Enemies of the Reformation--Louisa--Duprat--Concordat of
Bologna--Opposition of the Parliament and the
University--The Sorbonne--Beda--His Character--His
Tyranny--Berquin, the most learned of the Nobility--The
Intriguers of the Sorbonne--Heresy of the three
Magdalens--Luther condemned at Paris--Address of the
Sorbonne to the King--Lefevre quits Paris for Meaux.
[Sidenote: ENEMIES OF THE REFORMATION.]
Thus already had the Gospel made illustrious conquests in France.
Lefevre, Briçonnet, Farel, and Margaret joyfully yielded in Paris to
the movement that was already beginning to shake the world. Francis I.
himself seemed at that time more attracted by the splendour of
literature, than repelled by the severity of the Gospel. The friends
of the Word of God were entertaining the most pleasing expectations;
they thought that the heavenly doctrine would be disseminated without
obstacle over their country, at the very moment when a formidable
opposition was organizing at court and in the Sorbonne. France, which
was to signalize itself among Roman-catholic states for nearly three
centuries by its persecutions, rose with pitiless severity against the
Reformation. If the seventeenth century was the age of a bloody
victory, the sixteenth was that of a cruel struggle. Probably in no
place did the reformed Christians meet with more merciless adversaries
on the very spot where they raised the standard of the Gospel. In
Germany, it was in the Romish states that their enemies were found; in
Switzerland, in the Romish cantons; but in France, it was face to
face. A dissolute woman and a rapacious minister then headed the long
list of the enemies of the Reformation.
[Sidenote: LOUISA--DUPRAT--THE CONCORDAT.]
Louisa of Savoy, mother of the king and of Margaret, notorious for her
gallantries, absolute in her will, and surrounded by a train of ladies
of honour whose licentiousness began at the court of France a long
series of immorality and scandal, naturally took part against the Word
of God; she was the more to be feared as she had always preserved an
almost unbounded influence over her son. But the Gospel met with a
still more formidable adversary in Louisa's favourite, Anthony Duprat,
who was nominated chancellor of the kingdom by her influence. This
man, whom a contemporary historian calls the most vicious of all
bipeds,[764] was more rapacious than Louisa was dissolute. Having
first enriched himself at the expense of justice, he desired
subsequently to increase his wealth at the expense of religion, and
entered holy orders to gain possession of the richest livings.
[764] Bipedum omnium nequissimus. Belcarius, xv. 435.
Lust and avarice thus characterized these two persons, who, being both
devoted to the pope, endeavoured to conceal the disorders of their
lives by the blood of the heretics.[765]
[765] Sismondi, Hist. des Français. xvi. 387.
One of their first acts was to deliver up the kingdom to the
ecclesiastical dominion of the pope. The king, after the battle of
Marignan, met Leo X. at Bologna, and there was sealed the famous
_concordat_, in virtue of which these two princes divided the spoils
of the Church between them. They annulled the supremacy of councils to
give it to the pope; and depriving the churches of their right to fill
up the vacant bishoprics and livings, conferred it on the king. After
this, Francis I., supporting the pontiff's train, proceeded to the
minster-church of Bologna to ratify this negotiation. He was sensible
of the injustice of the concordat, and turning to Duprat, whispered in
his ear: "It is enough to damn us both."[766] But what was salvation
to him? Money and the pope's alliance were what he wanted.
[766] Mathieu, i. 16.
[Sidenote: RESISTANCE OF THE PARLIAMENT AND UNIVERSITY.]
The parliament vigorously resisted the concordat. The king made its
deputies wait several weeks at Amboise, and then calling them before
him one day, as he rose from table, he said: "There is a king in
France, and I will not have a Venetian senate formed in my dominions."
He then commanded them to depart before sunset. Evangelical liberty
had nothing to hope from such a prince. Three days after, the
high-chamberlain La Tremouille appeared in parliament, and ordered the
concordat to be registered.
Upon this the university put itself in motion. On the 18th of March
1518, a solemn procession, at which all the students and the bachelors
with their hoods were present, repaired to the church of Saint
Catherine of the Scholars, to implore God to preserve the liberties of
the Church and of the kingdom.[767] "The colleges were closed, strong
bodies of the students went armed through the city, threatening and
sometimes maltreating the exalted personages who were publishing and
carrying out the said concordat by the king's orders."[768] The
university eventually tolerated the execution of this edict; but
without revoking the resolutions on which it had declared its
opposition; and from that time, says the Venetian ambassador Correro,
"the king began to give away the bishoprics with a liberal hand at the
solicitation of the court ladies, and to bestow abbeys on his
soldiers; so that at the court of France a trade was carried on in
bishoprics and abbeys, as at Venice in pepper and cinnamon."[769]
[767] Crévier, v. 110.
[768] Fontaine, Hist. Cathol., Paris, 1562, p. 16.
[769] Raumer, Gesch. Europ. i. 270.
[Sidenote: THE SORBONNE--BEDA.]
While Louisa and Duprat were preparing to destroy the Gospel by the
destruction of the liberties of the Gallican Church, a fanatical and
powerful party was forming against the Bible. Christian truth has
always had to encounter two powerful adversaries, the depravity of the
world and the fanaticism of the priests. The scholastic Sorbonne and a
profligate court were now to march forward hand in hand against the
confessors of Jesus Christ. In the early days of the Church, the
unbelieving Sadducees and the hypocritical Pharisees were the fiercest
enemies of Christianity; and so they have remained through every age.
Erelong from the darkness of the schools emerged the most pitiless
adversaries of the Gospel. At their head was Noel Bédier, commonly
called Beda, a native of Picardy and syndic of the Sorbonne, reputed
to be the greatest brawler and most factious spirit of his day.
Educated in the dry maxims of scholasticism, matured in the theses and
antitheses of the Sorbonne, having a greater veneration for the
distinctions of the school than for the Word of God, he was
transported with anger against those whose daring mouths ventured to
put forth other doctrines. Of a restless disposition, unable to enjoy
any repose, always requiring new pursuits, he was a torment to all
around him; confusion was his native element; he seemed born for
contention; and when he had no adversaries he fell foul of his
friends. This impetuous quack filled the university with stupid and
violent declamations against literature, against the innovations of
the age, and against all those who were not, in his opinion,
sufficiently earnest in repressing them. Many smiled as they listened
to him, but others gave credit to the invectives of the blustering
orator, and the violence of his character secured him a tyrannical
sway in the Sorbonne. He must always have some new enemy to fight,
some victim to drag to the scaffold; and accordingly he had created
heretics before any existed, and had called for the burning of Merlin,
vicar-general of Paris, for having endeavoured to justify Origen. But
when he saw the new doctors appear, he bounded like a wild beast that
suddenly perceives an easy prey within its reach. "There are three
thousand monks in one Beda," said the cautious Erasmus.[770]
[770] In uno Beda sunt tria millia monachorum. Erasm. Epp. p. 373.
These excesses, however, were prejudicial to his cause. "What!" said
the wisest men of the age, "does the Roman Church rest on the
shoulders of such an Atlas as this?[771] Whence comes all this
disturbance, except from the absurdities of Beda himself?"
[771] Talibus Atlantibus nititur Ecclesia Romana. Ibid. p. 1113.
[Sidenote: LOUIS DE BERQUIN.]
In effect, the very invectives that frightened weak minds, disgusted
more generous spirits. At the court of Francis I. was a gentleman of
Artois, named Louis de Berquin, then about thirty years of age, and
who was never married. The purity of his life,[772] his profound
knowledge, which procured him the title of "the most learned of the
nobles,"[773] the openness of his disposition, his tender care for the
poor, and his unbounded attachment to his friends, distinguished him
above his equals.[774] There was not a more devout observer of the
ceremonies of the Church, fasts, festivals, and masses;[775] and he
held in the greatest horror all that was denominated heretical. It was
a matter of astonishment to witness so much devotion at the court.
[772] Ut ne rumusculus quidem impudicitiæ sit unquam in illum exortus.
Er. Epp. p. 1278.
[773] Gaillard, Hist. de François I.
[774] Mirere benignus in egenos et amicos. Er. Epp. p. 1238.
[775] Constitutionum ac rituum ecclesiasticorum observantissimus.
Ibid.
It seemed as if nothing could make such a man incline to the side of
the Reformation; there were, however, one or two features in his
character that might lead him to the Gospel. He abhorred every kind of
dissimulation, and, as he never desired to injure any one himself, he
could not bear to see others injured. The tyranny of Beda and other
fanatics, their bickerings and persecutions, filled his generous soul
with indignation; and as he never did things by halves, he was
accustomed wherever he went, in the city or at the court, "even among
the highest personages in the kingdom,"[776] to inveigh with the
utmost vehemence against the tyranny of these doctors, and attack, "in
their very nests," says Theodore Beza, "those odious hornets who were
then the terror of the world."[777]
[776] Actes des Martyrs deCrespin, p. 103.
[777] Ut maxime omnium tunc metuendos crabrones in ipsis eorum
cavis......Bezæ Icones.
He did not stop here: opposition to injustice led Berquin to inquire
after truth. He desired to know that holy Scripture, so dear to the
men against whom Beda and his creatures were raging; and he had
scarcely begun to read the book, before it won his heart. Berquin
immediately joined Margaret, Lefevre, Briçonnet, and all those who
loved the Word, and in their society tasted of the purest joys. He
felt that he had something more to do besides opposing the Sorbonne,
and would have loved to communicate the convictions of his soul to all
France. He immediately began to write and translate several christian
books into French. It seemed to him that every man ought to
acknowledge and embrace the truth as promptly as he had done himself.
That impetuosity which Beda had exerted in the service of human
traditions, Berquin employed in the service of the Word of God.
Although younger than the syndic of the Sorbonne, less prudent, and
less skilful, he had in his favour the noble enthusiasm of truth. They
were two strong wrestlers about to try which should throw the other.
But Berquin had another object in view than a triumph over Beda: he
would have desired to pour forth floods of truth over all his
countrymen. And hence Theodore Beza says, that France might have found
a second Luther in Berquin, if he had found a second elector in
Francis I.[778]
[778] Gallia fortassis alterum esset Luterum nacta. Bezæ Icones.
[Sidenote: THE RINGLEADERS OF THE SORBONNE.]
Numerous obstacles were destined to impede his efforts. Fanaticism
finds disciples everywhere; it is a fire that spreads far and near.
The monks and ignorant priests took part with the syndic of the
Sorbonne. A party-spirit pervaded the whole troop, which was governed
by a few intriguing and fanatical leaders, who cleverly took advantage
of the insignificance or vanity of their colleagues, to infect them
with their own prejudices. At all their meetings these chiefs were the
only speakers: they domineered over their party by their violence, and
reduced the moderate and weak-minded to silence. Hardly had they made
any proposition, before these ringleaders exclaimed: "We shall soon
see now who are of the Lutheran faction."[779] Did any one give
utterance to a reasonable sentiment, a shuddering fell upon Beda,
Lecouturier, Duchesne, and the whole band; and all cried out at once:
"He is worse than Luther." This manœuvre was successful; the timid
minds that prefer peace to disputation, those who are ready to give up
their own opinions for their own advantage, those who do not
understand the simplest questions, and, lastly, those who are always
carried away by the clamour of others,--all became the willing
recruits of Beda and his satellites. Some were silent, others shouted,
all submitted to that influence which a proud and tyrannical mind
exercises over vulgar souls. Such was the state of this association,
which was regarded as so venerable, and which was at that time the
most violent enemy of evangelical Christianity. It would often be
sufficient to cast a single glance upon the most celebrated bodies to
estimate at its just value the war they wage upon truth.
[779] Hic, inquiunt, apparebit qui sint Lutheranæ factionis. Er. Epp.
p. 889.
[Sidenote: SERVILITY OF THE GALLICAN CLERGY.]
Thus the university which, under Louis XII., had applauded Allmain's
aspirations after independence, abruptly plunged once more, under
Duprat and Louisa of Savoy, into fanaticism and servility. If we
except the Jansenists and a few other doctors, a noble and real
independence has never existed among the Gallican clergy. They have
never done more than oscillate between servility to the court and
servility to the pope. If under Louis XII. or Louis XIV. they had some
appearance of liberty, it was because their master in Paris was at
strife with their master at Rome. And thus we have an explanation of
the change we have pointed out. The university and the bishops forgot
their rights and duties as soon as the king ceased to enjoin their
observance.
For a long period Beda had been incensed against Lefevre; the renown
of the Picard doctor's lectures irritated his compatriot and ruffled
his pride; he would gladly have silenced him. Once already Beda had
attacked the doctor of Etaples, and as yet little able to distinguish
the evangelical doctrines, he had assailed his colleague on a point
which, however strange it may appear, was near sending Lefevre to the
scaffold.[780] This doctor had asserted that Mary, the sister of
Lazarus, Mary Magdalen, and the "woman which was a sinner," of whom
Saint Luke speaks in the seventh chapter of his Gospel, were three
distinct persons. The Greek fathers had distinguished them: the Latin
fathers had confounded them together. This terrible _heresy_ of the
three Magdalens set Beda and all his host in motion; Christendom was
roused; Fisher, bishop of Rochester, one of the most distinguished
prelates of the age, wrote against Lefevre, and the whole Church then
declared against an opinion now admitted by every Roman-catholic.
Already Lefevre, condemned by the Sorbonne, was prosecuted by the
parliament as a heretic, when Francis I., pleased at the opportunity
of striking a blow at the Sorbonne and of humbling the monks, rescued
him from the hands of his persecutors.
[780] Gaillard, Hist. de François I. iv. 228.
[Sidenote: LUTHER CONDEMNED AT PARIS.]
Beda, enraged at seeing his victim snatched from his grasp, resolved
to take better aim another time. The name of Luther was beginning to
be heard in France. The reformer, after the dispute with Dr. Eck at
Leipsic, had agreed to acknowledge the universities of Erfurth and
Paris as his judges. The zeal displayed by the latter university
against the concordat, no doubt led him to hope that he should find
impartial judges in its members. But the times were changed, and the
more decided the theological faculty had been against the
encroachments of Rome, the more it was bent on showing its orthodoxy.
Beda accordingly found it quite disposed to enter into his views.
On the 20th of January 1520, the treasurer of the French nation[781]
bought twenty copies of the conference between Luther and Eck for
distribution among the members of the commission who were to make a
report on the matter. More than a year was employed in this
investigation. The German Reformation was beginning to create a strong
sensation in France. The universities, which were then truly catholic
institutions, to which students resorted from every country in
Christendom, brought Germany, France, Switzerland, and England, into
closer and speedier relation with each other, as regards theology and
philosophy, than those of the present day. The reports prevailing in
Paris of Luther's success strengthened the hands of such men as
Lefevre, Briçonnet, and Farel. Each of his victories increased their
courage. Many of the Sorbonne doctors were struck by the admirable
truths they found in the writings of the Wittemberg monk. There had
already been many a bold confession; but there had also been a
terrible resistance. "All Europe," says Crévier, "was waiting for the
decision of the university of Paris." The contest appeared doubtful.
At length Beda prevailed; and in April 1521, the university decreed
that Luther's works should be publicly burnt, and the author compelled
to retract.
[781] It was formerly the custom in the university of Paris to
classify its members into four nations: viz. France, Picardy,
Normandy, and Germany.--Tr.
[Sidenote: THE SORBONNE ADDRESSES THE KING.]
This was not enough. In fact Luther's disciples had crossed the Rhine
more speedily even than his writings. "In a short time," says the
Jesuit Maimbourg, "the university was filled with foreigners, who,
because they knew a little Hebrew and more Greek, acquired a
reputation, insinuated themselves into the houses of persons of
quality, and claimed an insolent liberty of interpreting the
Bible."[782] The faculty, therefore, appointed a deputation to bear
their remonstrances to the king.
[782] Hist. du Calvinisme, p. 10.
Francis I., caring little for the quarrels of theologians, was
continuing his career of pleasure; and passing from castle to castle,
with his gentlemen and the ladies composing his mother's and his
sister's court, he indulged in every species of disorder, far from the
troublesome observation of the citizens of the capital. He thus made
his progresses through Brittany, Anjou, Guienne, Angoumois, and
Poitou, leading the same sumptuous life in villages and forests, as if
he had been at Paris in his palace of Tournelles. It was one round of
tournaments, sham-fights, masquerades, costly entertainments, and
banquets, which even those of Lucullus (as Brantôme says) could not
equal.[783]
[783] Vie des Hommes illustres, i. 326.
For a moment, however, he interrupted the course of his pleasures to
receive the grave deputies of the Sorbonne; but he saw only men of
learning in those whom the faculty pointed out as heretics. Could a
prince who boasted of having put the kings of France _hors de page_
(out of leading-strings), bend his head before a few fanatical
doctors? He replied: "I will not have these people molested. To
persecute those who teach us, would prevent able scholars from coming
into our country."[784]
[784] Maimbourg, p. 11.
The deputation left the king's presence in great wrath. What will be
the consequence? The disease grows stronger every day; already the
heretical opinions are denominated "the sentiments of men of genius;"
the devouring flame is stealing into the most secret recesses; erelong
the conflagration will burst forth, and throughout France the edifice
of faith will fall with a terrible crash.
[Sidenote: LEFEVRE RETIRES TO MEAUX.]
Beda and his party, failing to obtain the king's permission to erect
their scaffolds, resort to persecutions of a more invidious nature.
There was no kind of annoyance to which the evangelical teachers were
not subjected. Fresh reports and fresh denunciations followed each
other daily. The aged Lefevre, tormented by these ignorant zealots,
longed for repose. The pious Briçonnet, who was unremitting in his
veneration for the doctor of Etaples,[785] offered him an asylum.
Lefevre quitted Paris and retired to Meaux. This was the first victory
gained over the Gospel, and it was then seen that if the Romish party
cannot succeed in engaging the civil power on its side, there is a
secret and fanatical police, by means of which it is enabled to obtain
its end.
[785] Pro innumeris beneficiis, pro tantis ad studia commodis. Epist.
dedicatoria Epp. Pauli.