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SERVICE WITH THE THIRD WISCONSIN INFANTRY
[Illustration: JULIAN WISNER HINKLEY
From a photograph taken in July, 1864]
Wisconsin History Commission: Original Papers, No. 7
A NARRATIVE OF SERVICE WITH THE THIRD WISCONSIN INFANTRY
by
JULIAN WISNER HINKLEY
Captain of Company E, and Sometime Acting Major of Said Regiment
Wisconsin History Commission
September, 1912
Twenty-Five Hundred Copies Printed
Copyright, 1912
The Wisconsin History Commission
(in behalf of the State of Wisconsin)
Opinions or errors of fact on the part of the respective authors of
the Commission's publications (whether Reprints or Original
Narratives) have not been modified or corrected by the Commission.
For all statements, of whatever character, the Author alone is
responsible
Democrat Printing Co., State Printer
Contents
PAGE
WISCONSIN HISTORY COMMISSION viii
EDITOR'S PREFACE ix
SERVICE WITH THE THIRD WISCONSIN INFANTRY:
Enlistment and training 1
Departure for the front 7
Service in Maryland 9
On the trail of Stonewall Jackson 15
The tables turned 22
At Cedar Mountain 32
The Army retreats northward 38
Moving toward the enemy 47
Battle of South Mountain 49
Battle of Antietam 51
In winter quarters 63
Chancellorsville 66
A cavalry expedition 78
Gettysburg 80
On draft riot duty 92
With the Army of the Cumberland 97
The Third veteranizes 102
Reorganizing Lincoln County 106
Opening of the Atlanta campaign 116
Wounded and in hospital 124
The siege of Atlanta 129
The march to the sea 146
In front of Savannah 153
In Savannah 163
Marching northward 166
Peace 173
Homeward 176
INDEX 183
ILLUSTRATION
Portrait of the Author _Frontispiece_
WISCONSIN HISTORY COMMISSION
(Organized under the provisions of Chapter 298,
Laws of 1905, as amended by Chapter 378,
Laws of 1907, Chapter 445, Laws of 1909,
and Chapter 628, Laws of 1911)
FRANCIS E. McGOVERN
_Governor of Wisconsin_
CHARLES E. ESTABROOK
_Representing Department of Wisconsin, Grand
Army of the Republic_
REUBEN G. THWAITES
_Superintendent of the State Historical Society of
Wisconsin_
CARL RUSSELL FISH
_Professor of American History in the University of
Wisconsin_
MATTHEW S. DUDGEON
_Secretary of the Wisconsin Library Commission_
* * * * *
_Chairman_, COMMISSIONER ESTABROOK
_Secretary and Editor_, COMMISSIONER THWAITES
_Committee on Publications_, COMMISSIONERS THWAITES
AND FISH
EDITOR'S PREFACE
The author of this volume was born at Vernon, Connecticut, on March 12,
1838, of a long line of New England ancestry; he was sixth in order of
descent from Governor Thomas Hinkley of Plymouth Colony. Coming to
Wisconsin in his eleventh year, Julian grew to young manhood on his
father's farm at Waupun and in Portage County. In 1858, our author left
the farm and started life for himself--teaching school in winter, and
working as a carpenter each summer.
On April 19, 1861, Mr. Hinkley enlisted in the Waupun Light Guard for
three months. But the services of the organization were not accepted for
that short term by the State military authorities, so on May 8 they were
proffered and accepted for the war, and the organization became Company
E of the Third Wisconsin Infantry. Hinkley was at the organization
appointed First-Sergeant; but on February 6, 1862, he was commissioned
Second-Lieutenant of his company, became First-Lieutenant on November 1
following, and on May 4, 1863, took command of the Company as Captain.
He continued to serve the Third Wisconsin until its final discharge and
payment in Madison on August 26, 1865, but during the last few months of
this period was the acting Major of the Regiment. Since the war, Major
Hinkley has been largely engaged in erecting public buildings, and has a
wide acquaintance throughout Northeast Wisconsin.
The Commission is much pleased at this opportunity to publish Major
Hinkley's _Narrative_. The book has only in part been written from
memory. It has been made up from several excellent sources: (1) A
manuscript diary kept from day to day, or week to week, by Mr. Hinkley
during the years of his service; (2) several contemporary letters
written by him, either to the local press of his section of the State,
or to relatives and friends at home; and lastly (3), a manuscript
narrative written by the author several years after the war, for the
edification of his children. The work of amalgamating these diverse
materials has fallen to the lot of the editorial department of the
Commission; the result, however, has been passed upon in detail by
Major Hinkley, and in its present continuous form accepted by him as his
final narrative. This method of compilation has secured a manuscript
possessing a contemporaneous flavor and accuracy, not usual with
reminiscences. The Commissioners feel that the book is an interesting
and valuable contribution to the literature of the war, being the
view-point of a company commander in one of the most active of Wisconsin
regiments, throughout the entire period of the struggle.
R. G. T.
WISCONSIN HISTORICAL LIBRARY
September, 1912
SERVICE WITH THE THIRD WISCONSIN INFANTRY
_Enlistment and Training_
The presidential election of 1860 found me just become of age. I
exercised my newly-acquired rights of citizenship, in the then little
village of Waupun, Wisconsin, by participating in the hurrahing and
torchlight processions that in those days characterized a political
campaign. I was a carpenter by trade, but immediately after the election
went to teach a country school in the backwoods town of Buena Vista, in
Portage County. Daily papers in that sparsely settled community were of
course an unknown luxury, and it was only through the weeklies that we
heard of the gathering storm in the Nation. From them we learned how
State after State in the South were holding conventions, that they were
passing ordinances of secession, and that the delegates were gathering
at Montgomery, Alabama, to organize the Confederate States of America.
In the North, few people seemed as yet to realize that a great war was
impending. The Southern newspapers boastfully asserted that secession
might be accomplished in peace, for the Northerners were a nation of
shopkeepers and mechanics, who would never fight to prevent it. And
these statements, reprinted in the Northern papers, were far from
soothing, for there is nothing that so quickly arouses the combativeness
of men, and especially of young men, as the intimation that they are
cowards. Thus were the younger and more hot-headed men on both sides
being stirred to warlike feeling by newspaper writers, until such
hostile sentiment was aroused that war was inevitable.
Immediately after the secession of South Carolina, I had expressed my
intention, in conversation with my friends, that should war follow, I
would have a hand in it. This determination grew as events drifted on
from bad to worse. I cannot say that I was very strongly animated by a
love for the Union in the abstract, or that I considered the abolition
of slavery worth fighting for; but I felt that the dismemberment of the
Union by armed force, submitted to without a struggle, would be a
disgrace to the whole North.
The events of the following winter and spring are a part of the history
of the Nation. Abraham Lincoln was inaugurated on March 4, 1861. On
April 12, Fort Sumter was fired upon, and surrendered on the 14th. On
April 15 Lincoln issued his call for troops, and the war had burst upon
the Nation in all its fury.
Waupun for a number of years maintained an independent military company,
called the Waupun Light Guard. This organization had in its possession
forty stand of arms belonging to the State, and uniforms for about
twenty of its members. On the morning of April 19, I had gone down to
the main street of the village to buy a paper. While discussing with
Captain Clark of the military company, the events of the day, an agent
of the State, who had just arrived on the morning train, approached us.
He read to the Captain a notice that his company must at once be filled
up to the regulation standard and reported for active duty, or surrender
its arms, to be used by other companies going into service.
I had not heretofore belonged to this company, but at once told the
Captain that I would enlist, and aid him to fill his command to the
required standard. A meeting was called for that night, and with the
assistance of the patriotic people of the village and surrounding
country, the company was filled up by nine o'clock of the next morning.
A telegram was immediately sent to Madison, tendering service for the
ninety-day call. We had acted promptly and swiftly, yet not quite
swiftly enough. Twenty-three other companies had filed notice before us,
and the quota of Wisconsin was full.
Enthusiasm among the men ran high, however, and when on May 8 it was
learned that no more ninety-day men could be accepted, it was determined
by vote to tender service for the entire war, however long that might
be. Those whose business was such that they could not leave home for
longer than ninety days retired, but their places were quickly taken by
others who were anxious to go. We were now accepted, and assigned to the
Third Wisconsin Volunteers and ordered to rendevouz at Fond du Lac as
soon as camp equipage could be furnished.
The former officers of the company were retained, with the consent of
the newly-enlisted men, and additional non-commissioned officers were
elected. Among the latter I was chosen First Sergeant, which position I
held until promoted to a Second-Lieutenancy.
We boarded at the best hotels in the village, until ordered into camp.
We were drilled several hours each day, and prepared for the work in
store for us by the study of tactics and army regulations. At length,
after what seemed to us in our impatience an interminable delay, we went
into camp at Fond du Lac on June 15, and for the first time lived in
tents. We now had daily company and battalion drill, together with
officers' school in tactics and sword exercise. Colonel Thomas H. Ruger,
our commander, was a West Point graduate, and under his efficient
direction we became, before we had been very long in the service, as
thoroughly drilled and disciplined as any regiment of regulars. Indeed
we all felt sure, while we were still at Fond du Lac, that we were
already veterans.
On June 28 appeared Captain McIntyre of the regular army to inspect us
and muster us into the service of the United States. And here occurred a
difficulty which illustrates how confidently the people of the North
expected that the war would be of only short duration. Many of the best
men in the company, who had been entirely willing to enlist "for the
war," objected to being mustered in for a three-years' term of service
as required by the instructions of the Federal Government. It was only
after considerable persuasion that they were all finally induced to do
so. Probably not one of them had the slightest idea that he would serve
for three years, and then enlist again for another three years, before
the great struggle would be ended.
On the day after mustering in, uniforms were issued to us, consisting of
light-grey trousers, mixed-grey blouse, and light-coloured hat. At
first, they looked bright and fine, but they were of such poor quality,
especially the trousers, that within ten days it was necessary to
furnish the entire regiment with common blue workingmen's overalls, in
order that we might with decency be seen upon the streets. Some
money-loving patriot contractor had gathered in his reward from the
State of Wisconsin by providing us with shoddy clothes; and in the end
it came out of the pay of the Regiment.
_Departure for the Front_
The preparations for departure were soon completed, and on July 12,
1861, we shouldered our knapsacks, strapped on our haversacks,
containing several days' rations, and boarded the railroad cars for the
seat of war in Virginia. The train of twenty-four coaches pulled out of
the station amid the cheers and farewells of our many friends, who had
gathered to see us off. All were in the best of spirits. It seemed to us
as though we were setting out on a grand pleasure excursion. No thought
of death or disaster appeared to cross the mind of anyone. And yet how
many were saying farewell, never to return!
Our route took us through Chicago, Toledo, Cleveland, and Erie.
Everywhere we were feasted and toasted by the enthusiastic people along
the line. At Buffalo the entire population seemed to have turned out to
welcome the wild woodsmen of the Northwest. The local military companies
of that city escorted us through the principal streets; speeches were
made by the mayor and prominent citizens. We were very soon convinced
that we were, indeed, heroes in embryo. At Williamsport, Pennsylvania,
we were given a reception surpassing anything that had gone before; even
now, more than fifty years after, its pleasant recollections still
linger in my mind. Tables were set along the sidewalk in the shade of
magnificent trees, and these tables were literally loaded with all the
good things that could tempt an epicure. There were, besides, fair
ladies without number to welcome us, and wait upon our needs.
On July 16 we reached Hagerstown, Maryland, where we went into camp, and
where on the next day we were equipped with a complete outfit of
muskets, ammunition, and camp utensils. The degree of preparation of the
Federal Government for war at this time, may be judged from the fact
that the muskets issued to us were old-time smooth-bore Springfields,
that had been rifled for a minie-ball; they were so light, that their
barrels would spring after the rapid firing of a dozen shots.
_Service in Maryland_
On the morning of July 17 we broke camp and started for Harpers Ferry,
thirty miles distant. Now for the first time I began to realize what it
was to be a soldier. I carried a knapsack laden with the various things
that kind friends at home had thought necessary for a soldier's comfort,
a haversack containing two days' rations, a musket with accoutrements,
and forty rounds of ammunition, altogether weighing not less than fifty
pounds. The weather was extremely hot and the roads very muddy, so that
by the time we had gone fifteen miles I was entirely ready to go into
camp.
Our camp was pitched on the side of a hill. Our mess, in order to find
as level a sleeping place as possible, pitched the tent in a low place,
and in our ignorance of camp life we neglected to dig a ditch around it.
A sudden shower came up soon after we had gone to sleep, and in a short
time we found ourselves lying in a pool of water. And as if this were
not misfortune enough, our tent pins, loosened by the soaking of the
ground, suddenly pulled out, and down came our canvas shelter.
Subsequent experience enabled me to sleep in wet blankets, or in no
blankets at all, just as well as in the best bed; but at this time it
was impossible. So gathering a rubber blanket around my shoulders, I
found a large stone, and remained upon it for the rest of the night. In
the morning we continued the march toward Harpers Ferry. Our camp for
the next night was pitched on a bit of comparatively level ground on the
east side of Maryland Heights, overlooking the little village of Sandy
Hook, and about a mile distant from Harpers Ferry. A more thoroughly
used-up lot of men than ours that night, it would be hard to find.
My first military duty was to guard the ford at Harpers Ferry and the
bridges across the canal. The region was historic ground, and I took
this opportunity to visit the old arsenal, then in ruins, and the old
engine-house where John Brown had battled so bravely for his life. I
made it a point also to visit Jefferson's Rock, the view from which
Jefferson, in his _Notes on Virginia_, says is worth a voyage across the
Atlantic to see.
On September 15, while encamped in the vicinity of Darnestown, we were
ordered, late in the day, to break camp and take the road toward the
west. Our destination was not disclosed to us, and there was a great
deal of speculation among the men as to the object of this secret and
hurried march. The next day we found out from citizens along the road
that we were on the way to Frederick City, the capital of Maryland. We
arrived there late on the afternoon of the 16th, and received an
enthusiastic welcome from the citizens of that loyal town. Early the
next morning, guards were stationed on all roads leading out of town,
and detachments of men, accompanied by detectives, proceeded to arrest
the members of the Maryland Legislature, who had assembled there for the
purpose of passing an ordinance of secession. It was thus that Maryland
was saved to the Union by the promptness of General McClellan. Her
secessionist legislators found themselves, shortly after, assembled at
Fort McHenry, with leisure to meditate upon their schemes.
The Regiment remained in camp at Frederick City until late in October.
The usual monotony of camp life, with its drills, dress parades, and
guard mountings, was broken only by the arrival of the paymaster with
crisp new greenbacks of the first issue, and by the appearance of new
blue uniforms in exchange for our tattered array. To the old grey we
bade adieu without a sigh of regret, and proudly donned the blue of
United States soldiers.
One interesting incident occurred during our stay here, which gave us a
subject for discussion for several days. News had been brought to us of
a large quantity of wheat, stored in a mill in Harpers Ferry, which was
about to be ground into flour for the use of the Confederate army. An
expedition to capture it was soon organized under command of Colonel
John W. Geary of the Twenty-Eighth Pennsylvania. It was composed of a
detachment of two hundred men from our regiment under command of Captain
Bertram, with similar detachments from the Twelfth Massachusetts and
Twenty-Eighth Pennsylvania, besides a section of artillery. The
expedition was successful; the wheat was safely removed to the north
side of the river, and the command was ready to return, when a large
force of the enemy appeared, seemingly disposed for a fight. Our men
were quite willing to accommodate them, and moved up the hill toward
Bolivar Heights, where the enemy was already strongly posted with
artillery. Skirmishing immediately commenced. But this soon proved too
slow for our impatient men; they charged the Confederate position, and
soon had the satisfaction of seeing the last of the Southerners
disappear in the direction of Charlestown, leaving their artillery in
our hands.
In this engagement the heaviest fighting fell to the detachment of the
Third Wisconsin; the piece of artillery was brought off by them as a
trophy. This command also sustained all of the loss, having had six men
killed and four wounded. The dead were brought back and buried with
military honors in the cemetery at Frederick City. The fight had in a
large measure been unnecessary, for the entire object of the expedition
had been accomplished before the enemy appeared in force; yet the moral
effect on the men was good, since it increased their self-confidence.
On November 1 we rejoined the Division of General Banks, near
Darnestown, where we remained until the beginning of the next month. The
whole Division then moved to the vicinity of Frederick City, our
Regiment being detailed in the city as provost guard. We built our
barracks in the old barrack yard, and settled down for the winter to the
regular routine of guard duty. Two companies were detailed each day--one
for the guard-house, the other to patrol the city and preserve order.
The snow, rain, and mud kept the ground in such condition that drilling
was impossible; thus we had little to do but kill time with chess,
checkers, cards, and dominoes. The winter wore slowly away in this
uneventful manner. In January news was received of the victory of
General Thomas at Somerset, Kentucky; also the capture of Roanoke
Island, by General Burnside, and immediately after this, in February,
the great victories of General Grant at Forts Henry and Donelson. The
enthusiasm of the command over these successes knew no bounds, and our
impatience to be on the move could scarcely be restrained.
_On the trail of Stonewall Jackson_
At length the long-wished-for came. On the morning of February 25, 1862,
we bade adieu to the barracks that had sheltered us so long, and
boarding the cars moved to Sandy Hook, where we went into camp on the
ground that we had left six months before. During the night there
arrived a train of cars with a pontoon bridge, in charge of a detachment
of United States engineers; and General McClellan came from Washington
by special train, personally to supervise the movement. Our Regiment
being largely composed of lumbermen and raftsmen from northern
Wisconsin, who were accustomed to running rafts on the rivers of our
State, readily made up a detail of a hundred experienced fellows to
assist the engineers in laying the bridge. By noon it was constructed,
1300 feet long, in a swift current and our Regiment, the advance of the
army, was on its way into Dixie.
We moved rapidly on to Bolivar Heights without seeing anything of the
enemy, and halted there for the night, happy in the thought that at
last we were doing something. On February 28 a strong reconnoitering
party of infantry, artillery, and cavalry, moved forward, and without
opposition occupied Charlestown. It was a village of national reputation
at that time, for there John Brown was tried and hung. It was one of the
hottest secessionist spots in the State, any Union sentiment that might
have existed, being carefully concealed. We remained there for several
days quartered in the various churches and public buildings, while I
improved the opportunity to visit the many points of interest. On March
2 came my commission as Second Lieutenant of Company D.
On March 11 we once more moved forward in the direction of Winchester,
the advance guard skirmishing with the enemy occasionally, but meeting
no serious resistance. The next morning we turned out at four o'clock,
and advancing through fields and woods for about an hour, came at length
in sight of the entrenchments of Winchester, about a mile to the front.
Our right and left companies were thrown forward as skirmishers, in
preparation for a fight, but met with no resistance, and were soon
clambering over the parapet of the deserted fort. They pushed on into
the town, the remainder of the Regiment following closely after, and
received from the mayor the formal surrender of the municipality. It was
the first surrender of this interesting city, which is said to have been
captured and recaptured more than thirty times during the war. We found
here an apparently strong Union sentiment. As our Regiment marched in
with colors flying and band playing, the citizens were rejoicing
everywhere over their deliverance from the Confederates. Innumerable
handkerchiefs were waving to welcome us, and in some instances the stars
and stripes were displayed. We learned from citizens that General
Stonewall Jackson had with 6,000 men, retreated the night before toward
Strasburgh, taking with him quite a number of the Union citizens of the
town.
We now went into camp a short distance south of Winchester, where we
remained until March 22. Continually we were hearing of the glorious
successes of the Western Army, and becoming more and more anxious that
our Army of the Potomac should be given an opportunity to rival its
achievements. A number of changes in the organization of the Division
were made while we were here in camp. The only one of importance to us
was the transfer of the Second Massachusetts to our Brigade in place of
the Ninth New York, giving us Colonel Gordon of the Second Massachusetts
as brigade commander in place of General Hamilton, our old leader. This
circumstance was little liked at the time; but it was the beginning of
our friendship with the Second Massachusetts, that remained very close
throughout the war.
On March 22 our Division left Winchester to proceed, as we believed, to
Manassas Junction. At the end of a two days' march we were camping for
the night about three miles east of Snicker's Gap, in the Blue Ridge.
Rumors here began to circulate, that there had in our absence been
considerable fighting at Winchester. It was reported that the
Confederates had been defeated, but that General Shields had been
wounded in the battle. We were not, therefore, surprised, the next
morning, to be ordered to march back over the identical road upon which
we had come. We reached Winchester the same night after a hard march of
twenty-five miles, and learned from its citizens that there certainly
had been a fight. We were informed that General Jackson had learned of
our departure from Winchester, but had not heard that Shields was still
encamped north of the city. Jackson had made a hasty move to recapture
Winchester, but had been confronted by Shields near Kernstown. Here the
Confederates had been completely routed and driven beyond Strasburgh,
with heavy loss in killed and prisoners.
On the morning after our arrival at Winchester, I went out to take a
view of the battle-field, and was able to gain some idea of what the
future held in store for us. The wounded had already been cared for, and
some of the dead had been buried; but sixteen of our dead remained on
the field, and something over three hundred of the enemy's. In one part
of the battle-ground, covered with small timber and underbrush, where
the enemy had for a time made a stubborn resistance, scarcely a bush or
a tree but showed the marks of bullets at a height of from three to six
feet from the ground. In my inexperience, I then wondered how any man
could have lived in that thicket; and in truth, not many did live there
long, for the ground was strewn with the dead.
Returning to camp at noon, I found that we were again under orders to
march. We started out near sundown, moving that night to Strasburgh, and
found the bridge over Cedar Creek, two miles this side of Strasburgh,
destroyed. It had been burned by Jackson at the time of his first
retreat from Winchester. This precaution had in the recent fight proved
to be his undoing, for in his hasty flight before Shield's Division, his
army, which up to that place had preserved good order, was completely
disorganized and suffered a loss of two hundred prisoners.
We remained at Strasburgh for several days. During that time I was
detailed on a general court martial to try some soldiers who had been
arrested for depredations on private property. Their offence, as I was
informed, consisted in stealing chickens and honey, against which
stringent orders were at that time in force. The court convened in all
dignity, and sent word to the General that it was ready to try the
culprits. In a few minutes Adjutant Wilkins appeared, presented the
compliments of the General and informed us that the prisoners had
escaped. We were requested to adjourn until they had been recaptured. As
that court was never reconvened, it may be taken for granted that the
prisoners were never recaptured.
On the first day of April we again moved forward, driving the enemy in
such haste that they left their dinners cooking on the fires. Several
times during the day, they opened on us with artillery, but a few shots
from our battery would quickly send them on again. On the 17th we made
another attempt to get at Jackson's army, by moving one Division up the
Shenandoah River on the west side, and the other into New Market from
the southwest. Our Regiment was with the latter Division. After fording
a river up to our armpits, and finding it as cold as melting snow from
the mountains could make it, we found that the enemy had again shown his
heels and once more was away to the south.
During the next month we followed the retreating army of General Jackson
to Harrisonburg, and then came back to Strasburgh. Here we made some
little show of fortifying; but in the main, we were as easy and
unconcerned as though the war was over. And in fact, the good news
received from all quarters, and the orders from the War Department to
stop all recruiting, led us to believe that the contest was nearly
ended. In camp, bets were freely offered, with no takers, that the
Regiment would be back in Wisconsin by September. I remember writing to
a friend, about this time, that my part of the work of suppressing the
Rebellion seemed to be about done. How sadly were we mistaken!
_The Tables Turned_
We had a rude awakening from our dream of peace. While we had been
idling in fancied security, General Jackson had gathered a large force
with which to overwhelm us. Our first intimation of trouble came on the
night of May 23, when we were hastily called to defend our railroad
bridge toward Front Royal against the attack of the enemy. The next day
we were in full retreat toward Winchester.
When about half way to Winchester, the enemy, who had crossed from Front
Royal, attacked our train in the front. The Fifth Connecticut and
Twenty-Eighth New York were hurried forward, with the rest of the
command following, and the road was soon cleared. But this had hardly
been accomplished, when the enemy attacked in the rear, and cut off
about fifty wagons. At this new danger a halt was called, and with two
regiments and a battery, General Banks hastened to the rear. The lost
wagons were recovered, but the animals having all been driven off or
killed, it was necessary to burn the vehicles. Among the wagons
destroyed was one containing all the rations and cooking utensils of my
Company. We succeeded at night in securing a few crackers from some of
the more fortunate companies, but most of my men went supperless to bed.
Moreover, there were prospects for a lively fight in the morning.
I was awakened early by the picket-firing, which commenced at daybreak,
and found myself thoroughly chilled from sleeping on the bare ground,
without blankets or shelter. However, both hunger and cold were soon
forgotten in the more pressing demands upon our attention. The position
chosen by General Banks for the night's bivouac was probably the worst
that could have been found between Strasburgh and the Potomac River.
With seven regiments of infantry we occupied a small field lying between
the outskirts of the city and the hills on the south. The enemy were in
possession of the hills, where they had erected considerable
fortifications. Colonel Gordon's Brigade was on the right of the road;
that of Colonel Donnelly was on the left--all facing the enemy.
Our skirmishers were promptly advanced, and commenced firing on the
enemy in their entrenchments. Supported by a battery in our rear, which
fired over our heads into their position, we were maintaining a lively
fire, when suddenly it was discovered that the enemy was passing around
upon our right, with the evident intention of getting in our rear. The
Twenty-Seventh Indiana and Twenty-Ninth Pennsylvania were hurriedly
moved to the right, but had hardly reached their position when they were
furiously assailed both in front and flank by the advancing
Confederates. The Twenty-Ninth Pennsylvania received the first brunt of
the attack, and soon was in full retreat. The Twenty-Seventh Indiana
came in for the next attack, and they also fell back about a quarter of
a mile to some stone walls on the outskirts of the city. Our Regiment
and the Second Massachusetts, which as yet had scarcely been engaged,
were now faced about and marched to the rear, until we reached the
fenced lots on the outskirts of the town. Here we were halted, and
opened fire on the enemy, who had appeared in large numbers upon our
front.
We had soon checked the Confederates immediately before us. I was
looking around to see how things were going with the others, when I
became aware that Company F and a portion of my Company were entirely
alone. It appears that orders had been sent around by General Banks to
fall back to the north side of the city; but we, being separated from
the rest of the Regiment by an intervening street, had not heard them.
There we were, fighting the whole Southern army by ourselves! I hastened
to Captain Limbocker to call his attention to our position. He saw the
situation at a glance, and left-facing the companies, marched
double-quick through the back streets toward the main road of the city.
By this time our men had discovered that they were in a close place, and
moved rapidly. Just as we reached the main street and turned north, I
stopped to speak to the Captain, who was in the rear. As I did so, I saw
that the whole street behind us to the south was swarming with
Confederate soldiers, not fifty feet away. They were in such confusion,
however, that it was impossible for them to fire, and in fact they did
not seem to try. From that point until we were clear of the street, it
was simply a foot race, in which we were the winners. They evidently
soon tired of the race, for before we were clear of the street they had
some artillery in position, and shot and shell were flying harmlessly
over our heads.
We afterwards learned that Colonel Donnelly's Brigade, which at the
beginning of the fight had been posted out of our sight on the left of
the road, had also, like our Brigade, been assailed in front and in the
flank; and that they also, had soon been forced back in full retreat.
We rejoined our Regiment in the line, without further trouble. From our
position we could see the enemy on the hills west of us, endeavoring by
rapid marching to reach the road in our rear. We stopped only long
enough to gather up our men, who had become scattered in coming through
the streets of the city, and then moved on toward Martinsburg. We did no
more fighting and no more running. All of General Banks's command was
ahead of us except two sections of artillery, and detachments of the
First Vermont and First Michigan Cavalry, which protected our rear and
kept the enemy at a respectful distance. During the retreat, General
Banks did all that lay in the power of any man to bring off his men
without loss, giving personal attention to the posting of the rear
guard.
I suppose it was about eight o'clock in the morning when our Regiment
began its march to Martinsburg, twenty-three miles distant. We arrived
there at about five in the afternoon, without having stopped for dinner,
and without rest. Indeed, we had no dinner to stop for, and the pursuing
enemy were not inclined to let us rest. We expected to stop at
Martinsburg, but General Banks did not deem it safe, so after a rest of
a half hour we were ordered to proceed to Williamsport, Maryland,
twelve miles farther on.
We arrived at the Potomac, opposite Williamsport, about ten o'clock that
night, tired, hungry, and in no very good humor over the results of our
two days' work. We managed to secure some salt pork and a few crackers
for supper, after which we wrapped ourselves in our overcoats, and took
such rest as could be obtained, amid the noise of men and teams crossing
the ferry, and the calls of stragglers who were coming in and seeking
their regiments. At three o'clock in the morning we were aroused, and
ordered to the ferry. About an hour later we were across the Potomac on
the Maryland side, drawn up in line of battle and waiting for the enemy.
General Banks was untiring in his efforts to bring our train over
safely, even riding into the water to save mules that had lost their
footing, and were in danger of drowning. He made a speech to the men,
telling them that the enemy had advanced no farther than Martinsburg,
and that 20,000 men had been sent to cut off their retreat.
The roll call taken at this time showed that eleven men of Company D
were missing. Four of these came in the next day, having taken a
different route than ours through the mountains. Four others turned up
in Libby prison. Most of our men had thrown away their knapsacks, some
their haversacks and canteens, and sixteen had lost their guns.
We remained at Williamsport until June 10, receiving new supplies of
camp and garrison equipage to replace those that had been lost or
destroyed.
We were rejoiced during this time to hear that the Confederates had had
the tables turned on them; that they were being severely pressed between
Shields's and Fremont's armies; and that all the baggage and prisoners
that they had captured from us had been retaken, with a good deal more
besides.
On the morning of June 10 we again crossed into Virginia, and marched to
Front Royal without interruption. We passed through Winchester on the
12th without stopping, however, for the General seemed to fear that our
men would burn the town in return for the treachery of its citizens
during our retreat. Both men and women had fired on us from the windows,
and had poured down scalding water as we passed through the streets. It
was even reported to us that women had entered the hospitals, and shot
sick men in their beds; but this last was later contradicted.
We remained at Front Royal until July 6, during which time important
changes were made in commanding officers. All the troops in northern and
western Virginia were united under General John Pope--the three army
corps being commanded by McDowell, Sigel, and Banks. A movement was made
to concentrate the three corps in one locality east of the Blue Ridge,
in the accomplishment of which we were marched over the mountains at
Chester Gap on the hottest day I ever experienced. Eight men of my
company were sun-struck that afternoon, resulting fatally in one case,
and in permanent disability in the others. We camped at night on the
headwaters of the Rappahannock, in a country described as naturally
poor, and entirely ruined by cultivation. There was one exception to
this, however, in the abundance of fruit. There were cherries and
blackberries in plenty for everybody.
While in camp near Little Washington, the unfortunate, bombastic orders
of General Pope were published to the army; unfortunate, because they
incited a degree of contempt for him which greatly impaired his
usefulness. Many of his highflown phrases, such as "shame and disaster
lurking in the rear," afforded a fine opportunity for the wits of the
army, when, not three weeks later, his headquarters wagon and his
personal baggage were captured by the enemy. About the first of August
he arrived at the front, and on the next Sunday reviewed General Banks's
corps. Pope's fine appearance, soldierly bearing, and evident knowledge
of his business did much to inspire respect, and might even have made
him popular, if we could only have forgotten that fool address to the
army. He inaugurated, also, many real reforms. I don't know whether he
was entirely responsible for it; but under his command the cavalry began
to be of real service to the army, and the men could no longer ask,
"Who ever saw a dead cavalryman?"
_At Cedar Mountain_
On August 7 we broke camp again and marched to Culpeper Court House.
Here we learned that the enemy had been seen in considerable force near
Cedar Mountain. We were not surprised, therefore, on the morning after
our arrival, to be hastily formed and ordered off toward Cedar Mountain.
We arrived at Cedar Run in the early afternoon, and found Crawford's
Brigade of our Division already skirmishing with the enemy. Our Brigade
immediately formed in line of battle on the right of the road, and threw
out its skirmish line. At about four o'clock, my Company and four others
were moved forward to reenforce the skirmishers.
We had crossed Cedar Run Creek, and were waiting for further orders in a
heavy stand of timber, when Captain Wilkins of General Williams's staff
rode up, enquiring for General Banks. Lieutenant-Colonel Crane informed
him that we had seen nothing of General Banks since we entered the
woods. Captain Wilkins then explained to us that General Augur was
meeting with considerable success on the left, and that General Crawford
desired our Brigade to join his in a charge upon the right. The movement
required the sanction of General Banks, who was, however, nowhere to be
found, and time was so pressing that he almost felt justified in giving
the order himself, as coming from General Banks. Captain Wilkins then
turned and rode off, but had not been gone two minutes, and had not, I
am confident, seen General Banks, when he returned, and gave Colonel
Ruger orders to assemble the Regiment on the right of Crawford's Brigade
and charge the enemy's lines.
Our skirmish line was now called in; we formed in line of battle, and
marched through the woods as rapidly as the nature of the ground would
permit. We had soon come to its edge, and found before us an open field
about a hundred and twenty-five yards across, separated from us by a
rail fence. Immediately beyond the field, rose the thickly-timbered
slope of the mountain; and there too, stationed directly in our front,
was a battery of artillery. Of infantry, there were none to be seen.
We hurried forward, pushed down the fence, and without stopping to
reform our line started on a run for that battery. I noticed as we went,
that Crawford's Brigade had not yet arrived, and that we were alone in
the field. Suddenly, from the side of the slope and from the bushes and
rocks on our front, arose the Confederate infantry, and poured into our
ranks the most destructive musketry fire that I have ever experienced.
Lieutenant-Colonel Crane was killed, and fell from his horse at the
first volley. Major Scott was wounded, being carried off by his horse.
Captain Hawley, of the company on our right, was wounded, and a third of
his men were killed or wounded at the same time. The right began to fall
back, some of the men helping off wounded comrades, others loading and
firing at the enemy as they slowly retreated to the woods. On the left,
all three of my companies were standing up to their work without
flinching. My Company, though suffering severely, were fighting like
veterans. We did not seem to be gaining any advantage, however, and
shortly the order came to fall back to the woods. My Company, and that
of Captain O'Brien on the left, were the last to leave the field.
Under the shelter of the woods we reformed our companies. I still had
about twenty-five men, Captain O'Brien about as many more, and a number
of men from Company F had joined me on the right. We at once returned to
the edge of the woods, the Colonel leading back the two left companies,
and opened fire on the enemy, who was preparing to cross the open field.
We soon were sent to the right, however, in order to make room for the
Tenth Maine, and saw no more active fighting for that day. At twilight,
when we were threatened upon our right flank, we returned across Cedar
Run to the ground from which we had started.
Of the 8,000 men that were engaged in this battle, we lost about 2,000
in killed and wounded.
The loss in our Regiment was 117, mostly from the six companies that
started in the charge on the battery. Lieutenant-Colonel Crane was
killed, and Captain O'Brien mortally wounded. O'Brien had at the first
charge been severely wounded in the thigh. When we retreated to the
woods, he had showed me that his shoe was full of blood. He had,
however, returned to the fight after binding up his wound with his
handkerchief, and had been killed at the edge of the woods. My Company
had, out of forty-five men engaged, lost two killed and fourteen
wounded. Of these all but two of the wounded had been struck in the
field where we first drew the enemy's fire, and in a space of time which
I am confident did not exceed three minutes.
As some 30,000 or 40,000 troops were in the vicinity, who had not fired
a shot, I supposed that the battle would be renewed in the morning; but
it was not. The corps of General Sigel and McDowell were moved to the
front, but occupied themselves only with gathering up the wounded. On
the 11th the enemy sent in a flag of truce, asking for an armistice to
bury the dead. This was readily granted, for we also had still on the
battle-field many dead and severely wounded. On the 12th it was found
that the Confederates had taken advantage of the truce to retreat during
the night. Indeed, they retired in such haste that they left large
numbers of their wounded in our hands. General Sigel pursued them to the
Rapidan, while our Corps returned to Culpeper for a much-needed rest.
A great deal of criticism has been heaped upon all those who were
prominently connected with this battle. Banks has been assailed for
fighting the battle at all. It has seemed to many, an inexcusable piece
of folly that he should have ordered the attack in such apparent
ignorance of the position and strength of the enemy, and so near sundown
that even if he had been successful, he could not have reaped any
advantage. I have, however, doubted whether he ever made the order; but
when once it had been made, he was obliged to put in his whole command
or abandon everything that had been gained. Captain Wilkins who brought
the order for our charge, later wandered into the Confederate lines
while carrying orders, and I never heard of him again.
Pope has been criticized for not seeing that Banks was properly
supported; but all the evidence obtainable shows that Pope did not wish
or expect to fight a battle at that time. McDowell has been criticized
with particular bitterness for not going to the aid of Banks, and
charges of treachery were freely made against him. It was quite
generally believed, even in his own command, that McDowell had no heart
in the cause; and this belief--which later gained public expression in
the dying statement of Colonel Brodhead of the First Michigan Cavalry,
that he "died a victim to the incompetency of Pope and the treachery of
McDowell"--caused his retirement as a corps commander.
_The Army retreats Northward_
We remained at Culpeper until August 18, when we were aroused at
midnight and started on the road to the Rappahannock. We crossed over on
the next day and went into camp about half a mile from the river. During
all that day and night the army of General Pope was streaming across the
Rappahannock to the north side, only a portion of his cavalry still
remaining to the south. There was a great deal of speculation among the
men as to the reason for this unexpected retrograde movement. It was
rumored that General McClellan had been compelled to withdraw his army
from the Peninsula, and that General Lee, released from the defence of
Richmond, was marching our way. For once, rumor was correct. It was not
many days before the whole of Lee's army was hunting to find an
unguarded point at which to cross the river.
About noon on the day after our crossing, I was watching the movements
of some of our cavalry who still remained on the other side of the
river. I was standing on the top of one of the highest knolls in the
vicinity, from which I had a splendid view of the country for a long
distance southward. For nearly two miles the land was clear of timber or
fences or any obstacle which could impede the movements of cavalry.
Observing that our cavalry seemed to be coming back at rather a livelier
pace than usual, I noticed what appeared to be either a large regiment
or a small brigade of Confederate cavalry emerge from the woods to the
south of the plain. They formed their lines and moved to the attack.