The administration of Gonzalo Perez de Angulo marked the lowest point in
the early history of Cuba. That was not because of the character of his
administration, which was indeed better than some of its predecessors,
but because various processes militating against the progress and
prosperity of the island then reached their culmination. Foremost among
these was the migration to Florida, Mexico, Peru and other lands, which
were richer, or were reputed to be richer, than the Pearl of the
Antilles. Cuba contained no such cities and treasures as those of Mexico
and Peru; no such traditions as that of Florida's Fountain of Youth
pertained to her. The island had been explored from end to end, and its
resources were known; though by no means appreciated. The adventurers of
those days were not inclined to engage in agriculture, even in so
fertile a land as Cuba, when the gold and gems of the Incas were within
reach. With the decline and practical disappearance of the Indians, and
the increasing difficulties of the African or other slave trade, the
scarcity of labor disinclined the Spanish settlers even to raise cattle.
The middle of the sixteenth century saw, therefore, a menacing
emigration from Cuba to other lands which threatened to leave the island
uninhabited.
Statistics of those days are scanty and not altogether trustworthy. It
was the custom to report merely the number of householders or
land-owners or heads of families in a place, leaving it to be estimated
how many members each family contained. An exact census of the island in
Angulo's time would astonish the reader of to-day with the meagreness of
the settlements which had been effected in the course of forty years.
Of the seven cities which Velasquez had founded--they were called
cities, and we must through courtesy retain the name--Santiago was still
the largest, and was the capital. It probably contained at the period of
which we are writing fewer than five hundred Spaniards and other
Europeans. De Avila saw only two hundred assembled to welcome him on his
arrival as Governor. The number of houses and other buildings was less
than a hundred. The first town hall and church which were built there
were structures of logs and thatch, which were burned by a fire which
destroyed most of the place in 1528. Four years later the Franciscan
monastery and other buildings shared a like fate. The Spanish government
then urged the erection of buildings of stone with tiled roofs, and a
few such were erected. At the end of Guzman's second administration
there were perhaps a dozen such, of which Guzman himself owned two. The
harbor boasted a single wharf or pier, of logs and earth, near which for
protection two small cannon were placed behind an earthwork.
Such was the Cuban capital in 1550. Three years later, in 1553, a French
privateer entered the harbor, silenced the two cannon, and landed a
company of four hundred men, who outnumbered the entire population of
the place. These freebooters took possession of Santiago and lived there
at their ease, at the expense of the people, during the whole month of
July. Then, having exacted from the inhabitants a ransom of what would
be about $80,000 in modern currency, they departed, leaving the place
uninjured save for the depletion of its people's purses. Following this
visitation there was a numerous exodus of the inhabitants, to Bayamo and
other places; some leaving the island altogether.
Havana was at this time the second city of the island, and was steadily
rising toward first place. It had been the last of the seven cities to
be founded by Velasquez, and was now occupying its third and final site.
It was first planted in July, 1515, near the mouth of the Guines or
Mayabeque River, on the south shore of Cuba; that shore then being the
favorite part of the island for the sake of trade with Jamaica and the
South American continent. But the location was unhealthful, the swarms
of mosquitoes particularly being intolerable, and two years later the
city was transferred almost directly across the island to the north
shore. This second site was near the mouth of the Almendares River, near
the present town of Vedado, and was found to be vastly preferable to the
former one. It was impossible, however, that the superb harbor on which
the city now fronts should be neglected. It had been discovered in 1508
by Sebastian de Ocampo, while circumnavigating the island, and had been
called Carenas. Accordingly in 1519 the young city of Havana, bearing
the Indian name of that province of the island, was transported thither.
Credible tradition has it that the first meeting of the Municipal
Council was held under a huge ceiba tree, and that Mass was first
celebrated at the same sylvan spot, the site of the tree now being
marked by the building known as the Templete, in the heart of the great
city. Two fine historical paintings by the artist Escobar, representing
the two gatherings named, hang upon the walls of that building. In De
Soto's time Havana became marked as the coming capital and metropolis of
the island, partly because of its unsurpassed situation, and partly for
a reason similar to that which caused it first to be founded on the
south coast, namely, for the sake of trade with Mexico and Florida. De
Soto during his brief sojourn there began the erection of the
fortification known as La Fuerza, which has long been noted as the
oldest inhabited building in the western hemisphere which was built by
Europeans. By the time of Governor Angulo, Havana had grown into--or
been reduced to--a community of about two hundred Europeans, and perhaps
three hundred Indians and negro slaves.
Santa Maria del Puerto Principe was originally founded in 1515 on the
north coast, but a dozen years later was removed inland for security
against the rovers of the sea, and became known by its present name of
Camaguey. For many years Vasco Porcallo de Figueroa was its chief man; a
man of wealth and great force of character, who lived like a prince upon
a vast estate with a great retinue of servants and slaves. All the rest
of Camaguey was tributary to him; with a total population of fewer than
five hundred souls.
Baracoa, originally Nuestra Senora de la Asuncion, was the first
permanent settlement in Cuba. Shut off from the rest of the island by a
mountain wall, and visited by several disastrous epidemics, it was all
but obliterated, and in the time of De Soto and Angulo contained fewer
than a dozen European families. As for Trinidad, on the south coast, it
fared even worse, for every Spanish or other European settler deserted
it, chiefly for Sancti Spiritus, leaving there only a score of Indians.
But that did not mean any great accession to Sancti Spiritus, which
place had only about two hundred Europeans, and perhaps as many more
Indians and negro slaves. Bayamo was another city which was moved inland
from its original site. It had in Angulo's time fewer than a hundred
Spaniards and perhaps twice as many Indians and negroes.
Thus after forty years of settlement and colonization, all Cuba had not
more than 1,200 inhabitants of European origin, and perhaps twice that
number of Indians and negroes. The great majority of the former were, of
course, Spaniards. Even at this early date, however, there was a
sprinkling of other nationalities. Some Portuguese came hither in the
second quarter of the century, and engaged in vine growing and
agriculture. Indeed, by the middle of the century most of the profitable
and commercial agriculture of the island was in their hands. The value
of such colonists was appreciated by the Spanish, who were glad to have
others engage in the agriculture for which they themselves had little
taste or aptitude. Accordingly Portuguese settlers were encouraged to
come to Cuba, and legislation was enacted in their favor. Their
naturalization as Spanish subjects was facilitated, and free homesteads
were given to them, of choice agricultural lands.
Some Italians also came to Cuba in those early years, partly as soldiers
of fortune, to enlist in the forces of the island or to seek further
adventures of exploration and conquest, and partly to become
horticulturists and agriculturists, after the manner of the Portuguese.
Even a few Arabs and Moors visited the island, and some German artisans.
French and English there were none, because of the generally prevailing
hostilities between them and Spain.
The Spanish government was chiefly intent upon encouraging conquests in
the great treasure-yielding lands of Mexico and Central and South
America. Yet it was not blind to the potential value of Cuba, nor
altogether neglectful of that island's interests. Various attempts were
made to stimulate immigration and permanent settlement, and even to
prevent settlers, once there, from leaving the island. Some of these
measures were, indeed, so stringent as probably to react against their
own purpose. Thus it was required that merchants and ship-masters
sailing from Cuba for trade with other lands should give bonds for their
return, while the death penalty, with confiscation of estate, was
actually prescribed for many years for all persons leaving the island
without permission from the authorities. The effect of this
extraordinary measure was what might have been expected. Knowing that
once in Cuba it would be difficult and perhaps impossible for them to
get away again, prudent people were reluctant to go thither.
Efforts were also made to stimulate increase of population. Married men
in Spain were forbidden to go to Cuba without taking their wives with
them. Bachelors and widowers in Cuba were not permitted to employ
Indians or to hold slaves, while illicit unions with native women were
discouraged under penalty. Regular marriages with native women were,
however, legitimized, and there were many such which resulted
satisfactorily. In spite of these precautions there were, of course,
some illegitimate children, and these the government took steps to
legitimize, in order that they might, in default of other heirs, inherit
their fathers' property and become substantial members of the community.
The population of Cuba was materially increased in another and by no
means commendable way. This was by the importation of negro slaves from
Africa. The traffic in human beings began in the West Indies at about
the time that Velasquez began the conquest and settlement of Cuba;
perhaps a little before that time. Naturally, with the settlement of
Cuba slave traders visited that island to offer their wares. It must be
recorded to the credit of Velasquez that he at first prohibited the
entrance of negro slaves into the island, and to the end of his life
opposed it though he was forced after a while to permit it. This was
partly on the ground of morals, and partly on that of prudence. He did
not scruple to enslave to some extent the native Cubans. But that was in
order to civilize and Christianize them, and also to afford the
colonists protection from them in their wild native state. Such, at
least, was the argument with which he justified his policy. Moreover,
the Indians were already there, in the island, and had to be dealt with
in some fashion. But it was manifestly a very different thing to import
savages from some distant land for the express purpose of making slaves
of them. The other reason was his fear that if many negroes were
imported they and the Indians would so outnumber the whites as to be a
grave menace.
Nevertheless the slave trade was established and soon attained
considerable proportions. It became so flourishing that presently the
Spanish government forbade private parties to conduct it save under
special charter from the crown and on payment of a considerable royalty
on each negro imported. Ostensibly, this was because it was feared that
too many negroes might be imported, so as to endanger the security of
the colonists, as Velasquez had suggested; but in fact it was largely
for the sake of the revenue which thus accrued to the royal treasury.
The popular sentiment in Cuba was generally in favor of slavery. It was
held that thus only could sufficient labor be secured for the
development of the resources of the island. The number of negroes never
was as great as some colonists urged that it should be, to wit, three
male and three female slaves for every white householder, but it is
probable that before the middle of the century the negro population of
the island outnumbered the European.
Treatment of the slaves was on the whole humane. The negroes were
forbidden to carry weapons, or to go about in companies of more than
four. They were at times subjected to physical punishment by their
masters for misdemeanors, though generally such discipline was required
to be administered by the authorities. Miscegenation between Europeans
and negroes was prohibited under penalty, and as an additional safeguard
against it slaves were required to be imported in equal numbers of the
sexes, and all were required to be married. It may be doubted if a
similar regard for their sexual morals was ever exhibited elsewhere.
There was a provision under which it was possible for industrious and
faithful slaves to purchase their freedom, and a considerable number of
them did so; after which they became members of the community with
almost the same legal rights and privileges as the Europeans.
There was, it is pleasant to record, never the prejudice against the
negro in Cuba that prevailed in the states of North America. He was a
slave, but he was a man. He was a social and political inferior, because
of his enslavement; but he was mentally and spiritually the peer of his
master. The text "Cursed be Canaan" was never thundered from Cuban
pulpits, nor was it ever held that the negro must not be educated nor
instructed in religion. On the contrary, it was required by law that
the slaves should have the advantages of all the services of the church
equally with their masters; and the Spanish aristocrat and his African
slaves thus knelt side by side at the same altar. This attitude of the
races toward each other had two natural results. One was, that the
slaves were generally contented and peaceful, and attempts at
insurrection among them, while not unknown, were rare. The other was,
that amalgamation of the races became frequent and was recognized as
quite legitimate. We have said that miscegenation in illegitimate
fashion, between negro slaves and Europeans, was forbidden. But there
was no ban against marriage between whites and emancipated negroes, and
such unions not infrequently occurred, with satisfactory results.
The importation of negroes naturally increased with the gradual
extermination of the native Indians, and it was favored by the very men
who most strongly inveighed against the enslavement of the Indians. Even
La Casas himself, with all his fervor in behalf of the natives,
acquiesced in negro slavery; favored it, indeed, as a means of saving
the Indians from such a fate. During the second administration of
Guzman, the restrictions which had been placed upon the slave trade were
removed, and free importations, without payment of a royalty, were
thereafter permitted. Indeed, a further step than this was contemplated.
It was urged that if the King wished the Indians to be emancipated, he
should supply their places with negroes. This extraordinary argument
prevailed, and for at least one year all the King's revenues from Cuba
were ordered to be invested in negroes, who were then to be distributed
among the colonists of the island in place of the Indians who were set
free. These were not, however, to be free gifts, but were to be paid for
by the colonists in the course of a term of years. The revenues for that
year amounted to about 7,000 pesos, and it was reckoned that at the
prices then prevailing in the slave market at least 700 slaves could be
purchased. But at the last moment the King, or else the Council for the
Indies, reconsidered the matter, and the slaves were never purchased. At
the same time the enfranchisement of the Indians was postponed.
The early industries of Cuba were, in the order of their importance,
gold mining, stock raising, and agriculture. The last named was
practised by the Spanish settlers only to an extent sufficient to supply
their own needs for food. Stock raising, both horses and cattle, was
engaged in much more extensively, not only to supply local needs but
also to supply the needs of Spanish explorers and gold-seekers in Mexico
and Central and South America, who had no time nor opportunity in their
strenuous quest there to attend to such matters. But the first thought
of the first settlers in Cuba was for gold, and for many years the
mining of that metal was the most profitable occupation. Within the
first twenty years of Spanish settlement more than 500,000 pesos in gold
were secured. Indeed in a single year, 1531, the mines at Cuyeba
produced 50,000 pesos. There were paying mines at Savanna, at Savanna de
Guaimaro, at Puerto Principe, at Portillo, and elsewhere throughout the
central districts of the island; some of them being ore veins in the
mountains and some placers in the river beds. But in the course of
twenty-five years the mines began to fail and new ones were not
discovered, so that by De Soto's time the output of gold had become
insignificant. This was doubtless one of the strong contributing causes
of the migration of so many settlers from the island, the eagerness of
men to seek new fields in Florida, and the general decline which Cuba
then suffered.
There was some compensation for the decline of gold mining in the
discovery of rich copper mines, though the full value of them was not at
first realized. It was during the first administration of Guzman that
copper was discovered at Cobre, near Santiago. (This was the place
where, as formerly related, Alonzo de Ojeda, in gratitude for his
restoration to health, presented a statue of the Holy Virgin to the
native chief, Comendador, who had been his host and nurse and who had
embraced Christianity. The statue was long famous as Our Lady of Cobre.)
There is reason for believing that the Cuban natives had formerly worked
those mines to a considerable extent, for traffic with other lands,
though they themselves apparently did not make use of the metal in their
own arts. The governor, Guzman, learning of the discovery, urged the
development of the mines as the property of the discoverers, while the
royal treasurer claimed that they should belong to the crown. A
controversy was maintained for some time, with the result that the
crown, lightly esteeming the value of the find, permitted private
exploitation of the mines on a basis of ten per cent royalty. An assayer
was sent from Spain to superintend the refining of the copper from the
ore, and suitable works were erected. But little or nothing was done for
several years. Then, after the administration of De Soto, and while the
alcalde mayor, Ortiz, was acting governor, a great demand for copper
arose, for the casting of cannon, in Spain, and interest in the mines
was revived. A German engineer made an agreement with the local
authorities to extract the copper and did so with great success. The ore
was found to be very rich in copper and also to contain so much gold and
silver that it would be worth working for those metals entirely apart
from the copper. Under this expert management the mines became highly
profitable.
In the administration of Angulo the German engineer had two mines
assigned to him as his own, in return for which he instructed all
comers--chiefly slaves who were sent to him for the purpose by the
settlers--in the art of smelting and refining copper. Large quantities
of the copper were at that time sent to Spain, and the first cannon
mounted on La Fuerza, in Havana, were made of it, being cast at the
royal foundry at Seville. It is related that one of these cannon, a
small falconet, burst in the casting, and so badly injured the
superintendent of the works that he had to be taken to a hospital,
where he expressed a bad opinion of Cuban copper. This was the origin of
the really unfounded belief which long prevailed, and which was recorded
in technological works, that Cuban copper had some peculiar quality
which rendered it difficult and even dangerous to work.
The first essays toward the growing of sugar, which has become one of
the greatest industries of the island and in which Cuba surpasses any
other equal area of the earth's surface, were made as already related in
the closing years of Velasquez's administration. They did not at that
time prove important, and nothing more was done until the first
administration of Guzman. That enterprising governor, always ready to do
anything to enrich himself, asked permission to import negro slaves free
of royalty, in order to establish the sugar industry, promising under
penalty to begin the construction of a sugar mill within two years and
to complete it within four years. The crown considered that too long a
time, and refused to waive the royalty on slaves for his benefit,
whereupon he abandoned the scheme. Then Hernando de Castro made a
similar proposal, reducing the time of completion of the mill to three
years. The crown was more favorably impressed by his offer, and agreed
to it, only to have him withdraw it. Juan de Avila and his brother
Alfonso reported strongly in favor of establishing the industry in Cuba,
and asked for a loan of capital from the royal treasury to finance the
undertaking; but nothing was done. Chaves and Angulo also successively
reported that Cuba was admirably adapted to the industry, and it was
known that at that very time sugar growing was enormously successful in
Hispaniola, Porto Rico and other islands. Yet by some strange fatality
nothing practical was done, and the actual establishment of the great
industry was postponed until near the end of the century.
The fiscal policy of the Spanish government was in early years not
unfavorable to Cuba. Apart from a royalty of from five to ten per cent
on precious metals mined, and on copper, and the royalty already
described on the importation of negro slaves, and a customs duty of
seven and a half per cent ad valorem on all imports, the island was free
from taxation. The royalties in question were certainly not oppressive,
and the fact that the Seville government imposed the same customs duty
on all goods imported into Spain from Cuba made the tariff seem entirely
just. Indeed, Cuba was favored above all other islands In the West
Indies for many years. Thus after the middle of the sixteenth century
one-third of what had been the import duty on goods received in Spain
from the West Indies was required to be paid in the Indies as an export
tax; but Cuba alone of all the islands was exempted from this
arrangement. It was not, indeed, until the decline of Spain herself set
in, with increasing expenses for maintaining an inefficient and often
corrupt bureaucracy, and with sorely diminishing resources and revenues,
that Cuba began to be detrimentally exploited for the sake of the Mother
Country.