CHAPTER XIX

HOW SCAURUS STUDIED THE THREE GOSPELS

Beginning with the passages that described the Lord’s Supper, I soon

found that Scaurus was correct in saying that the words of the Lord

quoted by Paul were not in any of the gospels. But my copy of Luke—an

old one, having been transcribed in the reign of the emperor Nerva as

the scribe stated—contained a note in the margin, not in the scribe’s

handwriting, “After ‘_my body_,’ some later copies have these words,

‘_which is being given in your behalf. Do this to my remembering; and the

cup likewise, after supping, saying, This cup is the new testament in my

blood which is being shed for you_’.” Now these words were very similar

to Paul’s quotation, and Flaccus had told me that Luke was a companion of

Paul. So I reflected that Luke must often have partaken of the Christian

Supper with Paul, and must have heard these words from Paul. Why

therefore were the words omitted in Luke, except in “some later copies”?

Mark, Matthew, and Paul agreed in inserting some mention of “covenant.”

Why did Luke, Paul’s companion, alone omit it?

Looking into the matter more closely, I found that Luke, though he

omitted the phrase about “covenant,” _inserted in his context some

mention of “covenanting,” or “making covenant,”_ as follows: “I

_covenant_ unto you as my Father _covenanted_ unto me.” The “covenant”

was “a kingdom, that ye may eat and drink at my table.” Also, in the

same context, Jesus said, “The kings of the nations lord it over them,

and those who play the despot over them are called”—I think he meant,

“called” by their flatterers—“benefactors. But you, not so.” And Jesus

went on to say, “He that ruleth must be as he that serveth,” and, “I am

among you as he that serveth.” The words “my Father covenanted unto me”

appeared to mean a covenant of sacrifice, namely, that the Son was to

sacrifice Himself for the sins of the world, and to pass, through that

sacrifice, into the Kingdom at the right hand of the Father. And the

other words meant that Jesus “covenanted” with the disciples that they

should sacrifice themselves in like manner, taking Him as it were into

themselves, by drinking the blood of the sacrifice (that is, His blood)

and eating its flesh or body (that is, His body). And thus they, too,

being made one with Him, were to pass into the Kingdom.

Such a “covenant” as this, would, I perceived, be so “new” that it might

be described as turning the world upside down—all the kings serving their

subjects, all the masters waiting on their servants. This was indeed

strange. But it was not peculiar to Luke. Mark and Matthew (I found) had

a similar doctrine, though not in this passage; only, instead of “I am

among you as he that serveth,” they had, “to give his soul as a ransom

for many.” This accorded with what was said above, namely, that the

“covenant,” or condition, on which the Son came into the world, was, that

He should be the “servant,” or “sacrifice,” or “ransom,” for mankind. All

three names expressed aspects of one and the same thing. David had said,

“The sacrifice of the Lord is a contrite spirit.” That meant, contrite

for _one’s own_ sins. Jesus seemed to go outside a man’s self, and to

say, “The sacrifice of the Lord is a spirit of service _to others_.”

Romans, I reflected, would call this doctrine either an impracticable

dream, or—if practicable, and if attempted—a pestilent revolution. But

once more the thought recurred that the Jew would say to us, as the

Egyptian said to Solon, “You Romans are but children,” and that, although

Rome had the power (as Virgil said) of “subjecting the proud oppressors

in war,” it might not have what Epictetus described as the power of the

true Ruler (which this Jewish Ruler seemed to claim), namely, to draw the

subjects towards the ruler with the chain of “passionate affection.”

Scaurus next asserted that some disagreements here between the

evangelists arose from translating Hebrew into Greek. Where Mark has

“and they drank,” Matthew has “drink ye.” Scaurus said that the same

Hebrew might produce these two Greek translations. “Also,” said he,

“supposing Jesus to have said in his native tongue, _This is my body for

you_, some might take ‘for you’ to mean ‘given _to you_ as a gift,’ but

others ‘given _for you_ as a sacrifice’.” Hence he inferred that it was

hardly possible to discover what Jesus actually said, because, besides

differences of memory in the witnesses, there might be differences of

translation in those who remembered the same words. But on the other

side, if Scaurus was right, the facts shewed the independence of the

witnesses, as well as their honesty and accuracy. If Jesus used one

Jewish phrase that might imply two meanings, it seemed natural that his

disciples should try to express both meanings in Greek. The nearness of

the Passover (at the time when the words were uttered), and the connexion

in scripture between “covenant” and “sacrifice,” and many things

that I had read in Paul’s epistles, made me believe that “sacrifice”

was implied. Why should not the disciples suppose that their Saviour

bequeathed a legacy _to_ them that was also a sacrifice _for_ them? This

seemed to me a beautiful and intelligible belief.

The result was that I resolved not to give up the study of these books.

Repeating my father’s maxim, _Audi alteram partem_, “Scaurus,” I said,

“shall be on one side, and the three gospels”—which I spread out on the

table—“shall be on the other.” I soon found, however, that my task was

not so simple. There was not merely “the other side,” there were often

three “sides”—so strangely did the gospels vary. Scaurus made a fourth,

or, rather, a commentary on the three. From my youth up (thanks largely

to Scaurus) I had some skill in comparing histories. It was necessary

first (I perceived) to have the three gospels side by side. For this

purpose, the penknife and the pen—the former for transposing, the latter

for transcribing—had to be freely used. Mark’s gospel I preserved intact.

Extracts from Matthew and Luke—copying or cutting them out—I placed

parallel to the corresponding passages in Mark. I also made use of

marginal notes in my MS. referring me to parallel passages in the other

gospels or in the scriptures. Some days were spent in this labour. After

that, I determined to attend lectures regularly, but to devote all my

leisure to a close examination of the gospels with the help of Scaurus’s

comments. Now I must speak of his letter.

It began, as his postscript had ended, with a personal appeal, warning

me against a tendency to dreaming, “which,” said he, “I think you must

have inherited from my Etrurian grandmother, whose blood runs in your

veins—through your dear mother—as well as in mine. I myself, at times,

have to fight against it.” Then he cautioned me against the Jews. “They

are all of them,” he said, “dangerous people, though in different

ways. There are two sorts, plotters and dreamers; the plotters, all

for themselves; the dreamers, all for someone else, or something else

(the Gods know what!) outside themselves. Now a dreamer in the west,

mostly a Greek (for a Roman dreamer is a rare bird) is a harmless

creature—dreaming passively. But the Jewish dreamer dreams actively. He

is, to use the Greek adjective, _hypnotic_. If I might invent a Greek

verb, I would say that he ‘_hypnotizes_’ people. He makes others dream

what he dreams. And his dreams are not the dreams of Morpheus, ‘golden

slumbers’ on ‘heaped Elysian flowers.’ No, they are often dreams like

those of Hercules Furens—destroying himself and his friends while he

thinks he is destroying ‘powers of evil’! I have known several Jews, some

very good, more very bad; only one, perhaps, half-and-half. That was

Flavius Josephus, whose histories you have read. He could be all things

to all men in a very clever way, mostly for his people, sometimes for

himself.

“Paul was all things to all men in a very different way, and always the

same way. Paul, as you know, frankly warns his readers, ‘I am become all

things to all men that I may by all means save some,’ and ‘I became to

the Jews a Jew that I might gain the Jews’—not for himself, of course,

but for his Master, the King of the Jews. I have never told you, before,

something that I will tell you now—to warn you against these Jews,

especially the Christian Jews. I once saw this Paul, only once. I was but

a boy. He was standing, chained, in a corridor in the palace, waiting

to be heard. One of the Prætorian guard was talking to him and Paul was

replying, while my father and I were passing by; and my father, having

something to say to the guardsman, made some courteous remark to Paul

about interrupting their talk. Paul stood up. He was rather short, and

bent down besides with the weight of his chains; and the guardsman (quite

against regulations) had put a stool for him to rest on. He reached up

his face to my father’s as though he could not see very distinctly:

but it was not exactly the eyes, but the look in them, the unearthly

look, that I shall never forget. No doubt, he was thankful for the few

syllables of kindness. It seemed to me as if he wished to return the

kindness in kind. He said something. What it was I don’t know. Probably

bad Greek or worse Latin. Thanks of some sort, no doubt. But it was

the look—the look and the tone, that struck me. Struck! No, rather,

bewitched. For days and nights afterwards I saw that man’s face, and

heard his voice in my dreams. I did not like the dreams. But he made me

dream. He was a retiarius. If he had had me alone for a day or two, I

feel even now that he would have caught me in his Christian net. I don’t

want you to be caught.”

Then Scaurus went on to speak of himself at some length. I will set down

his exact words for two reasons. First, they shew what pains he had taken

to prepare himself for the work of a critic. Secondly, his letter seemed

to me to explain in part why he was so set against what he called the

soporific or hypnotic art of Paul. He and I approached the apostle in

different circumstances. I came to Paul before coming to the gospels.

He read the gospels first, and found it impossible to believe them.

Then, with a mind settled and fixed against belief, approaching Paul, he

found—this I believe to be the fact—that Paul was drawing him towards

Christ. He resisted the constraint, thinking that he was resisting a

sort of witchcraft. Yes, and even to the end of his life, he fought

against the truth, seeing it masked as falsehood. Yet assuredly he loved

the truth and spared no pains to reach it. Let my old friend speak for

himself in what I will call—

SCAURUS’S AUTOBIOGRAPHY

“While I am in the mood for telling secrets I may say that, for me, too,

this Christian superstition has not been without attractions; and, had

there been anything solid in it, I think I should have ascertained it.

You must know that in the last year or two of Domitian this sect was

brought into notice in Rome among the highest circles by rather painful

circumstances—painful, I mean, to me. I had retired from the army. As

soon as I had recovered from my wounds, enough to be able to limp about,

I looked round me for something to do. I was not in favour with the

Emperor. He had lost reputation in the Dacian war; and he was supposed

to dislike those officers—there were only a few—who had done creditably

in that most discreditable business. I was supposed to be one of the

few. At all events, in the ‘regrettable incident’ of Fuscus, I brought

off most of my men safe, and we did not run away. Well, I thought I had

better lead a retired life. So under the plea of disablement—which was

unfortunately only too true, as I was lamed for life—I kept at home

in Tusculum all through the reign of Domitian, giving myself up to

literature.

“Even as a boy, I was very fond of Greek, and I liked learning it in

my own way and not according to the ways of my masters. My way was to

commit to memory—and to keep in memory by constant repetition, a very

different thing from mere ‘committing’—great masses of such literature

as I liked best. Many and many a time have I met and passed a friend

or schoolfellow in the Via Sacra, and heard his voice behind me, ‘Are

you going to cut me, Scaurus?’ But I had not been ‘Scaurus’ when I

passed him. I had been Medea frantic, or Demosthenes haranguing the

Athenians, or Plato describing Thales on the well’s brink, or—for I was

an eclectic—Thucydides recording his personal experiences of the plague.

I kept this up, even in the army. Many a long night in Dacia has been

shortened in the company of my friends, the great Greek authors. The

result of all this was, that when I reached consular age, and, instead

of going in for consulships, went in for lameness and literature, I was

well provided, so far as concerned the Greek raw material, for critical

studies.

“Well, as time went on, extending the course of my reading, I happened

to pick up in Flaccus’s shop a Greek translation of the Hebrew book of

Job. It was a chaos, with occasional lucidities—some of them magnificent.

On my shewing it to a learned Jew (whom Josephus had recommended to me)

he explained to me that the Greek translators had often been misled

by similarities of Hebrew words. Hebrew is a queer language. It has

vowels but does not write them. I saw at once what an abundant source

of error this might be. Even in Latin, where vowels are written, I have

known Greeks go wrong by rendering _amnis_ as though it were _omnis_.

How much more, if there were no vowels! My rabbi—that is their name

for ‘teacher’—informed me that even the Greek-speaking Jews were now

beginning to be dissatisfied with the Seventy (that is the name they give

to their authorised version). Several new translations of some of the

books were floating about, he said, and a good and faithful translation

of the whole would probably be produced before long. This interested me.

Under his guidance I studied the parallelisms in the two books of Esdras

and other books of theirs. I learned just enough Hebrew to understand how

it would be possible for an expert to go back to a lost Hebrew original

from two extant parallel Greek translations. You see what I mean. A very

little knowledge of Latin might enable anyone to see, that, in two Greek

documents, ‘_oaks_’ and ‘_flintstones_,’ being parallel, point to a Latin

‘_ilices_’ or ‘_silices_’—the reading being doubtful—from which two

Greeks have been translating.

“Now I must pass to the last year or last but one of Domitian. You have

heard your father speak of Flavius Clemens (not exactly a strong man,

but a good one) who was put to death by his uncle, the Emperor, for

‘Judaism’ (so it was called) and his poor wife exiled. ‘Judaism,’ with

our people, was only a more respectable name for ‘Christianism,’ though

the two superstitions are poles asunder. Poor Domitilla was a downright

Christian. Her husband Clemens was at all events Christian enough for

Domitian’s purposes. He was put to death and his effects confiscated. I

bought a few of his books as memorials of my old friend, and among these

were certain Christian publications called ‘gospels.’

“Every Christian missionary is supposed to ‘preach the gospel’; so, of

course, there might be, theoretically, as many gospels as missionaries,

and ‘a gospel according to’ each missionary, if each chose to write down

what he preached. Accordingly I gather from Flaccus that there have

been a great number of these ‘gospels’; but only three are now in large

demand among Christians in Rome—the three he sent you. The earliest of

these is ‘The Gospel according to Mark.’ That it is the earliest you

can see thus. Put them (that is, of course, the parallel parts of them)

in three columns, Mark in the middle. Then imagine three schoolboys

seated together—Sinister, Medius, and Dexter—writing a translation of

Homer. Suppose Sinister and Dexter to be cribbing from Medius, who sits

between them. The experienced schoolmaster will speedily discover that,

whenever Sinister and Dexter closely agree, it is because they cribbed

from Medius. Similarly Matthew and Luke largely copied—not ‘cribbed,’ for

they did it honestly enough, no doubt—from Mark. Consequently (subject

to certain exceptions, which I will state later on) Matthew and Luke

_never agree together—in those parts of the gospel where there are three

parallel narratives—without also agreeing with Mark_. Don’t trust me for

this. Try it yourself.”

I did try it. And I found that—subject to the exceptions defined

by Scaurus in another letter—his statement was correct. His letter

continued, “So I began with Mark. Do not suppose that I began with any

prejudice against him. On the contrary, your old friend, whom you are so

fond of calling Misomythus, must plead guilty, I fear, to a latent desire

of the philomythian kind—that Mark might contain truth and not myth. But

hereby hangs another tale, and I must begin another confession.

“Among Domitilla’s slaves was one especially dear to her, her librarian,

whom she would (no doubt) have manumitted if she had anticipated the blow

that was soon to fall on her husband and his household. He was an old

man, of Alexandrian extraction, and of some education, simpleminded as a

child, perfectly honest, giving an impression of firmness, gentleness,

and dignity, quite unusual in a slave. I liked old Hermas—that was his

name, you must have seen him, I think, in your childhood—for his own

sake, as well as for his love of literature. When I bought the books

I bought him at the same time. He was nearly seventy and ailing. The

calamities of his mistress helped him to his grave, and he died a few

days after he had come to my household. We had very little talk together,

and least of all at our last meeting; but what we had then, I never

forgot. It happened thus. One afternoon, when he came into the library a

little later than usual—slowly, and painfully, and leaning on his staff—I

happened to have Domitilla’s three gospels rolled out on the table before

me. There were some notes in the margin of Matthew. These were in his

neat small handwriting and I was looking at them. ‘Not Domitilla’s hand,

I think,’ said I, with a smile. He shook his head, opened his lips as if

to speak, looked long and wistfully at me, as if he would greatly have

liked to talk about something more than mere librarian’s business. But

all he said was, ‘Will my lord give his instructions for the day’s work?’

I gave them. They were that he should go to bed and keep there till he

was fit for business. He bowed, moved slowly toward the door, turned and

looked at me a second time with that same expression, only more intense;

then left the room without a word. I felt strangely drawn towards the old

man, and had almost called him back. But I did not. ‘To-morrow,’ I said,

‘to-morrow.’

“Unexpected business took me from Tusculum late in that afternoon and

kept me away for three days. On my return I was told that Hermas was no

more. He had earnestly desired to see me, they said; and when he found

that I had left Tusculum, and that my return might be delayed, and

that his voice was failing, and death perhaps imminent, he had spent

his last strength in writing a letter, which, by his request, was to

be left by his side until he was carried to the funeral pyre—in case I

might come to take it. I went at once to his bedside and read it there.

I keep it still. But I will not transcribe it for anyone, not even for

you, Silanus. It is a confidence between me and old Hermas, a private

confession of a dream of his. A dream fulfilled and to be fulfilled, he

says. All a dream, I say. Who shall decide? Though I will not give you

the words, you shall have the substance of his letter.

“Well, then, if I might believe this letter, he, old Hermas, lying dead

on the couch before my eyes, was not really dead, but only on the way to

a beautiful city of justice and truth, to which all the just, honourable,

and truthful might attain, Roman, Greek, Jew, Scythian, rich and poor,

bond and free, high-born and low-born. No franchise was needed except

a patient and laborious pursuit of virtue. In this city no one citizen

was greater than another. If anyone could be called greatest, it was the

one that made of least account his own pleasures, his own wealth, fame,

and reputation, serving the state and his fellow-citizens in all things.

Yet it was not a republic, for it had a king. But this king was not a

despot like the kings of the east, abhorred by Greeks and Romans. The

kingdom was a family at unity with itself, the citizens being closely

bound by affection to their king as father and to their fellow-citizens

as brethren. ‘And if,’ said Hermas, ‘you desire to be drawn towards that

king and to become one with all the fellow-citizens of the City of Truth,

I beseech you, my dear lord and benefactor—being, as you are, a lover

of truth—to study with all patience those books of my dearest mistress

Domitilla, which I saw before you on that day on which you spoke to me

your words—your last words to me, so God wills it—words of kindness

following deeds of kindness, for which may the Father in heaven be kind

to you for ever and ever.’

“A postscript added a further request, that I would search for other

papyri, which contained the epistles of Paul, and which, he said,

belonged to Domitilla’s library, though he had been unable to find

them. ‘These,’ he said, ‘give a clue to the meaning of many things that

are obscure in the gospels; for in the gospels traditions derived from

different documents or witnesses, are sometimes set down without uniform

arrangement, and without proportion; so that, in Mark, a whole column of

forty lines might be given, for example, to the exorcism of some evil

spirit, and only three or four lines to some principal and fundamental

saying of Christ. But Paul, though he was neither an eye-witness nor an

ear-witness, understood spiritual things, according to his saying, _We

have the mind of Christ_.’

“This was written on the day before his death. Another postscript, added

on the following day, contained nothing but a hope or prayer that he

might meet me in the City of Truth. I should add that I searched at

the time in vain for Domitilla’s copy of Paul’s letters. It was not

till three years afterwards that I read them, having procured a copy

from another source. Sometimes I regret this and ask myself whether

Hermas might have been right in thinking that Paul would have led me to

understand the gospels better. But I cannot think that the Gods have

decreed that those alone shall find the way to the City of Truth who may

happen to have studied four Christian papyri in a particular order. Now

I must pass from all this prattle about regrets, hopes, prayers, and

preconceptions, to describe my exploration of the gospels and my search

for historical fact.”

Silanus the Christian · 第 19 / 36 章