Friedrich's Silesian Camps this Summer, Camp of Strehlen chiefly, were
among the strangest places in the world. Friedrich, as we have often
noticed, did not much pursue the defeated Austrians, at or near
Mollwitz, or press them towards flat ruin in their Silesian business: it
is clear he anxiously wished a bargain without farther exasperation; and
hoped he might get it by judicious patience. Brieg he took, with that
fine outburst of bombardment, which did not last a week: but Brieg
once his, he fell quiet again; kept encamping, here there, in that
Mollwitz-Neisse region, for above three months to come; not doing much,
beyond the indispensable; negotiating much, or rather negotiated with,
and waiting on events. [In Camp of Mollwitz (nearer Brieg than the
Battle-field was) till 28th May (after the Battle seven weeks); then to
Camp at Grotkau (28th May-9th June, twelve days); thence (9th June) to
Friedewalde, Herrnsdorf; to Strehlen (21st June-20th August, nine or
ten weeks in all). See _Helden-Geschichte_, i. 924, ii. 931; Rodenbeck,
Orlich, &c.]
Both Armies were reinforcing themselves; and Friedrich's, for obvious
reasons, in the first weeks especially, became much the stronger. Once
in May, and again afterwards, weary of the pace things went at, he had
resolved on having Neisse at once; on attacking Neipperg in his strong
camp there, and cutting short the tedious janglings and uncertainties.
He advanced to Grotkau accordingly, some twelve or fifteen miles nearer
Neisse (28th May,--stayed till 9th June), quite within wind of Neipperg
and his outposts; but found still, on closer inspection, that he had
better wait;--and do so withal at a greater distance from Neipperg and
his Pandour Swarms. He drew back therefore to Strehlen, northwestward,
rather farther from Neisse than before; and lay encamped there for nine
or ten weeks to come. Not till the beginning of August did there fall
out any military event (Pandour skirmishing in plenty, but nothing
to call an event); and not till the end of August any that pointed to
conclusive results. As it was at Strehlen where mostly these Diplomacies
went on, and the Camp of Strehlen was the final and every way the main
one, it may stand as the representative of these Diplomatizing Camps to
us, and figure as the sole one which in fact it nearly was.
Strehlen is a pleasant little Town, nestled prettily among its granite
Hills, the steeple of it visible from Mollwitz; some twenty-five miles
west of Brieg, some thirty south of Breslau, and about as far northwest
of Neisse: there Friedrich and his Prussians lie, under canvas mainly,
with outposts and detachments sprinkled about under roofs:--a Camp
of Strehlen, more or less imaginable by the reader. And worth his
imagining; such a Camp, if not for soldiering, yet for negotiating and
wagging of diplomatic wigs, as there never was before. Here, strangely
shifted hither, is the centre of European Politics all Summer. From the
utmost ends of Europe come Ambassadors to Strehlen: from Spain, France,
England, Denmark, Holland,--there are sometimes nine at once, how many
successively and in total I never knew. [_Helden-Geschichte,_ i.
932.] They lodge generally in Breslau; but are always running over to
Strehlen. There sits, properly speaking, the general Secret Parliament
of Europe; and from most Countries, except Austria, representatives
attend at Strehlen, or go and come between Breslau and Strehlen,
submissive to the evils of field-life, when need is. A surprising thing
enough to mankind, and big as the world in its own day; though gone
now to small bulk,--one Human Figure pretty much all that is left of
memorable in it to mankind and us.
French Belleisle we have seen; who is gone again, long since, on his
wide errands; fat Valori too we have seen, who is assiduously here. The
other figures, except the English, can remain dark to us. Of Montijos,
the eminent Spaniard, a brown little man, magnificent as the Kingdom of
the Incas, with half a page of titles (half a peck, five-and-twenty or
more, of handles to his little name, if you should ever require it);
who, finding matters so backward at Frankfurt, and nothing to do there,
has been out, in the interim, touring to while away the tedium; and
is here only as sequel and corroboration of Belleisle,--say as
bottle-holder, or as high-wrought peacock's-tail, to Belleisle:--of
the eminent Montijos I have to record next to nothing in the shape of
negotiation ("Treaty" with the Termagant was once proposed by him here,
which Friedrich in his politest way declined); and shall mention only,
That his domestic arrangements were sumptuous and commodious in the
extreme. Let him arrive in the meanest village, destitute of
human appliances, and be directed to the hut where he is to
lodge,--straightway from the fourgons and baggage-chests of Montijos
is produced, first of all, a round of arras hangings, portable tables,
portable stove, gold plate and silver; thus, with wax-lights, wines
of richest vintage, exquisite cookeries, Montijos lodges, a king
everywhere, creating an Aladdin's palace everywhere; able to say, like
the Sage Bias, OMNIA MEA NAECUM PORTO. These things are recorded of
Montijos. What he did in the way of negotiation has escaped men's
memory, as it could well afford to do.
Of Hyndford's appurtenances for lodging we already had a glimpse,
through Busching once;--pointing towards solid dinner-comforts rather
than arras hangings; and justifying the English genius in that respect.
The weight of the negotiations fell on Hyndford; it is between him and
French Valori that the matter lies, Montijos and the others being mere
satellites on their respective sides. Much battered upon, this Hyndford,
by refractory Hanoverians pitting George as Elector against the same
George as King, and egging these two identities to woful battle with
each other,--"Lay me at his Majesty's feet" full length, and let his
Majesty say which is which, then! A heavy, eating, haggling, unpleasant
kind of mortal, this Hyndford; bites and grunts privately, in a stupid
ferocious manner, against this young King: "One of the worst of men;
who will not take up the Cause of Liberty at all, and is not made in
the image of Hyndford at all." They are dreadfully stiff reading, those
Despatches of Hyndford: but they have particles of current news in them;
interesting glimpses of that same young King;--likewise of Hyndford,
laid at his Majesty's feet, and begging for self and brothers any good
benefice that may fall vacant. We can discern, too, a certain rough
tenacity and horse-dealer finesse in the man; a broad-based, shrewdly
practical Scotch Gentleman, wide awake; and can conjecture that the
diplomatic function, in that element, might have been in worse hands. He
is often laid metaphorically at the King's feet, King of England's; and
haunts personally the King of Prussia's elbow at all times, watching
every glance of him, like a British house-dog, that will not be taken
in with suspicious travellers, if he can help it; and casting perpetual
horoscopes in his dull mind.
Of Friedrich and his demeanor in this strange scene, centre of a World
all drawing sword, and jumbling in huge Diplomatic and other delirium
about his ears, the reader will desire to see a direct glimpse or two.
As to the sad general Imbroglio of Diplomacies which then weltered
everywhere, readers can understand that, it has, at this day, fallen
considerably obscure (as it deserved to do); and that even Friedrich's
share of it is indistinct in parts. The game, wide as Europe, and one of
the most intricate ever played by Diplomatic human creatures, was kept
studiously dark while it went on; and it has not since been a
pleasant object of study. Many of the Documents are still unpublished,
inaccessible; so that the various moves in the game, especially what the
exact dates and sequence of them were (upon which all would turn), are
not completely ascertainable,--nor in truth are they much worth hunting
after, through such an element. One thing we could wish to have out of
it, the one thing of sane that was in it: the demeanor and physiognomy
of Friedrich as there manifested; Friedrich alone, or pretty much alone
of all these Diplomatic Conjurers, having a solid veritable object in
hand. The rest--the spiders are very welcome to it: who of mortals would
read it, were it made never so lucid to him? Such traits of Friedrich as
can be sifted out into the conceivable and indubitable state, the reader
shall have; the extinct Bedlam, that begirdled Friedrich far and
wide, need not be resuscitated except for that object. Of Friedrich's
fairness, or of Friedrich's "trickiness, machiavelism and attorneyism,"
readers will form their own notion, as they proceed. On one point they
will not be doubtful, That here is such a sharpness of steady eyesight
(like the lynx's, like the eagle's), and, privately such a courage and
fixity of resolution, as are highly uncommon.
April 26th, 1741, in the same days while Belleisle arrived in the Camp
at Mollwitz, and witnessed that fine opening of the cannonade upon
Brieg, Excellency Hyndford got to Berlin; and on notifying the event,
was invited by the King to come along to Breslau, and begin business.
England has been profuse enough in offering her "good offices with
Austria" towards making a bargain for his Prussian Majesty; but is
busy also, at the Hague, concerting with the Dutch "some strong joint
resolution,"--resolution, Openly to advise Friedrich to withdraw his
troops from Silesia, by way of starting fair towards a bargain. A very
strong resolution, they and the Gazetteers think it; and ask themselves,
Is it not likely to have some effect? Their High Mightinesses have been
screwing their courage, and under English urgency, have decided
(April 24th), [_Helden-Geschichte,_ i. 964; the ADVICE itself, a very
mild-spoken Piece, but of riskish nature think the Dutch, is given,
ib. 965, 966.] "Yes, we will jointly so advise!" and Friedrich has
got inkling of it from Rasfeld, his Minister there. Hyndford's first
business (were the Dutch Excellency once come up, but those Dutch are
always hanging astern!) is to present said "Advice," and try what
will come of that, An "Advice" now fallen totally insignificant to the
Universe and to us,--only that readers will wish to see how Friedrich
takes it, and if any feature of Friedrich discloses itself in the
affair.
EXCELLENCY HYNDFORD HAS HIS FIRST AUDIENCE (Camp of Mollwitz, May 7th);
AND FRIEDRICH MAKES A MOST IMPORTANT TREATY,--NOT WITH HYNDFORD.
May 2d, Hyndford arrived in Breslau; and after some preliminary
flourishings, and difficulties about post-horses and furnitures in a
seat of War, got to Brieg; and thence, May 7th, "to the Camp [Camp
of Mollwitz still], which is about an English mile off,"--Podewils
escorting him from Brieg, and what we note farther, Pollnitz too;
our poor old Pollnitz, some kind of Chief Goldstick, whom we did not
otherwise know to be on active duty in those rude scenes. Belleisle had
passed through Breslau while Hyndford was there:--"am unable to inform
your Lordship what success he has had." Brieg Siege is done only three
days ago; Castle all lying black; and the new trenching and fortifying
hardly begun. In a word, May 7th, 1741, "about 11 A.M.," Excellency
Hyndford is introduced to the King's Tent, and has his First Audience.
Goldstick having done his motions, none but Podewils is left present;
who sits at a table, taking notes of what is said. Podewils's Notes
are invisible to me; but here, in authentic though carefully compressed
state, is Hyndford's minute Narrative:--
Excellency Hyndford mentioned the Instructions he had, as to "good
offices," friendship and so forth. "But his Prussian Majesty had hardly
patience to hear me out; and said in a passion [we rise, where possible,
Hyndford's own wording; readers will allow for the leaden quality in
some parts]:--KING (in a passion). 'How is it possible, my Lord, to
believe things so contradictory? It is mighty fine all this that you now
tell me, on the part of the King of England; but how does it correspond
to his last Speech to his Parliament [19th April last, when Mr. Viner
was in such minority of one] and to the doings of his Ministers at
Petersburg [a pretty Partition-Treaty that; and the Excellency Finch
still busy, as I know!] and at the Hague [Excellency Trevor there, and
this beautiful Joint-Resolution and Advice which is coming!] to stir up
allies against me? I have reason rather to doubt the sincerity of the
King of England. They perhaps mean to amuse me. [That is Friedrich's
real opinion. [His Letter to Podewils (Ranke, ii. 268).]] But, by God,
they are mistaken! I will risk everything rather than abate the least of
my pretensions.'"
Poor Hyndford said and mumbled what he could; knew nothing what
instructions Finch had, Trevor had, and--KING. "'My Lord, there seems
to be a contradiction in all this. The King of England, in his Letter,
tells me you are instructed as to everything; and yet you pretend
ignorance! But I am perfectly informed of all. And I should not be
surprised if, after all these fine words, you should receive some strong
letter or resolution for me,'"--Joint-Resolution to Advise, for example?
Hyndford, not in the strength of conscious innocence, stands silent; the
King, "in his heat of passion," said to Podewils:--KING TO PODEWILS (on
the sudden). "'Write down, that my Lord would be surprised [as he
should be] to receive such Instructions!'" (A mischievous sparkle,
half quizzical, half practical, considerably in the Friedrich
style.)--Hyndford, "quite struck, my Lord, with this strange way of
acting," and of poking into one, protests with angry grunt, and "was put
extremely upon my guard." Of course Podewils did net write....
HYNDFORD. "'Europe is under the necessity of taking some speedy
resolution, things are in such a state of crisis. Like a fever in a
human body, got to such a height that quinquina becomes necessary.' ...
That expression made him smile, and he began to look a little cooler....
'Shall we apply to Vienna, your Majesty?'
FRIEDRICH. "'Follow your own will in that.'
HYNDFORD. "'Would your Majesty consent now to stand by his Excellency
Gotter's original Offer at Vienna on your part? Agree, namely, in
consideration of Lower Silesia and Breslau, to assist the Queen with all
your troops for maintenance of Pragmatic Sanction, and to vote for the
Grand-Duke as Kaiser?'
KING. "'Yes' [what the reader may take notice of, and date for himself].
HYNDFORD. "'What was the sum of money then offered her Hungarian
Majesty?'
"King hesitated, as if he had forgotten; Podewils answered, 'Three
million florins (300,000 pounds).'
KING. "'I should not value the money; if money would content her
Majesty, I would give more.'... Here was a long pause, which I did not
break;"--nor would the King. Podewils reminded me of an idea we had been
discoursing of together ("on his suggestion, my Lord, which I really
think is of importance, and worth your Lordship's consideration");
whereupon, on such hint,
HYNDFORD. "'Would your Majesty consent to an Armistice?'
FRIEDRICH. "'Yes; but [counts on his fingers, May, June, till he comes
to December] not for less than six months,--till December 1st. By that
time they could do nothing,'" the season out by that time.
HYNDFORD. "'His Excellency Podewils has been taking notes; if I am to be
bound by them, might I first see that he has mistaken nothing?'
KING. "'Certainly!'"--Podewils's Note-protocol is found to be correct in
every point; Hyndford, with some slight flourish of compliments on both
sides, bows himself away (invited to dinner, which he accepts, "will
surely have that honor before returning to Breslau");--and so the First
Audience has ended. [Hyndford's Despatches, Breslau, 5th and 13th May,
1741. Are in State-Paper Office, like the rest of Hyndford's; also
in British Museum (Additional MSS. 11,365 &c.), the rough draughts of
them.] Baronay and Pandours are about,--this is ten days before the
Ziethen feat on Baronay;--but no Pandour, now or afterwards, will harm a
British Excellency.
These utterances of Friedrich's, the more we examine them by other
lights that there are, become the more correctly expressive of what
Friedrich's real feelings were on the occasion. Much contrary, perhaps,
to expectation of some readers. And indeed we will here advise our
readers to prepare for dismissing altogether that notion of Friedrich's
duplicity, mendacity, finesse and the like, which was once widely
current in the world; and to attend always strictly to what Friedrich
says, if they wish to guess what he is thinking;--there being no such
thing as "mendacity" discoverable in Friedrich, when you take the
trouble to inform yourself. "Mendacity," my friends? How busy have
the Owls been with Friedrich's memory, in different countries of the
world;--perhaps even more than their sad wont is in such cases! For
indeed he was apt to be of swift abrupt procedure, disregardful of
Owleries; and gave scope for misunderstanding in the course of his life.
But a veracious man he was, at all points; not even conscious of
his veracity; but had it in the blood of him; and never looked upon
"mendacity" but from a very great height indeed. He does not, except
where suitable, at least he never should, express his whole meaning; but
you will never find him expressing what is not his meaning. Reticence,
not dissimulation. And as to "finesse,"--do not believe in that either,
in the vulgar or bad sense. Truly you will find his finesse is a very
fine thing; and that it consists, not in deceiving other people, but in
being right himself; in well discerning, for his own behoof, what the
facts before him are; and in steering, which he does steadily, in a most
vigilant, nimble, decisive and intrepid manner, by monition of the
same. No salvation but in the facts. Facts are a kind of divine thing
to Friedrich; much more so than to common men: this is essentially what
Religion I have found in Friedrich. And, let me assure you, it is an
invaluable element in any man's Religion, and highly indispensable,
though so often dispensed with! Readers, especially in our time English
readers, who would gain the least knowledge about Friedrich, in the
extinct Bedlam where his work now lay, have a great many things to
forget, and sad strata of Owl-droppings, ancient and recent, to sweep
away!--
To Friedrich a bargain with Austria, which would be a getting into port,
in comparison to going with the French in that distracted voyage of
theirs, is highly desirable. "Shall I join with the English, in hope
of some tolerable bargain from Austria? Shall I have to join with the
French, in despair of any?" Readers may consider how stringent upon
Friedrich that question now was, and how ticklish to solve. And it must
be solved soon,--under penalty of "being left with no ally at all" (as
Friedrich expresses himself), while the whole world is grouping itself
into armed heaps for and against! If the English would but get me a
bargain--? Friedrich dare not think they will. Nay, scanning these
English incoherences, these contradictions between what they say here
and what they do and say elsewhere, he begins to doubt if they zealously
wish it,--and at last to believe that they sincerely do not wish it;
that "they mean to amuse me" (as he said to Hyndford)--till my French
chance too is over. "To amuse me: but, PAR DIEU--!" His Notes to
Podewils, of which Ranke, who has seen them, gives us snatches, are
vivid in that sense: "I should be ashamed if the cunningest Italian
could dupe me; but that a lout of a Hanoverian should do it!"--and
Podewils has great difficulty to keep him patient yet a little; Valori
being so busy on the other side, and the time so pressing. Here are some
dates and some comments, which the reader should take with him;--here is
a very strange issue to the Joint-Resolution of a strong nature now on
hand!
A few days after that First Audience, Ginkel the Dutch Excellency, with
the due Papers in his pocket, did arrive. Excellency Hyndford, who
is not without rough insight into what lies under his nose, discovers
clearly that the grand Dutch-English Resolution, or Joint-Exhortation
to evacuate Silesia, will do nothing but mischief; and (at his own
risk, persuading Ginkel also to delay) sends a Courier to England before
presenting it. And from England, in about a fortnight, gets for answer,
"Do harm, think you? Hm, ha!--Present it, all the same; and modify by
assurances afterwards,"--as if these would much avail! This is not
the only instance in which St. James's rejects good advice from its
Hyndford; the pity would be greater, were not the Business what it
is! Podewils has the greatest difficulty to keep Friedrich quiet till
Hyndford's courier get back. And on his getting back with such answer,
"Present it all the same," Friedrich will not wait for that ceremony,
or delay a moment longer. Friedrich has had his Valori at work, all this
while; Valori and Podewils, and endless correspondence and consultation
going on; and things hypothetically almost quite ready; so that--
June 5th, 1741, Friedrich, spurring Podewils to the utmost speed, and
"ordering secrecy on pain of death," signs his Treaty with France! A
kind of provisional off-and-on Treaty, I take it to be; which was
never published, and is thought to have had many IFS in it: signs this
Treaty;--and next day (June 6th, such is the impetuosity of haste)
instructs his Rasfeld at the Hague, "You will beforehand inform the
High Mightinesses, in regard to that Advice of April 24th, which they
determined on giving me, through the Excellency Herr von Ginkel
along with Excellency Hyndford, That such Advice can, by me, only be
considered as a blind complaisance to the Court of Vienna's improper
urgencies, improper in such a matter. That for certain I will not quit
Silesia till my claims be satisfied. And the longer I am forced to
continue warring for them here," wasting more resource and risk upon
them, "the higher they will rise!" [_Helden-Geschichte,_ i. 963.]
And this is what comes of that terribly courageous Dutch-English
"Joint-Resolution of a strong nature;" it has literally cut before the
point: the Exhortation is not yet presented, but the Treaty with France
is signed in virtue of it!--
Undoubtedly this of June 5th is the most important Treaty in the
Austrian-Succession War, and the cardinal element of Friedrich's
procedure in that Adventure. And it has never been published; nor, till
Herr Professor Ranke got access to the Prussian Archives, has even the
date of signing it been rightly known; but is given two or three ways
in different express Collections of Treaties. [Scholl, ii. 297 (copying
"Flassan, _Hist. de la Diplom. Franc._ v. 142"), gives "5th July" as
the date; Adelung (ii. 357, 390, 441) guesses that it was "in August;"
Valori (i. 108), who was himself in it, gives the correct date,--but
then his Editor (thought inquiring readers) was such a sloven and
ignoramus. See Stenzel, iv. 143; Ranke, ii. 274.] Herr Ranke knows this
Treaty, and the correspondences, especially Friedrich's correspondence
with Podewils preparatory to it; and speaks, as his wont is, several
exact things about it; thanks to him, in the circumstances. I wish it
could be made, even with his help, fully intelligible to the reader!
For, were the Treaty never so express, surely the mode of keeping it, on
both parts, was very strange; and that latter concerns us somewhat.
A very fast-and-loose Treaty, to all appearance! Outwardly it is a mere
Treaty of Alliance, each party guaranteeing the other for Fifteen Years;
without mention made of the joint Belleisle Adventure now in the wind.
But then, like the postscript to a lady's letter, there come "secret
articles" bearing upon that essential item: How France, in the course
of this current season 1741, is to bring an Army across the Rhine in
support of its friend Kur-Baiern VERSUS Austria; is, in the same term of
time, to make Sweden declare war on Russia (important for Friedrich, who
is never sure a moment that those Russians will not break in upon
him); and finally, most important of all, That France "guarantees Lower
Silesia with Breslau to his Prussian Majesty." In return for which his
Prussian Majesty--will do what? It is really difficult to say what: Be
a true ally and second to France in its grand German Adventure? Not
at all. Friedrich does not yet know, nor does Belleisle himself quite
precisely, what the grand German Adventure is; and Friedrich's wishes
never were, nor will be, for the prosperity of that. Support France,
at least in its small Bavarian Anti-Austrian Adventure? By no means
definitely even that. "Maintain myself in Lower Silesia with Breslau,
and fight my best to such end:" really that, you might say, is in
substance the most of what Friedrich undertakes; though inarticulately
he finds himself bound to much more,--and will frankly go into it, IF
you do as you have said; and unless you do, will not. Never was a more
contingent Treaty: "unless you stir up Sweden, Messieurs; unless
you produce that Rhine Army; unless--" such is steadily Friedrich's
attitude; long after this, he refuses to say whom he will vote for as
Kaiser: "Fortune of War will decide it," answers he, in regard to that
and to many other things; and keeps himself to an incomprehensible
extent loose; ready, for weeks and months after, to make bargain on his
own Silesian Affair with anybody that can. [Ranke, ii. 271, 275, 280.]
For indeed the French also are very contingent; Fleury hanging one way,
Belleisle pushing another; and know not how far they will go on the
grand German Adventure, nor conclusively whether at all. Here is an
Anecdote by Friedrich himself. Valori was, one night, with him; and,
on rising to take leave, the fat hand, sticking probably in the big
waistcoat-pocket, twitched out a little diplomatic-looking Note; which
Friedrich, with gentle adroitness (permissible in such circumstances),
set his foot upon, till Valori had bowed himself out. The Note was
from Amelot, French Minister of the Foreign Department: "Don't give
his Prussian Majesty Glatz, if it can possibly be helped." Very well,
thought Friedrich; and did not forget the fine little Note on burning
it. [_OEuvres de Frederic,_ ii. 90.] There went, in French couriers'
bags, a great many such, to Austria some of them, of far more
questionable tenor, within the next twelve months.
Two things we have to remark: FIRST, That Friedrich, with an eye to real
business on his part in the Bavarian Adventure, in which Kur-Pfalz is
sure to accompany, volunteered (like a real man of business, and much to
Belleisle's surprise) to renounce the Berg-Julich controversy, and let
Kur-Pfalz have his way, that there might be no quarrelling among allies.
This too is contingent; but was gladly accepted by Belleisle. SECOND,
That Belleisle had instructed Valori, Not to insist on active help
from Friedrich in the German Adventure, but merely to stipulate for
his Neutrality throughout, in case they could get no more. How joyfully
would Friedrich have accepted this,--had Valori volunteered with it,
which he did not! [Ranke, ii. 280.] But, after all, in result it was the
same; and had to be,--PLUS only a great deal of clamor by and by, from
the French and the Gazetteers, about the Article in question.
Was there ever so contingent a Treaty before? It is signed, Breslau,
5th June, 1741, and both parties have their hands loose, and make use of
their liberty for months to come; nay, in some sort, all along; feeling
how contingent it was! Friedrich did not definitely tie himself till
4th November next, five months after: when he signed the French-Bavarian
Treaty, renounced Berg-Julich controversies, and fairly went into
the French-Bavarian, smaller French Adventure; into the greater, or
wide-winged Belleisle one, he never went nor intended to go,--perhaps
even the contrary, if needful. Readers may try to remember these
elucidative items, riddled from the immensities of Dryasdust: I have no
more to give, nor can afford to return upon it. May not we well say, as
above, "A Treaty thought to have many IFS in it!"--And now, 8th June,
comes solemnly the Joint-Resolution itself; like mustard (under a
flourish of trumpets) three days after dinner:--
"CAMP OF GROTKAU, 8th JUNE. Hyndford and Ginkel [the same respectable
old Ginkel whom we used to know in Friedrich Wilhelm's time], having,
according to renewed order, got out from Breslau with that formidable
Dutch-English 'Advice' or Joint-Exhortation in their pocket, did this
day in the Camp at Grotkau present the same. A very mild-spoken Piece,
though it had required such courage; and which is not now worth speaking
of, things having gone as we see. Friedrich received it with a gracious
mien: 'Infinitely sensible to the trouble his Britannic Majesty and
their High Mightinesses took with his affairs; Document should receive
his best consideration,'--which indeed it has already done, and its
Answer withal: A FRENCH Treaty signed three days ago, in virtue of it!
'Might I request a short Private Audience of your Majesty?' solicits
Hyndford, intending to modify by new assurances, as bidden.--'Surely,'
answers Friedrich.
"The two Excellencies dine with the King, who is in high spirits. After
dinner, Hyndford gets his Private Audience; does his best in the way of
'new assurances;' which produce what effect we can fancy. Among other
things, he appeals to the King's 'magnanimity, how grand and generous
it will be to accept moderate terms from Austria, to--' KING
(interrupting): 'My Lord, don't talk to me of magnanimity, a Prince
[acting not for himself but for his Nation] ought to consult his
interest in the first place. I am not against Peace: but I expect to
have Four Duchies given me.'" [State-Paper Office (Hyndford, Breslau,
12th June, 1741).]
Hyndford and Ginkel slept that night in Grotkau Town: "at 4 next morning
the King sent us word, That if we had a mind to see the Army on march,"
just moving off, Strehlen way, "we might come out by the North Gate."
We accordingly saw the whole Army leave Camp; and march in four columns
towards Friedewald, where Marshal Neipperg is encamped. "Not a bit
of it, your Excellency! Neipperg is safe at Neisse; amid inaccessible
embankments and artificial mud: and these are mere Hussar-Pandour rabble
out here; whom a push or two sends home again,--would it could keep them
there! But they are of sylvan (or SALVAGE) nature, affecting the shade;
and burst out, for theft and arson, sometimes at great distances, no
calculating where. The King's Army lay all that night upon their arms,
and encamped next morning, the 10th. I believe nothing happened that
day, for we were obliged to stay at Grotkau, for want of post-horses, a
good part of it."
Hyndford hears (in secret Opposition Circles, and lays the flattering
unction to his soul and your Lordship's): "The King of Prussia's Army,
as I am informed, unless he will take counsel, another campaign will go
near to ruin. Everything is in the greatest disorder; utmost dejection
amongst the Officers from highest to lowest;"--fact being that the
King has important improvements and new drillings in view (to go on
at Strehlen), Cavalry improvements, Artillery improvements, unknown to
Hyndford and the Opposition; and will not be ruined next campaign.
"I hope the news we have here, of the taking of Carthagena, is true,"
concludes he. Alas, your Excellency!
By a different hand, from the southward Hungarian regions, far over the
Hills, take this other entry; almost of enthusiastic style:--
"PRESBURG, 25th JUNE. Maria Theresa, in high spirits about her English
Subsidy and the bright aspects, left Vienna about a week ago for
Presburg [a drive of fifty miles down the fine Donau country]; and is
celebrating her Coronation there, as Queen of Hungary, in a very sublime
manner. Sunday, 25th June, 1741, that is the day of putting on your
Crown,--Iron Crown of St. Stephen, as readers know. The Chivalry of
Hungary, from Palfy and Esterhazy downward, and all the world are there;
shining in loyalty and barbaric gold and pearl. A truly beautiful
Young Woman, beautiful to soul and eye, devout too and noble, though
ill-informed in Political or other Science, is in the middle of it, and
makes the scene still more noticeable to us. See, as the finish of
the ceremonies, she has mounted a high swift horse, sword girt to her
side,--a great rider always, this young Queen;--and gallops, Hungary
following like a comet-tail, to the Konigsberg [KING'S-HILL so called;
no great things of a Hill, O reader; made by barrow, you can see],
to the top of the Konigsberg; there draws sword; and cuts, grandly
flourishing, to the Four Quarters of the Heavens: 'Let any mortal, from
whatever quarter coming, meddle with Hungary if he dare!' [Adelung, ii.
293, 294.] Chivalrous Hungary bursts into passionate acclaim; old Palfy,
I could fancy, into tears; and all the world murmurs to itself, with
moist-gleaming eyes, 'REX NOSTER!' This is, in fact, the beautifulest
King or Queen that now is, this radiant young woman; beautiful things
have been, and are to be, reported of her; and she has a terrible voyage
just ahead,--little dreaming of it at this grand moment. I wish his
Britannic Majesty, or Robinson who has followed out hither, could
persuade her to some compliance on the Silesian matter: what a thing
were that, for herself, and for all mankind, just now! But she will not
hear of that; and is very obstinate, and her stupid Hofraths equally
and much more blamably so. Deaf to hard Facts knocking at their door;
ignorant what Noah's-Deluges have broken out upon them, and are rushing
on inevitable."
By a notable coincidence, precisely while those sword-flourishings go
on at Presburg, Marechal Excellency Belleisle is making his Public Entry
into Frankfurt-on-Mayn: [25th June, 1741 (Adelung, ii. 399).] Frankfurt
too is in cheery emotion; streets populous with Sunday gazers, and
critics of the sublime in spectacle! This is not Belleisle's first
entrance; he himself has been here some time, settling his Household,
and a good many things: but today he solemnly leads in his Countess and
Appendages (over from Metz, where Madame and he officially reside in
common times, "Governor of Metz," one of his many offices);--leads in
Madame, in suitably resplendent manner; to kindle household fire, as it
were; and indicate that here is his place, till he have got a Kaiser
to his mind. Twin Phenomena, these two; going on 500 miles apart;
unconscious of one another, or of what kinship they happen to have!--
EXCELLENCY ROBINSON BUSY IN THE VIENNA HOFRATH CIRCLES, TO PRODUCE A
COMPLIANCE.
Britannic George, both for Pragmatic's sake and for dear Hanover's,
desires much there were a bargain made with Friedrich: How is the
Pragmatic to be saved at all, if Friedrich join France in its Belleisle
machinations, thinks George? And already here is that Camp of Gottin,
glittering in view like a drawn sword pointed at one's throat or at
one's Hanover. Nay, in a month or two hence, as the Belleisle schemes
got above ground in the shape of facts, this desire became passionate,
and a bargain with Prussia seemed the one thing needful. For, alas,
the reader will see there comes, about that time, a second sword (the
Maillebois Army, namely), pointed at one's throat from the French side
of things: so that a Paladin of the Pragmatic, and Hanoverian King of
England, knows not which way to turn! George's sincerity of wish is
perhaps underrated by Friedrich; who indeed knows well enough on which
side George's wishes would fall, if they had liberty (which they have
not), but much overrates "the astucity" of poor George and his English;
ascribing, as is often done, to fine-spun attorneyism what is mere
cunctation, ignorance, negligence, and other forms of a stupidity
perhaps the most honest in the world! By degrees Friedrich understood
better; but he never much liked the English ways of doing business.
George's desire is abundantly sincere, not wholly resting on sublime
grounds; and grows more and more intense every day; but could not be
gratified for a good while yet.
Co-operating with Hyndford, from the Vienna side, is Excellency
Robinson; who has a still harder job of it there. Pity poor Robinson,
O English reader, if you can for indignation at the business he is in.
Saving the Liberties of Europe! thinks Robinson confidently: Founding
the English National Debt, answers Fact; and doing Bottom the Weaver,
with long ears, in the miserablest Pickleherring Tragedy that ever
was!--This is the same Robinson who immortalized himself, nine or ten
years ago, by the First Treaty of Vienna; thrice-salutary Treaty, which
DISJOINED Austria from Bourbon-Spanish Alliances, and brought her into
the arms of the grateful Sea-Powers again. Imminent Downfall of the
Universe was thus, glory to Robinson, arrested for that time. And now
we have the same Robinson instructed to sharpen all his faculties to the
cutting pitch, and do the impossible for this new and reverse face
of matters. What a change from 1731 to 1741! Bugbear of dreadful
Austrian-Spanish Alliance dissolves now into sunlit clouds, encircling
a beautiful Austrian Andromeda, about to be devoured for us; and the
Downfall of the Universe is again imminent, from Spain and others
joining AGAINST Austria. Oh, ye wigs, and eximious wig-blocks, called
right-honorable! If a man, sovereign or other, were to stay well at
home, and mind his own visible affairs, trusting a good deal that
the Universe would shift for itself, might it not be better for
him? Robinson, who writes rather a heavy style, but is full of
inextinguishable heavy zeal withal, will have a great deal to do in
these coming years. Ancestor of certain valuable Earls that now are;
author of immeasurable quantities of the Diplomatic cobwebs that then
were.
To a modern English reader it is very strange, that Austrian scene of
things in which poor Robinson is puffing and laboring. The ineffable
pride, the obstinacy, impotency, ponderous pedantry and helplessness of
that dull old Court and its Hofraths, is nearly inconceivable to modern
readers. Stupid dilapidation is in all departments, and has long been;
all things lazily crumbling downwards, sometimes stumbling down
with great plunges. Cash is done; the world rising, all round, with
plunderous intentions; and hungry Ruin, you would say, coming visibly on
with seven-league boots: here is little room for carrying your head
high among mankind. High nevertheless they do carry it, with a grandly
mournful though stolid insolent air, as if born superior to this
Earth and its wisdoms and successes and multiplication-tables and iron
ramrods,--really with "a certain greatness," says somebody, "greatness
as of great blockheadism" in themselves and their neighbors;--and, like
some absurd old Hindoo Idol (crockery Idol of Somnauth, for instance,
with the belly of him smashed by battle-axes, and the cart-load of
gold coin all run out), persuade mankind that they are a god, though in
dilapidated condition. That is our first impression of the thing.
But again, better seen into, there is not wanting a certain worthily
steadfast, conservative and broad-based high air (reminding you of "Kill
our own mutton, Sir!" and the ancient English Tory species), solid
and loyal, though stolid Ancient Austrian Tories, that definition will
suffice for us;--and Toryism too, the reader may rely on it, is much
patronized by the Upper Powers, and goes a long way in this world. Nay,
without a good solid substratum of that, what thing, with never so many
ballot-boxes, stump-orators, and liberties of the subject, is capable of
going at all, except swiftly to perdition? These Austrians have taken
a great deal of ruining, first and last! Their relation to the then
Sea-Powers, especially to England embarked on the Cause of Liberty,
fills one with amazement, by no means of an idolatrous nature; and is
difficult to understand at all, or to be patient with at all.
Of disposition to comply with Prussia, Robinson finds, in spite of
Mollwitz and the sad experiences, no trace at Vienna. The humor
at Vienna is obstinately defiant; simply to regard Friedrich as a
housebreaker or thief in the night; whom they will soon deal with, were
they once on foot and implements in their hand: "Swift, ye Sea-Powers;
where are the implements, the cash, that means implements?" The Young
Hungarian Majesty herself is magnificently of that opinion, which
is sanctioned by her Bartensteins and wisest Hofraths, with hardly a
dissentient (old Sinzendorf almost alone in his contrary notion, and he
soon dies). Robinson urges the dangers from France. No Hofrath here will
allow himself to believe them; to believe them would be too horrible.
"Depend upon it, France's intentions are not that way. And at the worst,
if France do rise against us, it is but bargaining with France; better
so than bargaining with Prussia, surely. France will be contentable with
something in the Netherlands; what else can she want of us? Parings from
that outskirt, what are these compared with Silesia, a horrid gash into
the vital parts? And what is yielding to the King of France, compared
with yielding to your Prussian King!"--
It is true they have no money, these blind dull people; but are not
the Sea-Powers, England especially, there, created by Nature to supply
money? What else is their purpose in Creation? By Nature's law, as the
Sun mounts in the Ecliptic and then falls, these Sea-Powers, in the
Cause of Liberty, will furnish us money. No surrender; talk not to me of
Silesia or surrender; I will die defending my inheritances: what are
the Sea-Powers about, that they do not furnish more money in a prompt
manner? These are the things poor Robinson has to listen to: Robinson
and England, it is self-evident at Vienna, have one duty, that of
furnishing money. And in a prompt manner, if you please, Sir; why not
prompt and abundant?
An English soul has small exhilaration, looking into those old
expenditures, and bullyings for want of promptitude! But if English
souls will solemnly, under high Heaven, constitute a Duke of Newcastle
and a George II. their Captains of the march Heavenward, and say,
without blushing for it, nay rejoicing at it, in the face of the
sun, "You are the most godlike Two we could lay hold of for that
object,"--what have English souls to expect? My consolation is, and,
alas, it is a poor one, the money would have been mostly wasted any way.
Buy men and gunpowder with your money, to be shot away in foreign parts,
without renown or use: is that so much worse than buying ridiculous
upholsteries, idle luxuries, frivolities, and in the end unbeautiful
pot-bellies corporeal and spiritual with it, here at home? I am struck
silent, looking at much that goes on under these stars;--and find that
misappointment of your Captains, of your Exemplars and Guiding and
Governing individuals, higher and lower, is a fatal business always; and
that especially, as highest instance of it, which includes all the lower
ones, this of solemnly calling Chief Captain, and King by the Grace of
God, a gentleman who is NOT so (and SEEMS to be so mainly by Malice of
the Devil, and by the very great and nearly unforgivable indifference
of Mankind to resist the Devil in that particular province, for the
present), is the deepest fountain of human wretchedness, and the head
mendacity capable of being done!--
As for the brave young Queen of Hungary, my admiration goes with that of
all the world. Not in the language of flattery, but of evident fact, the
royal qualities abound in that high young Lady; had they left the world,
and grown to mere costume elsewhere, you might find certain of them
again here. Most brave, high and pious-minded; beautiful too, and
radiant with good-nature, though of temper that will easily catch fire:
there is perhaps no nobler woman then living. And she fronts the roaring
elements in a truly grand feminine manner; as if Heaven itself and the
voice of Duty called her: "The Inheritances which my Fathers left me,
we will not part with these. Death, if it so must be; but not
dishonor:--Listen not to that thief in the night!" Maria Theresa has
not studied, at all, the History of the Silesian Duchies; she knows only
that her Father and Grandfather peaceably held them; it was not she
that sent out Seckendorf to ride 25,000 miles, or broke the heart of
Friedrich Wilhelm and his Household. Pity she had not complied with
Friedrich, and saved such rivers of bitterness to herself and mankind!
But how could she see to do it,--especially with little George at her
back, and abundance of money? This, for the present, is her method
of looking at the matter; this magnanimous, heroic, and occasionally
somewhat female one.
Her Husband, the Grand Duke, an inert, but good-tempered,
well-conditioned Duke after his sort, goes with her. Him we shall see
try various things; and at length take to banking and merchandise, and
even meal-dealing on the great scale. "Our Armies had most part of their
meal circuitously from him," says Friedrich, of times long subsequent.
Now as always he follows loyally his Wife's lead, never she his: Wife
being, intrinsically as well as extrinsically, the better man, what
other can he do?--Of compliance with Friedrich in this Court, there is
practically no hope till after a great deal of beating have enlightened
it. Out of deference to George and his ardors, they pretend some
intention that way; and are "willing to bargain, your Excellency;"--no
doubt of it, provided only the price were next to nothing!
And so, while the watchful edacious Hyndford is doing his best at
Strehlen, poor Robinson, blown into triple activity, corresponds in
a boundless zealous manner from Vienna; and at last takes to flying
personally between Strehlen and Vienna; praying the inexorable young
Queen to comply a little, and then the inexorable young King to be
satisfied with imaginary compliance; and has a breathless time of it
indeed. His Despatches, passionately long-winded, are exceedingly stiff
reading to the like of us. O reader, what things have to be read and
carefully forgotten; what mountains of dust and ashes are to be dug
through, and tumbled down to Orcus, to disengage the smallest fraction
of truly memorable! Well if, in ten cubic miles of dust and ashes, you
discover the tongue of a shoe-buckle that has once belonged to a man
in the least heroic; and wipe your brow, invoking the supernal and
the infernal gods. My heart's desire is to compress these Strehlen
Diplomatic horse-dealings into the smallest conceivable bulk. And yet
how much that is not metal, that is merely cinders, has got through:
impossible to prevent,--may the infernal gods deal with it, and reduce
Dryasdust to limits, one day! Here, however, are important Public News
transpiring through the old Gazetteers:--
"MUNCHEN, JULY 1st [or in effect a few days later, when the Letters
DATED July 1st had gone through their circuitous formalities], [Adelung,
ii. 421.] Karl Albert Kur-Baiern publicly declares himself Candidate for
the Kaisership; as, privately, he had long been rumored and believed to
be. Kur-Baiern, they say, has of militias and regulars together about
30,000 men on foot, all posted in good places along the Austrian
Frontier; and it is commonly thought, though little credible at Vienna,
that he intends invading Austria as well as contesting the Election. To
which the Vienna Hofrath answers in the style of 'Pshaw!'
"VERSAILLES, 11th JULY. Extraordinary Council of State; Belleisle being
there, home from Frankfurt, to take final orders, and get official
fiat put upon his schemes. 'All the Princes of the Blood and all the
Marechals of France attend;' question is, How the War is to be, nay,
Whether War is to be at all,--so contingent is the French-Prussian
Bargain, signed five weeks ago. Old Fleury, to give freedom of
consultation and vote, quits the room. Some are of opinion, one Prince
of the Blood emphatically so, That Pragmatic Sanction should be kept, at
least War AGAINST it be avoided. But the contrary opinion triumphs, King
himself being strongly with it; Belleisle to be supreme in field and
cabinet; shall execute, like a kind of Dictator or Vice-Majesty, by his
own magnificent talent, those magnificent devisings of his, glorious to
France and to the King. [Ib. 417, 418; see also Baumer, p. 104 (if you
can for his date, which is given in OLD STYLE as if it were in New; a
very eclipsing method!).] These many months, the French have been arming
with their whole might. The Vienna people hear now, That an 'Army of
40,000 is rumored to be coming,' or even two Armies, 40,000 each; but
will not imagine that this is certain, or that it can be seriously meant
against their high House, precious to gods and men. Belleisle having
perfected the multiplex Army details, rushes back to Frankfurt and his
endless Diplomatic businesses (July 25th): Armies to be on actual march
by the 10th of August coming. 'During this Versailles visit, he had such
a crowd of Officers and great people paying court to him as was like the
King's Levee itself.' [Barbier, ii. 305.]
"PASSAU, 31st JULY. Passau is the Frontier Austrian City on the
Donau (meeting of the Inn and Donau Valleys); a place of considerable
strength, and a key or great position for military purposes. Austrian,
or Quasi-Austrian; for, like Salzburg, it has a Bishop claiming some
imaginary sovereignties, but always holds with Austria. July 31st, early
in the morning, a Bavarian Exciseman ('Salt-Inspector') applied at the
gate of Passau for admission; gate was opened;--along with the Exciseman
'certain peasants' (disguised Bavarian soldiers) pushed in; held the
gate choked, till General Minuzzi, Karl Albert's General, with horse,
foot, cannon, who had been lurking close by, likewise pushed in; and at
once seized the Town. Town speedily secured, Minuzzi informs the Bishop,
who lives in his Schloss of Oberhaus (strongish place on a Hill-top,
other side the Donau), That he likewise, under pain of bombardment,
must admit garrison. The poor Bishop hesitates; but, finding bombardment
actually ready for him, yields in about two hours. Karl Albert publishes
his Manifesto, 'in forty-five pages folio' [Adelung, ii. 426.] (to
the effect, 'All Austria mine; or as good as all,--if I liked!'); and
fortifies himself in Passau. 'Insidious, nefarious!' shrieks Austria,
in Counter-Manifesto; calculates privately it will soon settle Karl
Albert,--'Unless, O Heavens, France with Prussia did mean to back
him!'--and begins to have misgivings, in spite of itself."
Misgivings, which soon became fatal certainties. Robinson records,
doubtless on sure basis, though not dating it, a curious piece of
stage-effect in the form of reality; "On hearing, beyond possibility of
doubt, that Prussia, France, and Bavaria had combined, the whole Aulic
Council," Vienna Hofrath in a body, "fell back into their chairs [and
metaphorically into Robinson's arms] like dead men!" [Raumer, p. 104.]
Sat staring there;--the wind struck out of them, but not all the folly
by a great deal. Now, however, is Robinson's time to ply them.
EXCELLENCY ROBINSON HAS AUDIENCE OF FRIEDRICH (Camp of Strehlen, 7th
August, 1741).
By unheard-of entreaties and conjurations, aided by these strokes of
fate, Robinson has at length extorted from his Queen of Hungary, and her
wise Hofraths, something resembling a phantasm of compliance; with which
he hurries to Breslau and Hyndford; hoping against hope that Friedrich
will accept it as a reality. Gets to Breslau on the 3d of August; thence
to Strehlen, consulting much with Hyndford upon this phantasm of a
compliance. Hyndford looks but heavily upon it;--from us, in this place,
far be it to look at all:--alas, this is the famed Scene they Two had at
Strehlen with Friedrich, on Monday, August 7th; reported by the faithful
pen of Robinson, and vividly significant of Friedrich, were it but
compressed to the due pitch. We will give it in the form of Dialogue:
the thing of itself falls naturally into the Dramatic, when the flabby
parts are cut away;--and was perhaps worthier of a Shakspeare than of a
Robinson, all facts of it considered, in the light they have since got.
Scene is Friedrich's Tent, Prussian Camp in the neighborhood of the
little Town of Strehlen: time 11 o'clock A.M. Personages of it, Two
British subjects in the high Diplomatic line: ponderous Scotch Lord
of an edacious gloomy countenance; florid Yorkshire Gentleman with
important Proposals in his pocket. Costume, frizzled peruke powdered;
frills, wrist-frills and other; shoe-buckles, flapped waistcoat,
court-coat of antique cut and much trimming: all this shall be conceived
by the reader. Tight young Gentleman in Prussian military uniform,
blue coat, buff breeches, boots; with alert flashing eyes, and careless
elegant bearing, salutes courteously, raising his plumed hat. Podewils
in common dress, who has entered escorting the other Two, sits rather to
rearward, taking refuge beside the writing apparatus.--First passages
of the Dialogue I omit: mere pickeerings and beatings about the bush,
before we come to close quarters. For Robinson, the florid Yorkshire
Gentleman, is charged to offer,--what thinks the reader?--two million
guilders, about 200,000 pounds, if that will satisfy this young military
King with the alert Eyes!
ROBINSON.... "'Two hundred thousand pounds sterling, if your Majesty
will be pleased to retire out of Silesia, and renounce this enterprise!'
KING. "'Retire out of Silesia? And for money? Do you take me for a
beggar! Retire out of Silesia, which has cost me so much treasure and
blood in the conquest of it? No, Monsieur, no; that is not to be thought
of! If you have no better proposals to make, it is not worth while
talking.' These words were accompanied with threatening gestures and
marks of great anger;" considerably staggering to the Two Diplomatic
British gentlemen, and of evil omen to Robinson's phantasm of a
compliance. Robinson apologetically hums and hahs, flounders through the
bad bit of road as he can; flounderingly indicates that he has more to
offer.
KING. "'Let us see then (VOYONS), what is there more?'
ROBINSON (with preliminary flourishings and flounderings, yet
confidently, as now tabling his best card).... "'Permitted to offer
your Majesty the whole of Austrian Guelderland; lies contiguous to your
Majesty's Possessions in the Rhine Country; important completion of
these: I am permitted to say, the whole of Austrian Guelderland!'
Important indeed: a dirty stripe of moorland (if you look in Busching),
about equivalent to half a dozen parishes in Connemara.
KING. "'What do you mean? [turning to Podewils]--QU'EST-CE QUE NOUS
MANQUE DE TOUTE LA GUELDRE (How much of Guelderland is theirs, and not
ours already)?'
PODEWILS. "'Almost nothing (PRESQUE RIEN).
KING (to Robinson). "'VOICI ENCORE DE GUEUSERIES (more rags and rubbish
yet)! QUOI, such a paltry scraping (BICOQUE) as that, for all my just
claims in Silesia? Monsieur--!' His Majesty's indignation increased
here, all the more as I kept a profound silence during his hot
expressions, and did not speak at all except to beg his Majesty's
reflection upon what I had said.--'Reflection?'" asks the King, with
eyes dangerous to behold;--"My Lord," continues Robinson, heavily
narrative, "his contempt of what I had said was so great," kicking his
boot through Guelderland and the guilders as the most contemptible of
objects, "and was expressed in such violent terms, that now, if ever (as
your Lordship perceives), it was time to make the last effort;" play our
trump-card down at once; "a moment longer was not to be lost, to hinder
the King from dismissing us;" which sad destiny is still too probable,
after the trump-card. Trump-card is this:
ROBINSON.... "'The whole Duchy of Limburg, your Majesty! It is a Duchy
which--' I extolled the Duchy to the utmost, described it in the most
favorable terms; and added, that 'the Elector Palatine [old Kur-Pfalz,
on one occasion] had been willing to give the whole Duchy of Berg for
it.'
PODEWILS. "'Pardon, Monsieur: that is not so; the contrary of so;
Kur-Pfalz was not ready to give Berg for it!'--[We are not deep in
German History, we British Diplomatic gentlemen, who are squandering,
now and of old, so much money on it! The Aulic Council, "falls into
our arms like dead men;" but it is certain the Elector Palatine was not
ready to give Berg in that kind of exchange.]
KING. "'It is inconceivable to me how Austria should dare to think of
such a thing. Limburg? Are there not solemn Engagements upon Austria,
sanctioned and again sanctioned by all the world, which render every
inch of ground in the Netherlands inalienable?'
ROBINSON. "'Engagements good as against the French, your Majesty.
Otherwise the Barrier Treaty, confirmed at Utrecht, was for our behoof
and Holland's.'
KING. "'That is your present interpretation, But the French pretend it
was an arrangement more in their favor than against them.'
ROBINSON. "'Your Majesty, by a little Engineer Art, could render Limburg
impregnable to the French or others.'
KING. "'Have not the least desire to aggrandize myself in those parts,
or spend money fortifying there. Useless to me. Am not I fortifying
Brieg and Glogau? These are enough: for one who intends to live well
with his neighbors. Neither the Dutch nor the French have offended me;
nor will I them by acquisitions in the Netherlands. Besides, who would
guarantee them?'
ROBINSON. "'The Proposal is to give guarantees at once.'
KING. "'Guarantees! Who minds or keeps guarantees in this age? Has not
France guaranteed the Pragmatic Sanction; has not England? Why don't
you all fly to the Queen's succor?'"--Robinson, inclined to pout, if he
durst, intimates that perhaps there will be succorers one day yet.
KING. "'And pray, Monsieur, who are they?'
ROBINSON. "'Hm, hm, your Majesty.... Russia, for example, which Power
with reference to Turkey--'
KING. "'Good, Sir, good (BEAU, MONSIEUR, BEAU), the Russians! It is not
proper to explain myself; but I have means for the Russians' [a Swedish
War just coming upon Russia, to keep its hand in use; so diligent have
the French been in that quarter!].
ROBINSON (with some emphasis, as a Britannic gentleman). "'Russia is
not the only Power that has engagements with Austria, and that must keep
them too! So that, however averse to a breach--'
KING ("laying his finger on his nose," mark him;--aloud, and with such
eyes). "'No threats, Sir, if you please! No threats' ["in a loud voice,"
finger to nose, and with such eyes looking in upon me].
HYNDFORD (heavily coming to the rescue). "'Am sure his Excellency is
far from such meaning, Sire. His Excellency will advance nothing so very
contrary to his Instructions.'--Podewils too put in something proper" in
the appeasing way.
ROBINSON. "'Sire, I am not talking of what this Power or that means to
do; but of what will come of itself. To prophesy is not to threaten,
Sire! It is my zeal for the Public that brought me hither; and--'
KING. "'The Public will be much obliged to you, Monsieur! But hear me.
With respect to Russia, you know how matters stand. From the King of
Poland I have nothing to fear. As for the King of England,--he is my
relation [dear Uncle, in the Pawnbroker sense], he is my all: if he
don't attack me, I won't him. And if he do, the Prince of Anhalt [Old
Dessauer out at Gottin yonder] will take care of him.'
ROBINSON. "'The common news now is [rumor in Diplomatic circles, rather
below the truth this time], your Majesty, after the 12th of August, will
join the French. [King looks fixedly at him in silence.] Sire, I venture
to hope not! Austria prefers your friendship; but if your Majesty
disdain Austria's advances, what is it to do? Austria must throw
itself entirely into the hands of France,--and endeavor to outbid your
Majesty.' [King quite silent.]
"King was quite silent upon this head," says Robinson, reporting:
silence, guesses Robinson, founded most probably upon his "consciousness
of guilt"--what I, florid Yorkshire Gentleman, call GUILT, as being
against the Cause of Liberty and us!"From time to time he threw out
remarks on the advantageousness of his situation:--"
KING.... "'At the head of such an Army, which the Enemy has already
made experience of; and which is ready for the Enemy again, if he have
appetite! With the Country which alone I am concerned with, conquered
and secured behind me; a Country that alone lies convenient to me; which
is all I want, which I now have; which I will and must keep! Shall I be
bought out of this country? Never! I will sooner perish in it, with all
my troops. With what face shall I meet my Ancestors, if I abandon my
right, which they have transmitted to me? My first enterprise; and to
be given up lightly?'"--With more of the like sort; which Friedrich,
in writing of it long after, seems rather ashamed of; and would fain
consider to have been mock fustian, provoked by the real fustian of Sir
Thomas Robinson, "who negotiated in a wordy high-droning way, as if he
were speaking in Parliament," says Friedrich (a Friedrich not taken
with that style of eloquence, and hoping he rather quizzed it than was
serious with it, [_OEuvres de Frederic,_ ii. 84.]--though Robinson and
Hyndford found in him no want of vehement seriousness, but rather the
reverse!)--He concludes: "Have I need of Peace? Let those who need it
give me what I want; or let them fight me again, and be beaten again.
Have not they given whole Kingdoms to Spain? [Naples, at one swoop, to
the Termagant; as broken glass, in that Polish-Election freak!] And to
me they cannot spare a few trifling Principalities? If the Queen does
not now grant me all I require, I shall in four weeks demand Four
Principalities more! [Nay, I now do it, being in sibylline tune.] I
now demand the whole of Lower Silesia, Breslau included;--and with that
Answer you can return to Vienna.'
ROBINSON. "'With that Answer: is your Majesty serious?'
KING. "'With that.'" A most vehement young King; no negotiating with
him, Sir Thomas! It is like negotiating for the Sibyl's Books: the
longer you bargain, the higher he will rise. In four weeks, time he will
demand Four Principalities more; nay, already demands them, the whole of
Lower Silesia and Breslau. A precious negotiation I have made of it! Sir
Thomas, wide-eyed, asks a second time:--
ROBINSON. "'Is that your Majesty's deliberate answer?'
KING. "'Yes, I say! That is my Answer; and I will never give another.'
HYNDFORD and ROBINSON (much flurried, to Podewils). "'Your Excellency,
please to comprehend, the Proposals from Vienna were--'
KING. "'Messieurs, Messieurs, it is of no use even to think of it.' And
taking off his hat," slightly raising his hat, as salutation and finale,
"he retired precipitately behind the curtain of the interior corner of
the tent," says the reporter: EXIT King!
ROBINSON (totally flurried, to Podewils). "'Your Excellency, France will
abandon Prussia, will sacrifice Prussia to self-interest.'
PODEWILS. "'No, no! France will not deceive us; we have not deceived
France.'" (SCENE CLOSES; CURTAIN FALLS.) [State-Paper Office (Robinson
to Harrington, Breslau, 9th August, 1741); Raumer, pp. 106-110. Compare
_OEuvres de Frederic,_ ii. 84; and Valori, i. 119, 122.]
The unsuccessfulest negotiation well imaginable by a public man.
Strehlen, Monday, 7th August, 1741:--Friedrich has vanished into the
interior of his tent; and the two Diplomatic gentlemen, the wind struck
out of them in this manner, remain gazing at one another. Here truly is
a young Royal gentleman that knows his own mind, while so many do not.
Unspeakable imbroglio of negotiations, mostly insane, welters over all
the Earth; the Belleisles, the Aulic Councils, the British Georges,
heaping coil upon coil: and here, notably, in that now so extremely
sordid murk of wiggeries, inane diplomacies and solemn deliriums, dark
now and obsolete to all creatures, steps forth one little Human
Figure, with something of sanity in it: like a star, like a gleam
of steel,--shearing asunder your big balloons, and letting out their
diplomatic hydrogen;--salutes with his hat, "Gentlemen, Gentlemen, it
is of no use!" and vanishes into the interior of his tent. It is to
Excellency Robinson, among all the sons of Adam then extant, that we owe
this interesting Passage of History,--authentic glimpse, face to face,
of the young Friedrich in those extraordinary circumstances: every
feature substantially as above, and recognizable for true. Many
Despatches his Excellency wrote in this world,--sixty or eighty volumes
of them still left,--but among them is this One: the angriest of mankind
cannot say that his Excellency lived and embassied quite in vain!
The Two Britannic Gentlemen, both on that distressing Monday and the day
following, had the honor to dine with the King: who seemed in exuberant
spirits; cutting and bantering to right and left; upon the Court of
Vienna, among other topics, in a way which I Robinson "will not repeat
to your Lordship." Bade me, for example, "As you pass through Neisse,
make my compliments to Marshal Neipperg; and you can say, Excellency
Robinson, that I hope to have the pleasure of calling, one of these
days!"--Podewils, who was civil, pressed us much to stay over Wednesday,
the 9th. "On Thursday is to be a Grand Review, one of the finest
military sights; to which the Excellencies from Breslau, one and all,
are coming out." But we, having our Despatches and Expresses on hand,
pleaded business, and declined, in spite of Podewils's urgencies. And
set off for Breslau, Wednesday, morning,--meeting various Excellencies,
by degrees all the Excellencies, on the road for that Review we had
heard of.
Readers must accept this Robinsoniad as the last of Friedrich's
Diplomatic performances at Strehlen, which in effect it nearly was; and
from these instances imagine his way in such things. Various Letters
there are, to Jordan principally, some to Algarotti; both of whom he
still keeps at Breslau, and sends for, if there is like to be an hour of
leisure. The Letters indicate cheerfulness of humor, even levity, in the
Writer; which is worth noting, in this wild clash of things now tumbling
round him, and looking to him as its centre: but they otherwise, though
heartily and frankly written, are, to Jordan and us, as if written
from the teeth outward; and throw no light whatever either on things
befalling, or on Friedrich's humor under them. Reading diligently, we do
notice one thing, That the talk about "fame (GLOIRE)" has died out. Not
the least mention now of GLOIRE;--perception now, most probably, that
there are other things than "GLOIRE" to be had by taking arms; and that
War is a terribly grave thing, lightly as one may go into it at
first! This small inference we do negatively draw, from the Friedrich
Correspondence of those months: and except this, and the levity of humor
noticeable, we practically get no light whatever from it; the practical
soul and soul's business of Friedrich being entirely kept veiled there,
as usual.
And veiled, too, in such a way that you do not notice any veil,--the
young King being, as we often intimate, a master in this art. Which
useful circumstance has done him much ill with readers and mankind. For
if you intend to interest readers,--that is to say, idle neighbors, and
fellow-creatures in need of gossip,--there is nothing like unveiling
yourself: witness Jean-Jacques Rousseau, and many other poor waste
creatures, going off in self-conflagration, for amusement of the parish,
in that manner. But may not a man have something other on hand with his
Existence than that of "setting fire to it [such the process terribly
IS], to show the people a fine play of colors, and get himself
applauded, and pathetically blubbered over?" Alas, my friends!--
It is certain there was seldom such a life-element as this of
Friedrich's in Summer, 1741. Here is the enormous jumbling of a World
broken loose; boiling as in very chaos; asking of him, him more than
any other, "How? What?" Enough to put GLOIRE out of his head; and awaken
thoughts,--terrors, if you were of apprehensive turn! Surely no young
man of twenty-nine more needed all the human qualities than
Friedrich now. The threatenings, the seductions, big Belleisle
hallucinations,--the perils to you infinite, if you MISS the road.
Friedrich did not miss it, as is well known; he managed to pick it out
from that enormous jumble of the elements, and victoriously arrived by
it, he alone of them all. Which is evidence of silent or latent faculty
in him, still more wonderful than the loud-resounding ones of which the
world has heard. Probably there was not, in his history, any chapter
more significant of human faculty than this, which is not on record at
all.