt to forget this truth,
which the meekest men then acknowledged. "There are certain men,"
wrote Œcolampadius to Luther when introducing Farel to him, "who
would have his zeal against the enemies of the truth more moderate;
but I cannot help seeing in this same zeal an admirable virtue, which,
if seasonably exerted, is no less needed than gentleness itself."[959]
Posterity has ratified the judgment of Œcolampadius.
[957] Ad totam Sorbonicam affligendam si non et perdendam. Œcol.
Luthero, Epp. p. 200.
[958] Farello nihil candidius est. Ibid.
[959] Verum ego virtutem illam admirabilem et non minus placiditate,
si tempestive fuerit, necessariam. Ibid.
[Sidenote: FAREL AT STRASBURG.]
In the month of May 1524, Farel, with some friends from Lyons,
visited Schaffhausen, Zurich, and Constance. Zwingle and Myconius
gladly welcomed this exile from France, and Farel remembered their
kindness all his life. But on his return to Basle he found Erasmus and
his other enemies at work, and received orders to quit the city. In
vain did his friends loudly give utterance to their displeasure at
such an abuse of authority; he was compelled to quit the territory of
Switzerland, already, at this early period, the asylum and refuge of
the persecuted. "It is thus we exercise hospitality," said the
indignant Œcolampadius, "we true children of Sodom!"[960]
[960] Adeo hospitum habemus rationem, veri Sodomitæ. Zw. Epp. p. 434.
At Basle, Farel had contracted a close friendship with the Chevalier
Esch, who resolved to bear him company, and they set out with letters
for Luther and Capito from Œcolampadius, to whom the doctor of
Basle commended Farel as "that William who had toiled so much in the
work of God."[961] At Strasburg, Farel formed an intimacy with Capito,
Bucer, and Hedio; but it does not appear that he went so far as
Wittemberg.
[961] Gulielmus ille qui tam probe navavit operam. Zw. et Œcol.
Epp. p. 175.