Luther writes to the Emperor--Luther's dangers--Instructions
of Frederick to the court of Rome--Luther's
sentiments--Melancthon's fears--The German nobles favourable
to the Reformation--Schaumburg--Seckingen--Ulric de
Hütten--Luther's Confidence--Luther's Greater Freedom--Faith
the source of Works--What Faith gives--Luther judging his
own writings.
[Sidenote: LUTHER'S LETTER TO THE EMPEROR.]
Luther had foreseen that the cause of the Reformation would soon be
brought before the new emperor; and, when Charles was still at Madrid,
addressed a letter to him, in which he said, "If the cause which I
defend is worthy of being presented before the heavenly Majesty, it
cannot be unworthy of engaging the attention of a prince of this
world. O, Charles! prince of the kings of the earth, I cast myself as
a suppliant at the feet of your most serene majesty, and beseech you
to deign to take under the shadow of your wings, not me, but the very
cause of eternal truth, for the defence of which God has entrusted you
with the sword."[177] The young king of Spain threw aside this odd
letter from a German monk, and returned no answer.
[177] Causam ipsam veritatis.... (L. Ep. i, p. 392. 15th Jan., 1520.)
While Luther was turning in vain toward Madrid, the storm seemed
gathering around him. Fanaticism was rekindled in Germany.
Hochstraten, indefatigable in his efforts at persecution, had
extracted certain theses from Luther's writings, and obtained their
condemnation by the universities of Cologne and Louvain. That of
Erfurt, which had always had a grudge at Luther, for having given
Wittemberg the preference, was on the eve of following their example.
But the doctor, having been informed of it, wrote Lange, in terms so
energetic that the theologians of Erfurt took fright, and said
nothing. Still, however, there was enough to inflame the minds of men
in the condemnation pronounced by Cologne and Louvain. More than this;
the priests of Misnia who had espoused Emser's quarrel said openly
(such is Melancthon's statement) that there would be no sin in killing
Luther.[178] "The time is come," said Luther, "when men think they
will do Jesus Christ service by putting us to death." The murderous
language of the priests did not fail of its effect.
[178] "Ut sine peccato esse eum censebant qui me interfecerit." (L.
Ep. i, p. 383.)
[Sidenote: FREDERICK'S INSTRUCTIONS TO HIS ENVOY.]
"One day," says a biographer, "when Luther was in front of the
Augustin convent, a stranger, with a pistol hid under his arm,
accosted him, and said, Why do you walk about thus quite alone?" "I
am in the hands of God," replied Luther; "He is my strength and my
shield." "Thereupon," adds the biographer, "the stranger grew pale,
and fled trembling."[179] About the same time Serra Longa, the orator
of the conference of Augsburg, wrote to the Elector, "Let not Luther
find any asylum in the states of your highness, but, repulsed by all,
let him be stoned to death in the face of heaven. This would please me
more than a gift of ten thousand crowns."[180]
[179] Was kann mir ein Mensch thun? (Keith, L. Umstände, p. 89.)
[180] Tenze, Hist. Ber. ii, p. 168.
But the sound of the gathering storm was heard, especially in the
direction of Rome. Valentine Teutleben, a noble of Thuringia, vicar of
the Archbishop of Mentz, and a zealous partisan of the papacy, was the
representative of the Elector of Saxony at Rome. Teutleben, ashamed of
the protection which his master gave to the heretical monk, could not
bear to see his mission paralysed by this imprudent conduct; and
imagined that, by alarming the Elector, he would induce him to abandon
the rebel theologian. Writing to his master, he said, "I am not
listened to, because of the protection which you give to Luther." But
the Romans were mistaken if they thought they could frighten sage
Frederick. He knew that the will of God and the movements of the
people were more irresistible than the decrees of the papal chancery.
He ordered his envoy to hint to the pope that, far from defending
Luther, he had always left him to defend himself, that he had moreover
told him to quit Saxony and the university, that the doctor had
declared his readiness to obey, and would not now be in the electoral
states had not the legate, Charles de Miltitz, begged the prince to
keep him near himself, from a fear that in other countries he would
act with still less restraint than in Saxony.[181] Frederick did still
more; he tried to enlighten Rome. "Germany," continues he, in his
letter, "now possesses a great number of learned men distinguished for
scholarship and science; the laity themselves begin to cultivate their
understanding, and to love the Holy Scriptures. Hence, there is great
reason to fear that, if the equitable proposals of Doctor Luther are
not accepted, peace will never be re-established. The doctrine of
Luther has struck its roots deep in many hearts. If, instead of
refuting it by passages from the Bible, an attempt is made to crush
him by the thunders of ecclesiastical power, great scandal will be
given, and pernicious and dreadful outbreaks will ensue."[182]
[181] Da er viel freyer und sicherer schreiben und handeln möchte was
er wollte.... (L. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 298.)
[182] Schreckliche, grausame, schädliche und verderbliche Empörungen
erregen. (Ibid.)
[Sidenote: LUTHER'S FEELINGS. MELANCTHON'S FEARS.]
The Elector, having full confidence in Luther, caused Teutleben's
letter to be communicated to him, and also another letter from
cardinal St. George. The Reformer was moved on reading them. He at
once saw all the dangers by which he was surrounded, and for an
instant his heart sank. But it was in such moments as these that his
faith displayed its full power. Often, when feeble and ready to fall
into despondency, he rallied again, and seemed greater amid the raging
of the storm. He would fain have been delivered from all these trials;
but, aware of the price that must have been paid for repose, he
spurned it with indignation. "Be silent!" said he, "I am disposed to
be so, if I am allowed--that is to say, if others are silent. If any
one envies my situation he is welcome to it. If any one is desirous to
destroy my writings, let him burn them. I am ready to remain quiet,
provided gospel truth is not compelled to be quiet also.[183] I ask
not a cardinal's hat; I ask neither gold, nor aught that Rome esteems.
There is nothing which I will not concede, provided Christians are not
excluded from the way of salvation.[184] All their threatenings do not
terrify--all their promises cannot seduce me."
[183] Semper quiescere paratus, modo veritatem evangelicam non jubeant
quiescere. (L. Ep. i, p. 462.)
[184] Si salutis viam Christianis permittant esse liberam, hoc unum
peto ab illis, ac præterea nihil.... (Ibid.)
Animated by these sentiments, Luther soon resumed his warlike
temperament, preferring the Christian combat to the calmness of
solitude. One night was sufficient to revive his desire of
overthrowing Rome. "My part is taken," wrote he next day. "I despise
the fury of Rome, and I despise her favour. No more reconciliation,
nor more communication with her for ever.[185] Let her condemn and
burn my writings! I, in my turn, will condemn and publicly burn the
pontifical law, that nest of all heresies. The moderation which I have
shown up to this hour has been useless, and I have done with it!"
[185] Nolo eis reconciliari nec communicare in perpetuum.... (Ibid. p.
466, 10th July, 1520.)
His friends were far from feeling equally tranquil. Great alarm
prevailed at Wittemberg. "We are waiting in extreme anxiety," said
Melancthon. "I would sooner die than be separated from Luther.[186]
Unless God come to our assistance we perish." Writing a month later,
in his anxiety, he says, "Our Luther still lives, and God grant he
long may; for the Roman sycophants are using every mean to destroy
him. Pray for the life of him who is sole vindicator of sound
theology."[187]
[186] Emori malim, quam ab hoc viro avelli. (Corp. Reform. pp. 160,
163.)
[187] Martinus noster spirat, atque utinam diu.... (Corpus Refor. i,
pp. 190, 208.)
[Sidenote: SCHAUMBURG. SECKINGEN. ULRIC VON HUTTEN]
These prayers were not in vain. The warnings which the Elector had
given Rome, through his envoy, were not without foundation. The word
of Luther had been every where heard, in cottages, and convents, at
the firesides of the citizens, in the castles of nobles, in academies,
and in the palaces of kings. He had said to Duke John of Saxony, "Let
my life only have contributed to the salvation of a single individual,
and I will willingly consent that all my books perish."[188] Not a
single individual, but a great multitude, had found light in the
writings of the humble doctor; and hence, in all quarters, there were
men ready to protect him. The sword which was to attack him was on the
anvil of the Vatican; but there were heroes in Germany who would
interpose their bodies as his buckler. At the moment when the bishops
were waxing wroth, when princes were silent, when the people were
awaiting the result, and when the thunder was already grumbling on the
seven hills, God raised up the German nobility, and placed them as a
rampart around his servant.
[188] L. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 392.
At this time Sylvester of Schaumburg, one of the most powerful nobles
of Franconia, sent his son to Wittemberg with a letter for the
Reformer, in which he said, "Your life is exposed to danger. If the
support of electors, princes, or magistrates fails you, I beg you to
beware of going into Bohemia, where, of old, very learned men had much
to suffer; come rather to me; God willing, I shall soon have collected
more than a hundred gentlemen, and with their help, will be able to
keep you free from harm."[189]
[189] "Denn Ich, und hundert von Adel, die Ich (ob Gott will)
aufbringen will, euch redlich anhalten".... (L. Op. (L.) xvii, p.
381.)
[Sidenote: LUTHER'S CONFIDENCE.]
Francis of Seckingen, the hero of his age, whose intrepid courage we
have already seen,[190] loved the Reformer, because he found that he
was worthy of love, and also because he was hated by the monks.[191]
"My person, my property, and services, all that I possess," wrote he
to him, "is at your disposal. Your wish is to maintain Christian
truth, and in that I am ready to assist you."[192] Harmuth of
Cronberg, spoke in similar terms. Ulric von Hütten, the poet and
valiant knight of the sixteenth century, ceased not to speak in
commendation of Luther. But how great the contrast between these two
men! Hütten wrote to the Reformer--"We must have swords, bows,
javelins, and bullets, to destroy the fury of the devil." Luther, on
receiving these letters, exclaimed--"I have no wish that men should
have recourse to arms and carnage in order to defend the gospel. It
was by the Word the world was overcome, by the Word the Church has
been saved, and by the Word will she be re-established." "I despise
not his offers," said he on receiving the above letter from
Schaumburg, "but still I wish to lean on none but Christ."[193] So
spake not the pontiffs of Rome when they waded in the blood of the
Vaudois and Albigenses. Hütten was sensible of the difference between
his cause and Luther's, and accordingly wrote with noble frankness: "I
am occupied with the things of man, but you, rising to a far greater
height, give yourself wholly to those of God."[194] After thus
writing, he set out to try, if possible, to gain over Ferdinand and
Charles V to the truth.[195]
[190] "Equitum Germaniæ rarum decus;" "the pink of German knights,"
says Melancthon on this occasion. (Corp. Reform. i, p. 201.)
[191] Et ob id invisus illis (Ibid. p. 132.)
[192] (Ibid.)
[193] "Nolo nisi Christo protectore niti." (L. Ep. i, p. 148.)
[194] Mea humana sunt; tu perfectior jam totus ex divinis pendes. (L.
Op. Lat. ii. p. 175.)
[195] Viam facturus libertati (cod. Bavar veritati) per maximos
principes. (Corp. Reform. i, p. 201.) To make a way for liberty (in
the Bavarian MS. "truth,") by means of the greatest princes.
Thus, on the one hand, Luther's enemies assail him, and on the other,
his friends rise up to defend him. "My bark," says he, "floats here
and there at the pleasure of the winds, ... hope and fear reign by
turns, but what matters it?"[196] Still his mind was not uninfluenced
by the marks of sympathy which he received. "The Lord reigns," said
he, "and so visibly as to be almost palpable."[197] Luther saw that he
was no longer alone; his words had proved faithful, and the thought
inspired him with new courage. Now that he has other defenders
prepared to brave the fury of Rome, he will no longer be kept back by
the fear of compromising the Elector. He becomes more free, and, if
possible, more decided. This is an important period in the development
of Luther's mind. Writing at this time to the Elector's chaplain, he
says, "Rome must be made aware, that though she should succeed, by her
menaces, in exiling me from Wittemberg, she will only damage her
cause. Those who are ready to defend me against the thunders of the
papacy are to be found not in Bohemia, but in the heart of Germany. If
I have not yet done to my enemies all that I am preparing for them,
they must ascribe it neither to my moderation nor to their tyranny,
but to my fear of compromising the name of the Elector, and the
prosperity of the university of Wittemberg. Now, that I have no longer
any such fears, I will rush with new impetuosity on Rome and her
courtiers."[198]
[196] "Ita fluctuat navis mea; nunc spes, nunc timor regnat." (L. Ep.
i, p. 443.)
[197] "Dominus regnat, ut palpare possimus." (Ibid. p. 451.)
[198] "Sævius in Romanenses grassaturus".... (L. Ep. i, p. 465.)
[Sidenote: FRUITS OF FAITH. FAITH AND WORKS.]
Still Luther's hope was not placed on the great. He had often been
urged to dedicate a book to Duke John, the Elector's brother, but had
never done it. "I fear," he had said, "that the suggestion comes from
himself. The Holy Scriptures must be subservient only to the glory of
God's name."[199] Luther afterwards laid aside his suspicions, and
dedicated his discourse on good works to Duke John, a discourse in
which he gives a forcible exposition of the doctrine of justification
by faith, a mighty doctrine, whose power he rates far higher than the
sword of Hütten, the army of Seckingen, or the protection of dukes and
electors.
[199] "Scripturam sacram nolim alicujus nomini nisi Dei servire."
(Ibid. p. 431.) I would not have sacred Scripture subservient to any
name but that of God.
"The first, the noblest, the sublimest of all works," says he, "is
faith in Jesus Christ.[200] From this work all other works should
proceed; they are all the vassals of faith, and from it alone derive
their efficacy.
[200] Das erste und höchste, alleredelste ... gute Werck ist der
Glaube in Christum.... (L. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 394.)
"If a man's own heart assures him, that what he is doing is agreeable
to God, the work is good should it be merely the lifting up of a
straw, but in the absence of this assurance the work is not good,
though it should be the raising of the dead. A pagan, a Jew, a Turk, a
sinner, can do all other works, but to trust firmly in the Lord, and
feel assured of pleasing him, are works of which none are capable but
the Christian strengthened by grace.
"A Christian, who has faith in God, acts, at all times, with freedom
and gladness, whereas, the man who is not at one with God is full of
cares, and is detained in thraldom; he anxiously asks how many works
he ought to do, he runs up and down interrogating this man and that
man, and, nowhere finding any peace, does everything with
dissatisfaction and fear.
"Hence, I have always extolled faith. But it is otherwise in the
world: there the essential point is to have many works, works great
and high, and of all dimensions, while it is a matter of indifference
whether or not faith animates them. Thus men build their peace, not on
the good pleasure of God, but on their own merits, that is to say, on
the sand.... (Matt. vii, 27.)
"To preach faith is, it is said, to prevent good works; but though a
single man should have in himself the powers of all men, or even of
all creatures,[201] the mere obligation of living by faith would be a
task too great for him ever to accomplish. If I say to a sick person,
be in health and you will have the use of your members--will it be
said that I forbid him to use his members? Must not health precede
labour? The same holds true in the preaching of faith; it must be
before works, in order that works themselves may exist.
[201] Wenn ein Mensch tausend, oder alle Menschen, oder alle Creaturen
wäre. (L. Op. (L.) p. 398.) "Were one man a thousand, or all men, or
all creatures."
"Where then, you will ask, is this faith found, and how is it
received? This, indeed, is the most important of all questions. Faith
comes solely from Jesus Christ, who is promised, and given
gratuitously.
[Sidenote: LUTHER JUDGING HIS WRITINGS.]
"O, man! represent Christ to thyself, and consider how in him God
manifests his mercy to thee without being anticipated by any merit on
thy part.[202] In this image of his grace receive the faith and
assurance that all thy sins are forgiven thee. Works cannot produce
it. It flows from the blood, the wounds, and the death of Christ,
whence it wells up in the heart. Christ is the rock out of which come
milk and honey. (Deut. xxxii.)
[202] Siehe, also musst du Christum in dich bilden, und sehen wie in
Ihm Gott--seine Barmherzigkeit dir fürhält und arbeut (Ibid. p. 401.)
Not being able to give an account of all Luther's works, we have
quoted some short fragments of this discourse on good works, on
account of the opinion which the Reformer himself had of it. "It is in
my judgment," said he, "the best work that I have published." He
immediately subjoins this profound observation. "But I know that when
any thing I write pleases myself, the infection of this bad leaven
prevents it from pleasing others."[203] Melancthon, in sending a copy
of this discourse to a friend, thus expressed himself, "Of all Greek
and Latin authors none has come nearer the spirit of St. Paul than
Luther."[204]
[203] "Erit meo judicio omnium quæ ediderim, optimum: quanquam scio
quæ mihi mea placent, hoc ipso fermento infecta, non solere aliis
placere." (L. Ep. i, p. 431.)
[204] "Quo ad Pauli spiritum nemo proprius accessit" (Corp. Refor. i,
p. 202.)