CHAPTER XV.

After the defeat of the police and civilians at Duck

Lake, Riel and Dumont felt thoroughly confident of being

able to deal with the forces which they were apprised

the Canadian Government would send into the field against

them. They held many long consultations together, and

in every case it was Dumont who laid down the details of

the military campaign. "These Canadian soldiers," he

would say, "can not fight us here. We will entrench

ourselves in positions against which they may fire cannon

or gatling guns in vain. They are not used to

bush-fighting, and will all the time expose themselves

to our bullets. Besides, distances here are deceptive;

and in their confusion they will make the wildest sort

of shooting." It was decided that the rebel forces should

make their main stand at an advantageous position, which

Dumont had accidentally observed one day when he was out

elk-stalking three years ago. This place, he assured his

chief seemed to be intended by nature for a post of

defence. It lay a short distance from Batoche's Crossing.

"But my idea is to engage them several times with portions

of my force; gradually to fall back, and then fight at

my final ground the battle which shall decide who is

master in these territories, the half-breeds or the

Canadian volunteers."

All this while General Middleton, with his brave fellows,

had been making one of the most laborious marches recorded

in modern wars. Perhaps the worst portion of the march

was around the dismal reaches of Lake Superior. I take

an extract from correspondence to the Toronto _Mail_.

"But the most severe trial was last night's, in a march

from Red Rock to Nepigon, a distance of only seven miles

across the ice, yet it took nearly five hours to do it.

After leaving the cars the battalion paraded in line. A

couple of camp fires served to make the darkness visible.

All the men were anxious to start, and when the word was

given to march, it was greeted with cheers. It was

impossible to march in fours, therefore an order was

given for left turn, quick march. We turned, obedient to

the order, but the march was anything but quick. Then

into the solemn darkness of the pines and hemlock the

column slowly moved. Each side being snow four feet deep,

it was almost impossible to keep the track, and a misstep

buried the unfortunate individual up to his neck. Then

it began raining, and for three mortal hours there was

a continuous down pour. The lake was reached at last, to

the extreme pleasure of the corps. The wildness of the

afternoon and the rain turned the snow into slush, at

every step the men sank half a foot. All attempts to

preserve distance were soon abandoned by the men, who

clasped hands to prevent falling. The officers struggled

on, arms linked, for the same purpose. Now and then men

would drop in the ranks, the fact only being discovered

by those in the rear stumbling over them. Some actually

fell asleep as they marched. One brave fellow had plodded

on without a murmur for three days. He had been suffering,

but through the fear of being left behind in the hospital

refrained from making his case known. He tramped half-way

across last night's march reeling like a drunken man,

but nature gave out at last, and with a groan he fell on

the snow. There he lay, the pitiless rain beating on a

boyish upturned face, until a passing sleigh stopped

behind him. The driver, flashing his lantern in the

upturned face, said he was dead. 'Not yet, old man,' was

the reply of the youth, as he opened his eyes. 'I'm not

even a candidate for the hospital yet.'"

The following description of the Great Salt Plains, as

given by a _Globe_ correspondent, is also worth reproducing:

"The Great Salt Plains open out like broad, dreary marsh

or arm of the sea, from which the tide has gone out. For

about thirty-five miles the trail stretches in a

north-westerly course across this dismal expanse, and

away to the south-west, as far as the eye can reach,

nothing save marsh grass, flags, bullrushes, and

occasionally clumps of marsh willows can be seen. North-east

of the trail scattering bluffs of stunted grey willows

cluster along the horizon, and at one point along the

trail, about midway of the plain, is found a small,

solitary clump of stoneberry bushes, not more than thirty

yards long, five or six feet in width, and only three or

four feet high." The objective point of Major-General

Middleton's march was Batoche's Crossing, where Riel had

several large pits sunk, and fortifications thrown up,

for a grand and final encounter with our troops. The line

of march lay sometimes along the Saskatchewan's banks,

but more frequently through the open prairie. The position

of the rebels prior to the battle was this: Dumont, with

250 half-breeds and Indians, had been retreating slowly

before General Middleton's right column on the east bank

of the river, their scouts keeping them informed of the

General's movements. Dumont appears to have thought of

waiting for the troops to attack him on Thursday night;

at least that is the belief of the scouts, who saw some

of his mounted men signalling to him all afternoon on

Thursday. However that may be, he lay waiting for our

men at the edge of a big _coulee_ near Fish Creek, early

on Friday morning, his forces being snugly stowed away

behind boulders, or concealed in the dense everglades of

hazel, birch, and poplar. From day to day, almost from

hour to hour, this veteran buffalo hunter had learned

every tidings of the General's troops that keen observation

made from clumps of bush along the prairie could give

him. So when he learnt that the General himself, with

his officers, were near at hand, his eyes fairly gleamed

with enthusiasm.

"My men," he said, as he went from covert to covert, from

bluff to bluff, "you know the work that lies before you;

I need not repeat it to you. Do not expose yourself, and

do not fire unless you have a tolerable target." Then he

arranged a system of signals, chiefly low whistles and

calls, by which the men would be able to know when to

advance, retire, lie close, make a dash, or move from

one part of the ground to another.

"They will at first fall into an ambush," he said, "then,

my men, be nimble. In the panic there will be a rich

harvest for you. Bring down the General if you can.

Wherever an officer is in range, let him have a taste of

your lead in preference to the privates." Then he lay

close and watched, and listened, many times putting his

ear to the ground. At last he gave an exclamation. It

was in a whisper; but the silent rebels who lay there,

mute as the husht trees around them, could well hear the

words, "they come!"

Let me now briefly describe the position which the rebel

had chosen for himself. About five miles from McIntosh's

stand two bluffs, about five hundred yards apart, thickly

wooded on the top. Between these bluffs is a level open

prairie that extends backward about a thousand yards,

across which there runs a deep ravine, thickly timbered

at the bottom.

Now, on the morning of Friday, the twenty-fourth of April,

General Middleton, who was still on the march to Batoche's,

was riding with his staff, well in front. With him was

Major Boulton's Horse, who acted as scouts. As they were

passing the two bluffs named, suddenly the crack of

musketry rang out upon the prairie. Major Boulton now

perceived that he had fallen into an ambush. At the same

time that deadly balls and buck-shot came whistling and

cutting spitefully through the air, there arose from both

bluffs the most diabolical yelling. For miles over the

silent prairies could these murderous yells be heard.

Nor were the rebel balls fired without effect. Captain

Gardner fell bleeding upon the ground, and several of

the men had also fallen.

General Middleton, who had been some little distance in

the rear was speedily apprised of the surprise, and

dashing on toward the rebels' hold he met Boulton's Horse

retiring for reinforcements. Then "A" Battery, the 90th

regiment, and "C" Company, Toronto, with enthusiastic

cheering, began to cry out: "Show us the rebels!"

In a little while the firing became general, and our men

struck out extending their formation as they neared the

edge of the _coulee_, from which puffs of smoke were

already curling up. Twenty of Dumont's men, with

Winchesters, fired over a natural shelf or parapet

protected by big boulders. The column was divided into

two wings, the left consisting of "B" and "F" Companies

of the 90th, with Boulton's mounted corps, and the right

of the rest of the 90th, "A" Battery, and "C" School of

Infantry. The left wing, "F" company leading, came under

fire first. As the men were passing by him; Gen. Middleton

shouted out:

"Men of the 90th, don't bend your heads; you will soon

be there; go in, and I know you'll do your duty."

The men were bending down, partly to avoid the shots and

partly because they were running over the uneven, scrubby

ground. Colour-Sergeant Mitchell, of "F" company (one of

the famous Wimbledon Mitchells), displayed great coolness,

and afterwards did good execution with a rifle when the

troops had entered the bush. "A," "C," and "D" Companies

of the 90th, with "A" Battery and the School of Infantry,

were on the right, the whole force forming a huge half-moon

around the mouth of the _coulee_. The brush was densely

thick, and as rain was falling, the smoke hung in clouds

a few feet off the muzzles of the rifles.

Here the 90th lost heavily. Ferguson was the first to

fall. The bandsmen came up and carried off the injured

to the rear, where Dr. Whiteford and other surgeons had

extemporized a small camp, the men being laid some on

camp-stretchers and some on rude beds of branches and

blankets. "E" company of the 90th, under Capt. Whitla,

guarded the wounded and the ammunition. General Middleton

appeared to be highly pleased with the bearing of the

90th as they pushed on, and repeatedly expressed his

admiration. He seemed to think, however, that the men

exposed themselves unnecessarily. When they got near the

_coulee_ in skirmishing order, they fired while lying

prostrate, but some of them either through nervousness

or a desire to get nearer the unseen enemy, kept rising

to their feet, and the moment they did so Dumont's men

dropped them with bullets or buckshot. The rebels, on

the other hand, kept low. They loaded, most of them having

powder and shot bags below the edge of the ravine or

behind the thicket, and then popped up for an instant

and fired. They had not time to take aim except at the

outset, when the troops were advancing.

Meanwhile the right wing had gone into action also. Two

guns of "A" Battery, under Capt. Peters, dashed up at

10:40 o'clock, and at once opened on the _coulee_. A

couple of old barns far back to the right were knocked

into splinters at the outset, it being supposed that

rebels were concealed there; and three haystacks were

bowled over and subsequently set on fire by the shells

or fuses. Attention was then centred on the ravine. At

first, however, the battery's fire had no effect, as from

the elevation on which the guns stood, the shot went

whizzing over it. Dumont had sent thirty men to a small

bluff, covered with boulder and scrub, within 450 yards

of the battery, and these opened a sharp fire. The battery

could not fire into this bluff without running the risk

of killing some of the 90th, who had worked their way up

towards the right of it. Several men of "A" were struck

here. The rebels saw that their sharpshooters were causing

confusion in this quarter, and about twenty of them ran

clear from the back of the ravine past the fire of "C"

and "D" companies to the bluff, and joined their comrades

in a rattling fusillade on "A." Fortunately, only a few

of them, had Winchesters. "A" moved forward a little,

and soon got the measure of the ravine. The shrapnel

screeched in the air, and burst right in among the brush

and boulders, smashing the scraggy trees, and tearing up

the moss that covered the ground in patches. The rebels

at once saw that the game was up in this quarter, though

they kept up a bold front and seldom stopped firing except

when they were dodging back into new cover. In doing this

they rarely exposed themselves, either creeping on all

fours or else running a few yards in the shelter of the

thicket and then throwing themselves flat on the ground

again, bobbing up only when they raised their heads and

elbows to fire.

The shrapnel was too much for them, and they began to

bolt towards the other side of the ravine, where our left

wing was peppering them. This move was the first symptom

of weakness they had exhibited, and Gen. Middleton at

once took advantage of it and ordered the whole force to

close in upon them, his object apparently being to surround

them. The rebel commander, however, was not to be caught

in that way. Instead of bunching all his forces on the

left away from the fire of the artillery, he sent only

a portion of it there to keep our men busy while the rest

filled off to the north, retiring slowly as our two wings

closed on them. Dumont was evidently on the look-out for

the appearance of Col. Montizambert's force from the

other side of the river.

The general advance began at 11.45 a.m., Major Buchan of

the 90th leading the right wing, and Major Boswell of

the same corps the left. When the rebels saw this a number

of them rushed forward on the left of the ravine, and

the fighting for a time was carried on at close quarters,

the enemy not being over sixty yards away. An old log

hut and a number of barricades, formed by placing old

trees and brushwood between the boulders, enabled them

to make it exceedingly warm for our men for a time. At

this point several of the 90th were wounded, and General

Middleton himself had a narrow escape, a bullet going

through his fur hat. Captains Wise and Doucet, of Montreal,

the General's Aide-de-camps, were wounded about this

time. "C" infantry behaved remarkably well all through,

and bore the brunt of the general advance for some time,

the buckshot from the rebels doing much damage. The rebel

front was soon driven back, but neither here nor at any

other time could the rebels' loss be ascertained. The

Indians among them, who were armed with guns, appeared

to devote themselves mainly to shooting the horses. A

good many Indians were hit, and every time one of them

was struck the others near him raised a loud shout, as

if cheering. The troops pressed on gallantly, and the

rebel fire slackened, and after a time died away, though

now and then their front riflemen made a splurge, while

the others made their way back. Captain Forrest, of the

90th, headed the advance at this point, Lieutenant Hugh

J. Macdonald (son of Sir John Macdonald), of this company,

who had done excellent service all day, kept well up with

Forrest, the two being ahead of their men, and coming in

for a fair share of attention from the retreating rebels.

Macdonald was first reported as killed and then as wounded,

but he was not injured, though struck on the shoulder by

spent buckshot. Forrest's hat was shot off. At 12.50 the

rebels were far out of range, going towards Batoche's,

and the Battle of Fish Creek was practically over.

[Footnote: I am chiefly indebted to the Toronto _Mail_

for the foregoing account of the battle.]

During the battle, many instances of the greatest bravery

are recorded. Private Ainsworth, of the 90th, was seen

to leap upon the shoulders of a savage, who, in company

with another, had endeavoured to cross the flat land and

get shelter, wresting his gun and felling him to the

earth with the butt of it, then securing the rifle firing

at and killing the other Indian. While doing this, he

was exposed to the fire of a score of guns, getting

riddled with buck-shot and being struck with bullets.

But the greatest daring and bravery were exhibited by

Watson, of the Toronto School of Infantry. Finding it

impossible to dislodge the enemy, he rushed headlong for

the ambuscaded half-breeds, followed by a score of his

comrades whom it was impossible to control. The war-cries

of the Indians, the huzzas of the troops, and the rattle

of musketry fairly echoed for miles, as evidenced by the

statements of the west side contingent upon arriving on

the scene. Watson paid the penalty of his daring by death,

while the narrow escape of many others were remarkable.

The utmost bravery all the while was displayed by our

troops. When a man fell his comrade would pause for a

moment, and say:

"I hope you are not badly hurt," and then again look out

for the enemy. Some of the men who received only slight

wounds were anxious to remain in the fight, but their

officers insisted that they should be taken to the rear,

and attended to by the surgeons. Upon couches made of

boughs, and covered with blankets, the brave young fellows

were placed; and many of them submitted to probings and

painful management of wounds without making a murmur.

They seemed not to be concerned for themselves, but went

on all the while enquiring as to how it was "going with

the boys."

General Middleton, himself a veteran soldier, expressed

as I have already stated, his admiration for the bravery

of all the men who were engaged. There was no bolting,

even in the face of heavy fire; no shrinking, although

_one man in every eight_ had been struck by the enemy's

shot or bullets. Major Boulton had many narrow escapes,

while he was standing for a moment, a hail of buckshot

came whistling by his ear, burying itself into his horse,

which was killed instantly. The Scouts, known as Boulton's

Horse, under this brave officer, bore very gallantly

their portion of the battle's brunt. Half-breads and

Indians had orders from their leaders to shoot down horses

as well as men; and Dumont frequently said, that the

mounted men were the only ones of the force of the enemy

for which he cared anything. Several of the horses were

shot, and many of the men were riddled with buck-shot,

but they bravely stood their ground. In the night, when

the weary were sleeping after the hard day's work, dusky

forms could be seen by the light of the moon, creeping

stealthily towards where slept the gallant Scouts. The

Guard heard a crackle, and turning, perceived three pairs

of eyes gleaming with ferocity in the shadow of a clump

of poplars.

"Qui vive?" he cried, and raised his rifle; but before

he could take aim, three shots rang out through the still

night, and he fell dead, pierced by as many bullets.

There was a general alarm through the camp, but no eye

could detect the form of a Rebel. They were safe among

the shadows in the ravine. In the few moments of silent

horror that ensued after the commission of the murder,

three diabolical yells sounded from the ravine, and far

over the moon-lit prairies. Then divers voices were heard

in the bluffs, and down in the gorge. These came from

Dumont's men, who jeered, and cried that they hoped the

soldiers enjoyed the pastime of watching their dead.

On the following day, the bodies of the brave young

fellows who had fallen, after being decently, and decorously

disposed in death, were brought to the graves hollowed

out in this far-away wilderness by the hands of old

comrades. It was a very sad spectacle indeed. The death

of brave soldiers is always mournful to contemplate; but

war is the _trade_ of regulars, and they expect death,

and burials in distant sod. But war is not the trade of

our volunteer soldiers. They are mere young fellows, of

various pursuits of life, and death and burial away from

home lose nothing of their sorrowful surroundings, because

the taking off has been at the hands of rebel murderers.

General Middleton conducted the ceremonies; and here upon

the wide, husht prairie, which will soon deck the graves

with flowers, they were laid away. The brave young fellows

who faced the Rebels' shot and ball without failing,

faltered now, and many of them wept copious tears.

On the following day, General Middleton began to make

ready for his march toward Batoche's, where the Rebels'

stronghold is located. Meanwhile the following sick and

wounded have been left at the hospital at dark's Crossing,

under the care of Dr. Orton: Captain Clark; Privates

Hislop, Harris, Stovel, Matthews, Code Jarvis, Canniff,

Lethbridge, Kemp, Bruce; Captain Gardner; Privates Perrin,

King, Dunn, McDonald, Cummings, Jones, R. Jones, Wilson,

Morrison, Woodman, Imrie, Asseline, Lailor; Sergeant

Mawhinney, Private Wainwright.

The following is a list of the killed and wounded from

the outbreak of the Rebellion to the close of Colonel

Otter's engagement with Pound maker, Big Bear and other

Indian bands:--

Killed at Prince Albert:--

Constable T. G. Gibson; Constable G. P. Arnold; Constable

Garrett; Capt. John Morton; W. Napier; C. Page; James

Blakey; J. Napier Elliott; Robert Middleton; D. Mackenzie;

D. McPhail; Charles Newitt; Joseph Anderson; Alexander

Fisher.

Wounded at Prince Albert:--

Capt. Moore; A. MacNab; Alex. Stewart; Inspector J. Howe;

Corporal Gilchrist; S. F. Gordon; A. W. Smith; J. J.

Moore; A. Miller.

Killed at Frog Lake:--

T. T. Quinn, Indian Agent at Frog Lake; Father Fafard;

Father Marchand; John Delaney, Farm Inspector; J. A.

Gowanlock; Mrs. Gowanlock; Charles Gouin; William Gilchrist;

Two Lay Brothers; John Williscraft; James K. Simpson,

and two Hudson Bay men made prisoners, and probably

murdered by Frog Lake Indians.

Killed at Fort Pitt:--

Constable Cowan, N. W. M. P.

Wounded at Fort Pitt:--

Constable Lonsley, N. W. M. P

Killed at Fish Creek:--

Lieut. Swinford, 90th; Private Hutchinson, No. 1 Company,

90th; Private Ferguson, No. 1 Company, 90th; Private

Ennis, No. 4 Company, 90th; Gunner Demanolly, "A" Battery;

Arthur Watson, School of Infantry; D'Arcy Baker, Mounted

Infantry; Gunner Cook, "A" Battery; Wheeler, 90th;

Ainsworth, "A" Battery,

Wounded at Fish Creek:--

Capt. Clarke, 90th; Capt. Wise, A. D. C.; Lieut. Doucett,

A.D.C; Lieut. Bruce, M. I.; Capt. Gardner, M. I.; Private

C. F. King, M. I.; Private H. P. Porin, M. I.; Private

J. Langford, M. I.; Gunner Asseline, "A" Battery; Gunner

Emeye, "A" Battery; Bombardier Taylor, "A" Battery;

Sergeant-Major Mawhinney, "A" Battery; Driver Harrison;

Private H. P. Wilson; Private E. Mannsell; Private Walter

Woodman; Private R. H. Dunn, School of Infantry; Private

H. Jones, School of Infantry; Private R. Jones, School

of Infantry; Col.-Sergt. Cummings, School of Infantry;

Corporal Lethbridge, 90th; Private Kemp; Corporal Code;

Private Hartop; Private Blackwood; Private Canniff;

Private W. W. Matthews; Private Lovell; Private Cane,

10th Royals; Private Wheeeling, 10th Royals, knee

dislocated; Private Hislop, 90th; Private Chambers, 90th;

Corporal Thecker, 90th; Private Bouchette, 90th; Private

Swan 90th; Corporal Brown.

Killed at Battleford:--

Frank Smart, shot on picket.

Killed by Indians:--

John Walkinshaw and Albert Harkness.

Killings and Woundings elsewhere:--

Sergeant Snyder, injured by explosion at Peterboro; Lieut.

Morrow, accidentally shot; Private Moberley, broken arm;

Kelsey, Midland Battalion, jumped from train, probably

lost; G. H. Douglass, injured by fall from horse; Marwich,

Halifax Battalion, died from exposure, a member of the

9th (Quebec) Battalion, died from exposure; Farm Instructor

Payne; Barnez Fremont, rancher, Achille Blois, 9th Quebec,

died from fever.

Killed at Poundmaker's Reserve:--

Private Arthur Dobbs, Battleford Rifles; Bugler Foulks,

School of Infantry; Corporals Laurie and Sleight, and

Trumpeter Burke, Mounted Police; Privates Rogers and

Osgoode, Governor-General's Foot Guards; Teamster Winder,

of Regina.

Wounded at Poundmaker's Reserve:--

Col-Sergt. Cooper, in the hip, Private G. Varey, in the

shoulder, Private Lloyd, in the shoulder, and Private G.

Watts, in the thigh, Queen's Own Rifles. Lieut. Pelletier,

in the thigh, Sergt. Gaffney, in the arm, Corporal Morton,

in the groin, and Gunner Reynolds, in the arm, "B" Battery.

Sergt. Winters, in the face, Private McQuillan, in the

side, Governor-General's Foot Guards. Sergt. Ward, in

the shoulder, Mounted Police. Sergt.-Major Spackman, in

the arm, Bugler Gilbert, in the arm, Infantry School.

Killed at Batoche:--

Gunner Wm. Phillips, "A" Battery, Quebec; Private T,

Moor, No. 3 company, Royal Grenadiers, Toronto; Capt.

John French, scout; Capt. Brown, scout; Lieut. Fitch,

10th Royal Grenadiers, shot through the heart; W. P.

Krippen, of Perth, a surveyor; Private Haidisty, 90th

Winnipeg Battalion; Private Fraser, 90th Winnipeg Battalion.

Of the foregoing the last six were killed on Monday, the

first on Saturday, and Private Moor on Sunday.

Wounded at Batoche:--

Tenth Royal Grenadiers:--Major Dawson, slightly in the

ankle, able to limp about; Capt. Manley slightly in the

foot; Capt. Mason flesh wound in the thigh; Staff Sergt.

T. M. Mitchell, slight wound in the eye; Private R. Cook

in the arm; Private G. Barbour, slight scratch in the

head; Private G. W, Quigley, flesh wound in the arm;

Private J. Marshall in the calf; Private H. Wilson, slight

wound across the back; Bugler, M. Vaughan, in the finger;

Private Scovell, slight flesh wound; Private Stead, slight

flesh wound; Private Cantwell.

The 90th Battalion:--Corp. Gillies, Sergt.-Major Watson,

Private O. A. Wheeler, Private Young, Sergt. Jackes,

Private M. Erickson, Private Kemp.

Surveyor Scouts:--Lieut Garden.

Capt. French's Scouts:--Trooper Cook.

"A" Battery:--Driver Jas. Stout, Gunner Fairbanks, Gunner

Charpentier, Gunner Twohey.

Midland Battalion:--Lieut. Geo. Laidlaw, Lieut. Helliwell,

Corp. Helliwell, Private Barton.

Meanwhile the campaign goes on, and we know not what

tidings any day may bring forth. There is no use now in

having long discussions as to whose shoulders should bear

the responsibility of all the devastation, terror, misery

and blood; the duty of the hour is to put an end to the

Rebellion. Riel must be captured at any cost; so, too,

must Dumont. Men so strongly a menace to public peace as

Riel and his bad and fearless ally, Dumont, must not be

given the opportunity again of covering the land with

blood. There must be a pretty wholesome hanging in the

North-West, and the gentlemen whom the authorities must

give first attention to are the two villains just named,

Poundmaker, Big Bear, Little Pine, Lucky Man, and those

bloody wolves who perpetrated the butcheries at Frog Lake.

I have said that this is not the place to discuss at

length the question of the Government's responsibility

for this blood, and sorrow, and misery. Neither is it.

Yet one and all believe, though thousands will belie

their convictions, that there has been a criminal

mismanagement of these half-breed people by the authorities

at Ottawa.

I have been obliged to show that in the past, many of

our French co-patriots bestowed a most astonishing and

unjustifiable sympathy for Riel. I am glad to be able to

say that in the present case, while censuring the Government

for its indifference to the grievances of the half-breeds,

they have no word of justification for the murderous

apostle of tumult. Bishop Langevin, brother of the Hon

the Minister of Public Works, issued a pastoral, in which

there was no uncertain sound. He called upon the faithful

sons of the country within his diocese to come forward

and join hands against a cause of tumult, destruction

and murder.

THE TRIAL AND EXECUTION OF LOUIS RIEL.

On the 20th of July the Court met, when Riel was formally

arraigned, the clerk reading the long indictment. In

reply to the interrogation whether the prisoner pled

guilty to the charge of treason, his counsel rose and

took exception to the jurisdiction of the Court. The plea

entered by the defence was to the affect that the presiding

stipendiary magistrate was incompetent to try a case

involving the death penalty, and urged that Riel should

be tried by one of the duly constituted courts in Ontario

or in British Columbia. Mr. Christopher Robinson, Q.C.,

for the Crown, asked for an adjournment for eight days,

to prepare a reply to the plea, which was granted. The

Court then adjourned to the 28th instant.

On the re-opening of the Court, counsel expressed themselves

ready to proceed. Only a few minutes were taken up in

selecting a jury. Twelve persons were called, five of

whom were peremptorily challenged by the defence, and

one by the Crown. The remaining six were sworn in to

try the prisoner at the bar. Their names are as follows:

--H. J. Painter, E. Everett, E. J. Brooks, J. W.

Merryfield, H. Dean, and F. Crosgrove. During the selection

of the jury, it is observed by a correspondent of _The

Mail_, to whom we shall be indebted for the reports of

the trial, in making the present abstract, "that Riel

anxiously watched the face of every man as he was selected

and sworn, as though he could read their inmost thoughts

as they took the oath."

After reading the indictment to the jury, Mr. B. B. Osler,

Q.C., opened the case for the Crown, in which he explained

the nature of the charge against the prisoner, whose

career he traced through the successive steps of the

rebellion, and indicated the weight and character of the

evidence to be brought against its wicked instigator and

chief leader. The plea of the defence of the incompetence

of the Court to try the case, was first answered by the

learned counsel, who remarked, that the character, and

composition of the Court, as well as the provision for

the trial of capital offences by a jury of six men instead

of twelve, were in harmony with the Dominion Law enacted

for the Government of the Territories, and that the

Dominion Parliament had the right, under the British

North America Act, to make that law. "The absence of

the Grand Jury was explained, on the ground that such

juries were essentially county organizations, and were

impossible in large districts with small and scattered

populations." The same reason explained the limiting of

the jury to half the usual number. It was also stated

that the Crown deemed it unwise, if indeed it were not

impossible, to issue a Special Commission for the trial

of the prisoner.

Mr. Osler proceeding said, that Riel not only aided and

abetted the illegal acts of the rebels, but directed

these acts.

"The testimony he claimed," says a writer in _The

Illustrated War News_, "was abundantly sufficient to

bring home to the prisoner his guilt in the charges

against him. He (Mr. Osler) read the document in Riel's

handwriting to Crozier, in which Riel threatened a war

of extermination against the whites, and traced the

prisoner's conduct afterwards to show that he had tried

to carry out that threat. It was no constructive treason

that was sought to be proved, but treason involving the

shedding of brave men's blood. The accused had been led

on, not by the desire to aid his friends in a lawful

agitation for redress of a grievance, but by his inordinate

vanity and desire for power and wealth."

"The first overt act of treason was committed," continued

Mr. Osler, "when the French half-breeds were requested

by Riel to bring their arms with them to a meeting to be

held at Batoche on March 3rd. This indicated that the

prisoner intended to resort to violence. On the 18th

instant they find him (Riel) sending out armed men and

taking prisoners, including Mr. Lash, the Indian agent

of the St. Lament region, and others, also looting the

stores at and near Batoche, stopping freighters and

appropriating their freight. A few days later the French

half-breeds were under arms, and were joined by the

Indians of the neighbourhood, who were incited to rise

by the prisoner. On the 21st inst. Major Crozier did all

he could to get the armed men to disperse, but directed

by Riel, they refused to do so, and taking their orders

from him, they continued in rebellion. He held a document

in his hands, in the prisoner's handwriting," added Mr.

Osler, "which contained the terms on which Fort Carlton

would be spared attack by the surrender and march out of

Major Crozier and the mounted police. This document was

never delivered, but was found with other papers in the

rebel council chamber after the taking of Batoche. It

was said in this notification to Crozier that the rebels

would attack the police if they did not vacate Carlton,

and would commence a war of extermination of the white

race. This document was direct evidence of the treasonable

intentions of the prisoner. Ten days previously Riel

declared himself determined to rule or perish, and the

declaration was followed by this demand. It would be said

that, at last, when a clash of arms was imminent, Riel

objected to forcible measures; but this document was a

refutation of that assertion. At Duck Lake the prisoner

had taken upon himself the responsibility of ordering

his men to fire on the police. At Fish Creek, if Riel

was not there, he directed the movement, and was therefore

responsible. On the day of the fight he went back to

Batoche to finish the rifle-pits. In the contest at

Batoche the prisoner was seen bearing arms, and giving

such directions as would show that he was the main mover.

His treatment of the prisoners, his letters to Middleton,

and other documents would show Riel's leadership. A letter

found in Poundmaker's camp would show his deliberate

intention of bringing on this country the calamity of an

Indian war. All this would be proven, and it would be

shown that the prisoner had not come here to aid his

friends in the redress of grievances, but in order to

use the half-breeds for his own selfish ends." Mr. Osler

closed with a reference to the death and suffering which

had been caused by the ambition of one man, and impressed

upon the jury the grave responsibility they were charged

with in bringing his crime home to the prisoner.

The first witness called by the Crown was DR. WILLOUGHBY,

of SASKATOON. After having been sworn, witness said that

the prisoner had stated to him that the Fort Garry trouble,

when Scott had been shot, was nothing to what was going

to take place. He said that the Indians only waited for

him to strike the first blow to join him, and that he

had the United States at his back. He seemed greatly

excited, and said:--"It is time, doctor, that the breeds

should assert their rights, and it will be well for those

who have lived good lives." A party of armed men then

drove up, and Riel said, pointing to them, "My people

intend striking a blow for their rights. They have

petitioned the Government over and over again, the only

reply being an increase of the police force each time."

The Indians, he said, had arranged their plans, and when

the first blow was struck they would be joined by the

American Indians. They would issue a proclamation, and

assert that the time had arrived for him to rule the

country or perish in the attempt. He promised to divide

the country into seven equal portions, one of which was

to be the new Ireland of the new North-West. He said the

rebellion of fifteen years ago was not a patch on what

this would be.

THOS. McKAY, a loyal half-breed, was next called, who

testified that he joined the Volunteer contingent from

Prince Albert which formed part of Major Crozier's command

at Duck Lake. Previous to that engagement he accompanied

Mr. Hillyard Mitchell in his mission to Batoche, where

the rebels had their headquarters. His object in going

to Batoche was to point cut to the French half-breeds

the danger they were getting into in taking up arms. On

arriving at the village he was met by an armed guard who

conducted him, with Mr. Mitchell, to the rebel council

room, where he was introduced to Riel "as one of Her

Majesty's soldiers." We here quote part of the examination,

by Mr. Christopher Robinson, of this Witness.

Q.--Who introduced you to the prisoner?

A.--Mr. Mitchell introduced me to Mr. Riel as one of Her

Majesty's soldiers.

Q.--That is Mr. Hillyard Mitchell?

A.--Yes. I shook hands with Mr. Riel and had a talk with

him. I said, "There appears be great excitement here,

Mr. Riel." He said, "No, there is no excitement at all;

it was simply that the people were trying to redress

their grievances, as they had asked repeatedly for their

rights; that they had decided to make a demonstration."

I told him it was a very dangerous thing to resort to

arms. He said he had been waiting fifteen long years and

that they had been imposed upon, and it was time now,

after they had waited patiently that their rights should

be given, as the poor half-breeds had been imposed upon.

I disputed his wisdom and advised him to adopt different

measures.

Q.--Did he speak of himself at all in the matter?

A.--He accused me of having neglected my people. He said

if it was not for men like me their grievances would have

been redressed long ago, that as no one took an interest

in these people he had decided to take the lead in the

matter.

Q.--Well?

A.--He accused me of neglecting them. I told him it was

simply a matter of opinion, that I had certainly taken

an interest in them, and my interest in the country was

the same as theirs, and that I had advised them time and

again, and that I had not neglected them. I also said

that he had neglected them a long time if he took as deep

an interest as he professed to. He became very excited,

and got up and said, "You don't know what we are after--it

is blood, blood; we want blood; it is a war of

extermination. Everybody that is against us is to be

driven out of the country." There were two curses in the

country--the Government and the Hudson Bay Co. He further

said the first blood they wanted was mine. There were

some little dishes on the table, and he got hold of a

spoon and said, "You have no blood, you are a traitor to

your people, your blood is frozen, and all the little

blood you have will be there in five minutes"--putting

the spoon up to my face, and pointing to it. I said, "If

you think you are benefiting your cause by taking my

blood, you are quite welcome to it." He called his people

and the committee, and wanted to put me on trial for my

life, and Garnot got up and went to the table with a

sheet of paper, and Gabriel Dumont took a chair on a

syrup keg, and Riel called up the witnesses against me.

At this juncture Riel was called away to attend a committee

meeting of the rebel government. Subsequently, by the

mediation of Hillyard Mitchell, Riel's wrath at McKay

was placated, and he was allowed to return to Fort Carlton

with his intercessor. Before leaving, Riel apologized to

McKay for what he had said to him, and asked him to join

the insurgents, which witness, of course, would not do,

being a loyal half-breed and a volunteer in the ranks of

the Prince Albert contingent with Crozier at Fort Carlton.

McKay then detailed the incidents of the disastrous

engagement with the rebels at Duck Lake, and gave strong

testimony to criminate Riel, which the counsel for the

defence utterly failed to shake.

The next witness WAS JOHN ASTLEY, surveyor of PRINCE

ALBERT, who was long prisoner of Riel's at Batoche, and

the rebel chief's messenger on the day of the taking of

the village by the loyal forces under Middleton. The

witness gave a vivid description of his capture and

imprisonment by Riel, and his subsequent release by the

volunteers at Batoche. Riel acknowledged to him that he

ordered his men in the name of the Almighty to fire at

Duck Lake. He did not do so, however until, as he thought,

the police had fired. Riel told him he must have another

fight with the soldiers to secure better terms of surrender

from Gen. Middleton.

SECOND DAY OF THE TRIAL.

The second day of the Riel trial brought out sufficient

evidence to incriminate the prisoner, and to lead the

Crown prosecutors to waive the calling of other witnesses.

During the proceedings the prisoner, it is reported,

manifested more interest than he did on the first day of

the trial, and his dark penetrating eye restlessly wandered

from witness to counsel, and from bench to jury. "All

day long a couple of medical men sat watching his actions,

to discover, if possible, whether his mind was affected

or not." His disagreement with his counsel towards the

close of the day, caused an exciting break in the

proceedings.

GEORGE KERR, of Kerr Brothers, BATOCHE, was the first

witness sworn. He testified that on the 18th of March,

Riel, with some fifty armed half-breeds, came to his

store, and demanded, and obtained, all his guns and

ammunition. His store was sacked, and later on he was

himself taken prisoner, but was subsequently released.

Riel, he testified, directed the rebel movements in

concert with Gabriel Dumont.

HARRY WALTERS, another storekeeper at BATOCHE, was then

examined, and gave similar testimony as to the sacking

of his store, and of Riel's demand for arms and ammunition.

On his refusing to accede to the demand of the prisoner

and the breeds with him, Riel said, "You had better do

it quietly. If we succeed, I will pay you; if not, the

Dominion Government will." I refused, said Walters, and

they forced themselves in and took the arms. I was arrested

shortly after. Riel said the movement was for the freedom

of the people. The country, if they succeeded, was to be

divided, giving a seventh to the half-breeds, a seventh

to the Indians, a seventh to church and schools, the

remainder to be Crown Lands. I was kept prisoner three

days, being liberated by Riel. Riel said, God was with

their people, and that if the whites ever struck a blow,

a thunderbolt would destroy them. They took everything

out of my store before morning, the prisoner superintending

the removal of the goods.

HILLYARD MITCHELL sworn, was examined by Mr. Osler. He

said--I am an Indian trader, have a store at Duck Lake;

heard there was an intention by rebels to take my store.

I went to Fort Carlton and saw Major Crozier on the

Thursday prior to the Duck Lake fight; saw prisoner on

that Thursday at Batoche. Saw some people at the river

armed. At the village I saw some English half-breed

freighters who had been taken prisoners by Riel, and

their freight also taken. Philip Garnot took me to the

priest's house. I saw the prisoner there with Charles

Nolin, Guardupuy and others. I think this was on the 19th

of March. I told Riel that I had come to give some advice

to the half-breeds. Riel said the Government had always

answered their demands by sending more police. They were

willing to fight 500 police. He said he had been trampled

on and kept out of the country, and he would bring the

Government and Sir Jonn Macdonald to their knees.

THOMAS E. JACKSON was next examined by Mr. Osler, and

deposed that he was a druggist, at Prince Albert, and a

brother of Wm. Henry Jackson, an insane prisoner of

Riel's. Riel, witness testified, asked him to write to

the eastern papers, placing a favourable construction on

his (Riel's) actions. Riel had made an application to

Government for $35,000 as indemnity for loss of property;

he showed the greatest hatred to the English, and his

motives were those of revenge for ill-treatment at the

time of the Red River rebellion. Having questioned Riel's

present motives and plans, witness was taken prisoner

and placed in close confinement. Riel afterwards accused

me of having advised an English half-breed to desert.

When Middleton was attacking Batoche, Riel came to witness

and told him if Middleton killed any of their women and

children he would massacre the prisoners. He wrote a

message to Middleton to that effect, and I carried it to

the General. (The message was produced and identified

by witness). I did not return to the rebel camp. Saw the

prisoner armed once after the Fish Creek fight. Riel was

in command at Batoche, Dumont being in immediate command

of the men. I know prisoner's handwriting. (The original

summons to Major Crozier to surrender, the letter to

Crozier asking him to come and take away the dead after

Duck Lake fight, a letter to "dear relatives" at Fort

Qu'Appelle, a letter to the half-breeds and Indians about

Battleford, a letter to Poundmaker, and other documents

were put in and identified by witness as being in Riel's

handwriting).

Cross-examined by Mr. Fitzpatrick--The agitation was for

provincial rights and their claims under the Manitoba

treaty, and I was in sympathy with it. Riel was brought

into the country by the French half-breeds. I attended

a meeting at Prince Albert immediately after Riel's

arrival in June, 1884. Riel said what they wanted was a

constitutional agitation, and if they could not accomplish

their ends in five years they would take ten to do it.

Riel was their adviser; was not a member of the Executive

Committee. Up to March last, from all I heard prisoner

say or discovered otherwise, I believed Riel meant simply

a constitutional agitation, as was being carried on by

the other settlers. Riel had told him the priests were

opposed to him, and that they were all wrong. Heard Riel

talk of dividing up the country to be bestowed on the

half-breeds, Poles, Hungarians, Bavarians, etc. When I

was Riel's prisoner I heard him talk of this division,

which I thought meant a division of the proceeds of sale

of lands in a scheme of immigration. This was altogether

different from what he had all along proposed at the

meetings. All the documents Riel signed that I know of

were signed "Exovide" (one of the flock). Riel explained

that his new religion was a liberal form of Roman

Catholicism, and that the Pope had no power in Canada.

Think Riel wanted to exercise the power of the Pope

himself. These expressions were made by Riel after the

rebellious movement was begun.

GENERAL MIDDLETON was now called, and was examined by

Mr. C. Robinson, Q.C. He testified that he was sent by

the Minister of Militia to quell the outbreak on the

Saskatchewan, and gave the well-known details of his

encounter with the rebels at Fish Creek, and of his

subsequent movement on Batoche. He testified to receiving

two letters from Riel on the day of the capture of Batoche,

in one of which Riel threatened to massacre the prisoners

in his possession if he (Middleton) fired upon the

half-breed women and children. The letter was produced

in Court, and identified by the General.

CAPT. GEO. H. YOUNG, of the Winnipeg Field Battery,

deposed that he was present at Batoche as Brigade Major

under the last witness, and was in the charge at the

close. Witness was first in the rebel council chamber

after the capture of the village, and found and took

possession of the rebel archives. A number of documents

were produced, which witness recognised as those he had

secured. After Riel's surrender he was given into

witness's custody and taken to Regina.

MAJOR JARVIS, in command of the Winnipeg Field Battery

during the campaign, and to whom the charge of the papers

found at Batoche was confided, identified the papers

produced in Court.

MAJOR CROZIER, of the N.-W. Mounted Police, was next

sworn, and detailed the fact that he was met by an armed

force of rebels at Duck Lake and fired upon, losing many

of his command in killed and wounded. He testified that,

subsequent to this engagement, a man named Sanderson

brought him a letter from Riel asking him to come and

remove his dead from the field.

CHARLES NOLIN was next called, and was examined by Mr.

Casgrain in French. The deposition of this witness we

take from the Toronto _Globe_. Nolin deposed that he

lived in St. Laurent and formerly in Manitoba. He knew

when Riel came to this country in July, 1884. And met

him many times. Riel showed him a book he had written in

which he said he would destroy England, and also Rome

and the Pope. Riel spoke to him of his plans in December,

expressing his wish for money, a sum between ten and

fifteen thousand dollars. Riel had no plan to get it,

but he wanted to claim an indemnity from the Dominion

Government; that they owed him $100,000. Riel told him

he had had an interview with Father Andre, and at that

time he was at open war with the clergy, but had made

peace with Father Andre in order to gain his ends. Riel

went into the church with Father Andre and other priests,

and promised to do nothing against them, and Father Andre

had promised to use his influence with the Government to

secure an indemnity of $35,000. This was in the beginning

of December, 1884, the agreement being made at St. Laurent.

Between December and February 14th, witness had taken

part in seven meetings. Riel said if he could get the

money from the Government he would go wherever the

Government would send him--to the Province of Quebec or

elsewhere. Otherwise, he said, before the grass was very

long, they would see foreign armies in Canada. He would

begin with subduing Manitoba, and afterwards turn against

the North-West. Prisoner afterwards prepared to go to

the United States, and told the people it would look well

if they attempted to prevent him from going. Riel never

had the intention of leaving the country, but wanted

witness to get the people to tell him not to go. Witness

was chairman of a meeting which was held, and brought

the matter up. On the 2nd March a meeting was held at

the settlement between Riel and Father Andre. There were

seven or eight half-breeds there. Prisoner appeared to

be very excited, and told Father Andre he must give him

permission to proclaim a Provisional Government before

12 o'clock. On the 3rd March a meeting was held for the

English half-breeds. About forty armed French-half-breeds

came there. Riel spoke and said the police wanted to

arrest him, but he had the real police. Witness spoke

also at the meeting on the 5th of March. Riel afterwards

told witness he had decided to take up arms and induce

the people to take up arms for the glory of God, the good

of the Church, and the saving of their souls. About twenty

days before the prisoner took up arms witness broke

entirely from him. On the 19th witness was made prisoner

by four of Riel's men and taken to the church, where he

found some half-breeds and Indians armed. That night he

was taken before the council and was acquitted. Riel

protested against the decision. Witness was condemned to

death, and he was thus forced to join the rebels to save

his life. The conditions of surrender to Crozier were

put in his hands to be delivered to Crozier, but he did

not deliver the letter. Riel was present at the Duck Lake

fight, on the 26th March, and was one of the first to go

out to meet the police, carrying a cross in his hands.

Cross examined by Mr. Lemieux.--I have taken an active

part in political affairs of the country. In 1869 I was

in Manitoba. In 1884 Riel was living in Montana with his

wife and children. I participated in the movement to

bring Riel here; believed Riel would be of advantage in

obtaining redress of the grievances. The clergy had not

taken part in the political movement, but had assisted

them in obtaining their rights. They thought it was

necessary to have Riel as a point to rally round. Delegates

were sent to invite Riel to come, and he came with his

wife and family. A constitutional political movement was

made, in which the half-breeds of all creeds took part,

and the whites, though they were not active promoters,

were sympathizers. Did not believe Riel ever wanted to

return to Montana, although he spoke of it. After the

Government refused to grant the indemnity to Riel witness

did not believe he would be useful as a constitutional

leader. It was after the indemnity was refused that Riel

spoke of going away. Witness denied that in 1869 he

started an agitation with Riel, and then, as in the

present case, abandoned him. He only went as far as was

constitutional. He had heard prisoner say he considered

himself a prophet, and said he had inspiration in his

liver and in every other part of his body. He wrote upon

a piece of paper that he was inspired. He showed witness

a book written with buffalo blood, which was a plan that

after Riel had taken England and Canada, Quebec was to

be given to the Prussians, Ontario to the Irish, and the

North-West to be divided among the various nationalities

of Europe, the Jews, Hungarians, and Bavarians included.

The rebel council had first condemned witness to death,

and afterwards liberated him, and he accepted a position

in the council in order to save his life. Witness said

that whenever the word police was mentioned Riel became

very excited, having heard that the Government had answered

their petitions for redress by sending 500 extra police.

At this part of the cross-examination of Nolin, the

proceedings were interrupted by an excited clamour of

Riel, to be allowed to interrogate the prisoner, and to

assist personally in the conduct of his case. This the

Court could only allow with the consent of prisoner's

counsel. His counsel objected, and urged that such a

proceeding would prejudice their client's case; but Riel

persisted, and the rest of the day was wasted in fruitless

altercation, which neither the Court nor the counsel for

the Crown could allay. The chief cause of Riel's excitement

seemed to be the determination of his counsel to press

the plea of insanity, a plea which, throughout the trial,

Riel strongly objected to be urged on his behalf. The

Court in the midst of the altercation, adjourned.

THIRD DAY OF THE TRIAL.

[Footnote: In preparing this abstract of the day's

proceedings, the writer acknowledges to have drawn from

the reports published in the Toronto _Globe_ and _Mail_,

and the Montreal _Gazette_ And _Star_.]

The Riel trial was resumed at Regina, on the morning of

July 30th, by MR. GREEN SHIELDS' addressing the jury

for the defence. The Court-room was again filled to its

utmost capacity. After referring to the difficulty counsel

had met, in the prisoner's endeavour to obstruct their

conduct of the case, Mr. Greenshields dwelt upon the

history of the Indians and half-breeds in the North-West

Territories, pointing out their rights to the soil. In

this Court they had a different procedure from that in

other parts of the Dominion, and while not desiring to

be understood that the prisoner would not receive as fair

a trial as the machinery provided made possible, he

questioned whether a jury of six men, nominated by the

presiding magistrate, was sufficient to satisfy the

demands of Magna Charta,--the great bulwark of the rights

and liberties of all British subjects. He believed any

of the older Provinces would rebel against such an

encroachment on their rights, and he did not see why such

a condition of things should obtain here. For years the

half-breeds had been making futile efforts to obtain

their rights. All these efforts had been met by rebuffs,

or had received no attention whatever from the Federal

Government, and those very rights for which the half-breeds

were supplicating and petitioning were being handed over

to railway corporations, colonization companies, and like

concerns. He would not say that the action of the Government

justified armed rebellion--the shedding of blood--but it

left in these poor people those smouldering fires of

discontent that were so easily fanned into rebellion by

a madman such as Riel. The prisoner had been invited by

the half-breeds to come among them from a foreign country

to assist them in making a proper representation of their

grievances to the Government. They were unlettered and

required an active sympathizer, with education sufficient

to properly conduct the agitation. Riel was the man they

chose, and there was no evidence to show that when Riel

came to this country he came with any intention of inciting

the people to armed rebellion. His work was begun and

carried on up till January in a perfectly constitutional

manner. After that time, as the jury had seen in the

cross-examination of the witnesses for the prosecution,

no effort was made by the defence to deny that overt acts

of treason had been committed in the presence of the

prisoner; but evidence would be brought to show that at

the time these acts were countenanced by the prisoner,

he was of unsound mind and not responsible for what he

did. The peculiar disease of the prisoner was called by

men learned in diseases of the mind, "megalomania." This

species of mental disease developed two delusions--one

the desire for and belief that the patient could obtain

great power in political matters to rule or govern,

another his desire to found a great church. That the

prisoner was possessed of these delusions, the evidence

abundantly proved. The jury might consider, with some

grounds for the belief, that the evidence of Charles

Nolin, who swore that the prisoner was willing to leave

the country if he obtained from the Government a gratuity

of $35,000, was inconsistent with the real existence of

such a monomania as the prisoner was afflicted with. But

not one isolated portion, but the whole, of Nolin's

evidence should be considered. Other portions of his

testimony, for instance, prisoner's opinions on religious

matters, and his intention to divide up the country

between various foreign nationalities, were conclusive

proof of the prisoner's insanity. This was a great State

trial, the speaker said, and he warned the jury to throw

aside the influence of heated public opinion, as it was

expressed at present. There were many people executed

for having taken part in the rebellion of 1837, and it

was questionable if there could be found anyone now who

would justify those executions. The beat of private

feeling had died away, and the jury should be careful

that no hasty conclusion in this case should leave

posterity a chance to say that their verdict had been a

wrong one. They should, if possible, look at the case

with the calmness of the historian, throwing aside all

preconceived notions of the case that interfered with

the evidence given in the Court, and build up their

verdict on the testimony brought out here. In the course

of his remarks, Mr. Greenshields said, that he accused

no Government in particular for neglecting the claims of

the breeds; but if the authorities had paid attention to

the petitions which had been addressed to them, the

rebellion would never have occurred. He paid a glowing

tribute to the volunteers, who left their private

occupations and came from all parts of the Dominion to

suppress the outbreak.

At the conclusion of Mr. Greenshield's address, FATHER

ANDRE, Superior of the Oblat Fathers in the district of

Carlton, was called for the defence. He said he had been

intimately associated with the breeds for a quarter of

a century. Riel had been induced to come to this country

by the settlers to assist them. The witness had a thorough

knowledge of what was going on amongst the settlers. He

had no knowledge of petitions having been sent to the

Government during the agitation; but he had himself

indirectly communicated with the Government last December,

with the object of getting the prisoner out of the country.

The pretensions or claims of the breeds changed frequently.

After Riel's arrival the Government had been notified

three or four times of what was transpiring. The Government

had promised to take the matter into consideration. The

Government had replied to one petition by telegram,

conceding the old survey. This was an important concession.

At Batoche three scrips had been issued, and at Duck Lake

forty were given. The witness never liked talking with

the prisoner on religion or politics. On these subjects

Riel's language frightened the witness, who considered

him undoubtedly crazy on these subjects, while on all

other points he was sane enough. Once, at a meeting of

priests, the advisability of allowing such a man to

perform religious duties was discussed, and it was

unanimously agreed that the man was insane. The discussion

of religious or political subjects with him was like

dangling a red flag in front of a bull.

PHILIP GARNEAU, of Batoche, but at present a prisoner in

Regina gaol, was now sworn and deposed as follows:--I

saw Riel at Batoche last fall; had seen him several times

before January. During the trouble I talked with him at

my house on religious matters. He said the spirit of

Elias, the prophet, was in him. He wanted the people to

believe that. He often said the Spirit of God told him

to do this or that. During his stay at my house Riel

prayed aloud all night; never heard such prayers before;

prisoner must have made them up. He could not stand to

be contradicted, and was very irritable. Heard him declare

he was representing St. Peter. Heard him talking of the

country being divided into seven Provinces, and he was

going to bring in seven different nationalities to occupy

them. I did not believe he would succeed in that. He

expected the assistance of the Jews and other nationalities,

to whom he was going to award a Province each for their

aid. Riel said he was sure to succeed, it was a divine

mission, and God was the chief of the movement; only met

him once before the trouble. I thought the man was crazy.

Cross-examined by Mr. Robinson--I followed Riel solely

because he forced me with armed men. He had great influence

over the half-breeds, who listened to and followed his

advice,

FATHER FOURMAND sworn, examined by Mr. Lemieux in French--I

am a priest of St. Laurent; went there in 1875. Have had

conversations with Riel since the time of the rebellion.

Often conversed with him on political and religious

subjects. I was present at the meeting of priests at

which Riel's sanity was questioned. I knew the facts upon

which the question arose. Before the rebellion Riel was

a polite and pleasant man to me. When he was not

contradicted about political affairs he was quiet, but

when opposed he was violent. As soon as the rebellion

commenced he lost all control of himself, and threatened

to burn all the churches. He believed there was only

one God; that Christ the Son was not God, neither was

the Holy Ghost, and in consequence the Virgin Mary was

not the mother of God, but of the Son of God. He changed

the song beginning "Hail Mary, mother of God," to "Hail

Mary, mother of the Son of God." He denied the real

presence of God in the Host, it was a man of six feet.

Riel said he was going to Quebec, France and Italy, and

would overthrow the Pope and choose a Pope or appoint

himself. We finally concluded there was no other way of

explaining his conduct than that he was insane. Noticed

a great change in prisoner as the agitation progressed.

When the fathers opposed him he attacked them. Witness

was brought before the rebel council by the prisoner, to

give an account of his conduct. He called me a little tiger,

being very excited. Never showed me a book of his prophecies

written in buffalo blood, although I heard of it.

Cross-examined by Mr. Casgrain--Most of the half-breeds

followed Riel in his religious views; some opposed them.

The prisoner was relatively sane before the rebellion.

The prisoner proclaimed the rebellion on March 18th. I

promised to occupy a position of neutrality towards the

provisional Government. He could better explain prisoner's

conduct on the ground of insanity than that of great

criminality. Witness naturally had a strong friendship

towards the prisoner.

The afternoon was devoted to expert testimony respecting

the prisoner's sanity.

MEDICAL TESTIMONY.

DR. ROY, of the Beauport Asylum, Quebec, said the prisoner

was an inmate of that institution for nineteen months.

He was discharged in January, 1878. He suffered from

ambitious mania. One of the distinguishing characteristics

of that form of insanity is that, so long as the particular

hobby is not touched, the patient appears perfectly sane.

From what he heard the witnesses say, and from the

prisoner's actions yesterday, he had no hesitation in

pronouncing the man insane, and he believed him not to

be responsible for his acts.

DR. CLARKE, of Toronto, was the next witness. He said he

was the Superintendent of the Toronto Lunatic Asylum. He

has had nine or ten years' experience in treating lunatics.

He examined the prisoner twice yesterday and once this

morning. From what evidence he had heard and from his

own examination, provided the witnesses told the truth

and the prisoner was not malingering, there was no doubt

of his being insane.

Cross-examined by Mr. Osler--It is impossible for any

man to say that a person like Riel, who is sharp and

well-educated, is either insane or sane. He (the witness)

would require to have him under his notice for months to

form an opinion. The man's actions are consistent with

fraud. Thinks he knows the difference between right and

wrong, subject to his delusion.

DR. WALLACE was next called. He said he was Superintendent

of the Insane Asylum at Hamilton. He had listened to the

evidence in this case. He saw the prisoner alone for half

an hour. He has formed the opinion that there is no

indication of insanity about him. He thinks the prisoner

knows the difference between right and wrong. The person

suffering from megalomania often imagines he is a king,

divinely inspired, has the world at his feet--supreme

egotism in fact. It is one of the complications of

paralytic insanity.

DR. JUKES, of the Mounted Police, would not say the

prisoner was not insane. He had seen him daily since

May, and noticed no traces of insanity.

The Court adjourned at five o'clock.

RIEL'S ADDRESS TO THE JURY.

At the outset, writes W. A. H., correspondent of the

Montreal _Star_, Riel spoke in a quiet and low tone, many

of his statements carrying home conviction to his hearers.

"At any rate," was the subsequent comment, "Riel speaks

with the belief that he is right." Gradually as he

proceeded and got fairly launched into his subject, his

eyes sparkled, his body swayed to and fro as if strongly

agitated, and his hands accomplished a series of wonderful

gestures as he warmed up and spoke with impassioned

eloquence. His hearers were spell-bound, and well they

might, as each concluding assertion with terrible

earnestness was uttered with the effect and force of a

trumpet blast. That every soul in Court was impressed is

not untrue, and many ladies were moved to tears. The

following is an epitome of what he said:--

"Your Honour, and gentlemen of the jury--It would be an

easy matter for me to-day, to play the _role_ of a lunatic,

because the circumstances are such as to excite any

ordinary man subject to natural excitement after what

has transpired to-day. The natural excitement, or may

I add anxiety, which my trial causes me is enough to

justify me in acting in the manner of a demented man;

but I hope, with the help of God, that I will maintain

a calm exterior and act with the decorum that suits this

honourable Court. You have, no doubt, seen by the papers

produced by the Crown, that I was not a man disposed to

think of God at the beginning. Gentlemen, I don't want

to play the part of a lunatic.

"Oh, my God, help me through the grace and divine influence

of Jesus. Oh, my God bless me, bless this Court, bless

this jury, and bless my good lawyers, who at great

sacrifice have came nearly 700 leagues to defend me.

Bless the lawyers for the Crown, for they have done what

they considered their duty. God grant that fairness be

shown. Oh, Jesus, change the curiosity of the ladies and

others here to sanctity. The day of my birth I was

helpless, and my mother was helpless. Somebody helped

her. I lived, and although a man I am as helpless to-day

as I was a babe on my mother's breast. But the North-West

is also my mother: although the North-West is sick and

confined, there is some one to take care of her. I am

sure that my mother will not kill me after forty-years

life. My mother cannot take my life. She will be indulgent

and will forget.

"When I came here from Montana, in July, 1884, I found

the Indians starving. The state of affairs was terrible.

The half-breeds were subsisting on the rotten pork of

the Hudson Bay Company. This was the condition, this was

the pride, of responsible Government! What did Louis Riel

do? I did not equally forget the whites. I directed my

attention to assist all classes, irrespective of creed,

colour or nationality. We have made petitions to the

Canadian Government, asking them to relieve the state of

affairs. We took time. Those who know me, know we took

time with the object of uniting all classes, even if I

may speak it, all parties. Those who know me know I have

suffered. I tried to come to an understanding with the

authorities on different points. I believe I have done

my duty. It was said that I was egotistical. A man cannot

generalize himself unless he is imputed with the taint.

After the Canadian Government, through the honourable

under-secretary of state, replied to my letter regarding

the half-breeds, then, and not till then, did I look

after my private affairs. A good deal can be said of the

distribution of land. I don't know if my dignity would

permit me to mention what you term my foreign policy,

but if I was allowed to explain or question certain

witnesses, those things would have looked different. My

lawyers are good, but they don't understand the

circumstances. Be it understood that I appreciate their

services. Were I to go into details, I could safely say

what Captain Young has told you regarding my mission, to

bring about practical results. I have writings; my career,

is perhaps nearly run, but after dissolution my spirit

will still bring about practical results."

Striking his breast he added:

"No one need say that the North-West is not suffering.

The Saskatchewan was especially afflicted, but what have

I done to bring about practical results? For ten years

I have been aware that I had a mission to perform; now

what encourages me is the fact that I still have a mission

to perform. God is with me, He is in this dock, and God

is with my lawyers, the same as he was with me in the

battles of the Saskatchewan. I have not assumed my mission.

In Manitoba, to-day, I have a mission to perform. To-day

I am forgotten by the Manitobans as dead. Did I not obtain

for that province a constitutional government notwithstanding

the opposition of the Ottawa authorities? That was the

cause of my banishment."

I thank the glorious General Middleton for his testimony

that I possess my mental faculties. I felt that God was

blessing me when those words were pronounced. I was in

Beauport Asylum; Dr. Roy over there knows it, but I thank

the Crown for destroying his testimony. I was in the

Lunatic Asylum at Longue Pointe, near Montreal, also;

and would like to see my old friends, Dr. Lachapelle and

Dr. Howard, who treated me so charitably. Even if I am

to die, I will have the satisfaction of knowing that I

will not be regarded by all men as an insane person.

TO THE COURT.--"Your honour and gentlemen of the jury,

my reputation, my life, my liberty, are in your hands,

and are at your discretion. I am so confident in your

high sense of duty that I have no anxiety as to the

verdict. My calmness does not arise from the presumption

that you will acquit me. Although you are only half a

jury, only a shred of that proud old British constitution,

I respect you. I can only trust, Judge and gentlemen,

that good and practical results will arise from your

judgment conscientiously rendered. I would call your

attention to one or two points. The first is that the

House of Commons, Senate and Ministry, which make the

laws, do not respect the interests of the North-West. My

second point is that the North-West Council has the defect

of its parent. There are practically no elections, and

it is a sham legislature."

Then, as if wandering from his subject, Riel broke forth

and said:

"I was ready at Batoche; I fired and wounded your soldiers.

Bear in mind, is my crime, committed in self-defence, so

enormous? Oh, Jesus Christ! help me, for they are trying

to tear me into pieces. Jurors, if you support the plea

of insanity, otherwise acquit me all the same. Console

yourselves with the reflection that you will be doing

justice to one who has suffered for fifteen years, to my

family, and to the North-West."

Riel concluded as follows, his language containing a

strange admixture of the words applied to him by the

medical experts, which he ingeniously turned against the

Government:

"Your honours and gentlemen of the jury:--I am taking

the circumstances of my trial as they are. The only thing

to which I would respectfully call your attention before

you retire to deliberate is the irresponsibility of the

Government. It is a fact that the Government possesses

an absolute lack of responsibility, an insanity complicated

with analysis. A monster of irresponsible, insane

government, and its little North-West council, had made

up their minds to answer my petitions by surrounding me,

and by suddenly attempting to jump at me and my people

in the fertile valley of the Saskatchewan. You are

perfectly justified in declaring that having my reason

and sound mind, I acted reasonably and in self-defence,

while the Government, my aggressor, being irresponsible,

and consequently insane, cannot but have acted madly and

wrong; and if high treason there is, it must be on its

side, not on my part."

At the conclusion of Riel's lengthy address, MR. CHRISTOPHER

ROBINSON, Q.C., closed the case for the Crown in a powerful

speech, which went far to counteract the sympathetic

effect produced by Riel's disconnected but eloquent

oration. Mr. Robinson pointed out that no evidence was

produced to show that the prisoner had not committed the

acts he was charged with. From the evidence it was quite

clear the prisoner was neither a patriot nor a lunatic.

If prisoner was not responsible for the rebellion, who

was? The speaker went over the evidence and showed that

Riel's acts were not those of a lunatic, but well considered

in all their bearings, and the deliberate acts of a

particularly sound mind. The evidence as to Riel's

confinement in an asylum nine years ago was not

satisfactory. Why was he sent there under an assumed

name? Why was the record of his case not produced along

with the other papers, and a statement of his condition

when leaving the asylum? Medical men were not always the

best judges of insanity. Taking up the evidence against

the prisoner, Mr. Robinson went over it in detail, and

said no mercy should be shown one who had committed such

acts. He pictured the terrible results if Riel had

succeeded in his effort to rouse the Indians, The reason

the prisoners Poundmaker and Big Bear had not been put

in the witness box, was that they could not be asked to

give evidence that would incriminate themselves.

MR. JUSTICE RICHARDSON then read over the evidence to

the jury, after which the court adjourned.

THIRD DAY'S PROCEEDINGS.

[Footnote: This abstract of the final day's proceedings

we take from the Toronto _Mail_.]

The court resumed its sittings on the morning of the 1st

of August, at the usual hour, and Col. Richardson continued

his charge to the jury He read all the principal evidence,

commenting thereon, and finally charged the jury to do

their duty without fear or favour.

THE VERDICT.

When the jury returned with the verdict at 3.15 p.m.,

after exactly one hour's deliberation, the prisoner, who

had been on his knees in the dock praying incessantly,

rose and stood facing the six men who came in bearing

for him the message of life or death.

The CLERK of the Court, amid a silence so intense that,

like the darkness of Egypt, it could be felt, asked if

the gentlemen of the jury had agreed upon their verdict?

MR. COSGROVE, the foreman, answered in a low tone, but

heard distinctly in the general hush, "We have!"

The CLERK then asked: "Is the prisoner guilty or not

guilty?"

Everyone but the prisoner seemed anxious. He alone of

all those present, eager to hear the message of fate,

was calm.

The Foreman replied: "Guilty, with a recommendation to

mercy!"

Riel smiled as if the sentence in no way affected him,

and bowed gracefully to the jury.

THE PRISONER'S SPEECH.

COL. RICHARDSON asked the prisoner if he had anything to

say why the sentence of the Court should not be passed

upon him?

RIEL replied: Yes, your honour. Then he began, in a low,

calm voice to detail the story of the half-breeds in

Manitoba, and spoke at length of the rebellion of '69.

He said that if he had to die for what had taken place,

it would be a consolation to his wife and to his friends

to know that he had not died in vain. In years to come

people will look at Manitoba and say that Riel helped

the dwellers of those fertile plains to obtain the benefits

they now enjoy. He said it would be an easy thing for

him to make an incendiary speech, but he would refrain.

He said that God had given him a mission to perform, and

if suffering was part of that mission, he bowed respectfully

to the Divine will, and he was ready to accept the task,

even if the end should be death. Like David, he had

suffered, but he lacked two years of the time that David

suffered. The prisoner then went into the history of the

Red River rebellion at great length. He claimed that he

had ruled the country for two months for the Government,

and his only reward was a sentence of exile. The troubles

in the Saskatchewan, he said, were but a continuation of

the troubles of the Red River, and the breeds feel that

they are being robbed by the Government, which has failed

to carry out the treaty promises that had been made to

them. The breeds sustained their rights in '69 by arms,

and the people of Manitoba are enjoying the results

to-day. The people of Saskatchewan only followed the same

precedent, and he trusted that the same results would

follow. He then spoke at great length of the part played

by Sir John Macdonald, Sir George Cartier, and Bishop

Tache in the Red River rebellion. The money that had been

given to him and to Lepine on leaving the country had

been accepted, he said, as part of what was justly their

due. The whites were gradually crowding out the Indians

and the Metis, and what was more natural and just than

for them to take up arms in defence of their rights? He

justified his claims to $35,000 by saying that it was

offered to him to keep out of the country for three years.

The English constitution, he said, had been perfected

for the happiness of the world, and his wish to have the

representatives of the different nations here was to give

people from the countries of the Old World an opportunity

of enjoying the blessings God had given England. God had

given England great glory, but she must work for that

glory or it would surely pass away. The Roman Empire was

four hundred years in declining from its proud pre-eminence,

and England would be in the same position; but before

England faded away a grander England would be built up

in this immense country. His heart, while it beat, would

not abandon the idea of having a new Ireland, a new

Germany, a new France here; and the people of those

countries would enjoy liberties under the British

constitution which they did not obtain at home. If he

must die for his principles, if the brave men who were

with him must die, he hoped the French-Canadians would

come and help the people to get back what was being

unjustly wrenched from them. Peace had always been

uppermost in his thoughts, and it was to save the country

from being deluged with blood later on that they strove

for their rights now. He concluded by objecting to the

jury and the decision of the Court, and asked that he be

not tried for the alleged offences of this season, but

that his whole career be put on trial, and the jury asked

to give a decision as to whether his life and acts have

in any way benefited the country or not.

THE SENTENCE.

Mr. CHRISTOPHER ROBINSON moved for the sentence of the

Court.

Judge RICHARDSON then said: "Louis Riel, you are charged

with treason. You let loose the flood gates of rapine

and bloodshed, and brought ruin and death to many families,

who, if let alone, were in comfort and a fair way of

affluence. For what you did you have been given a fair

and impartial trial. Your remarks are no excuse for your

acts. You committed acts that the law demands an account

for at your hands. The jury coupled with their verdict

a recommendation to mercy. I can hold out no prospect

for you, and I would recommend you to make your peace

with God. For me, only one duty and a painful one to

perform remains. It is to pass sentence upon you. If your

life is spared, no one will feel more gratified than

myself, but I can hold out no hope. The sentence of this

Court upon you, Louis Riel, is that you be taken to the

guard-room of the Mounted Police of Regina, whence you

came, and kept there until September the eighteenth, and

from thence to the place of execution, there to be hanged

by the neck until dead, and may the Lord have mercy upon

your soul!"

Riel never moved a muscle, but, bowing to the Court,

said:--"Is that on Friday, your Honour?"

He was then taken from the Court-room, and a few minutes

after was driven back, under strong escort, to the

guard-room,

AN APPEAL.

After sentence had been passed upon Riel, Mr. Fitzgerald,

one of prisoner's counsel, gave notice of appeal for a

new trial to the Court of Queen's Bench, Manitoba. The

appeal case was heard at Winnipeg on the 3rd and 4th days

of September before Chief Justice Wallbridge and Mr.

Justice T. W. Taylor.

M. LEMIEUX, chief counsel for Riel, raised the old issue

as to informality of the trial before the Stipendiary

Magistrate at Regina, and contended that the magistrate

was incompetent to try the case.

Mr. FITZPATRICK followed. He held that the Treason-Felony

Act was one of Imperial jurisdiction, and he questioned

if it had delegated any power to the colonial authorities

to legislate away any rights enjoyed by the subjects of

the British Empire. He dwelt strongly upon the insanity

question, and said the jury were convinced of the prisoner's

lunacy, hence their recommendation to mercy.

Mr. EWART also strongly questioned the jurisdiction of

the Court at Regina and cited several authorities in

support of his argument.

Mr. ROBINSON, on behalf of the Crown, in an able address,

strongly combated the idea that the Court at Regina was

not legally constituted, and cited cases in support of

his contention. He also dwelt at length on the insanity

plea, showing the absurdity of the contention that Riel

was insane.

Mr. Osler and Mr. Aikens followed on the same side,

supplementing the arguments of the previous speaker as

to the constitutionality of the Court, and cited a number

of authorities adverse to the insanity plea.

NEW TRIAL REFUSED.

At Winnipeg, on the 9th September, at a sitting of the

full Court of the Queen's Bench of the Province of

Manitoba, judgment was delivered in the appeal for a new

trial for the prisoner Riel.

His Lordship Chief Justice Wallbridge first delivered

judgment. He referred briefly to the facts brought before

the Court and the statutes by which the stipendiary

magistrates are appointed in the North-West and to the

powers given them for the trial of the cases before them

alone, and to the cases, including treason, which have

to be tried before a magistrate with a justice of the

peace and a jury of six. His Lordship held that the

constitutionality of the Court is established by the

statutes passed, which he cited. If the Act passed by

the Dominion Parliament was, as claimed by the defence,

_ultra vires_, it was clearly confirmed by the Imperial

Act subsequently passed, which made the Dominion Act

equal to an Imperial Act. The objections were to his

mind purely technical and therefore not valid. His opinion

therefore was that a new trial should be refused, and

the conviction of the Superior Court was therefore

confirmed.

Mr. Justice Taylor followed, dealing fully with the

arguments brought forward by the prisoner's counsel. On

the question of the delegation of the power to legislate

given to the Dominion Parliament, he held that the Dominion

Parliament has plenary powers on all subjects committed

to it. He reviewed fully all the facts relating to the

admission of Rupert's Land to the Dominion, and to the

statutes passed for the government of Rupert's Land and

Manitoba when formed as a province. After a critical

examination of the evidence in the case, he was unable

to come to any other conclusion than that to which the

jury had come. The evidence entirely fails to relieve

the prisoner from responsibility for his acts. A new

trial must be refused and the conviction must be confirmed.

Mr. Justice Killam next followed at some length, concurring

in the views of his brother judges.

With these proceedings the trial of the rebel chief was

concluded, though counsel for Riel has notified the

Executive that they will appeal the case to the Privy

Council in England. Riel will, meantime, be respited.

RIEL'S EXECUTION.

The execution of Louis David Riel took place at Regina,

on the 16th November, 1885. He met his fate bravely, and

displayed more fortitude than had been thought possible.

He abstained from speech-making, and confined himself

entirely, on the advice of Father Andre, who has been

his constant companion throughout, to spiritual matters.

Riel never slept after receiving intelligence that the

execution would take place that morning, and throughout

the night was constant in his devotions. At seven o'clock

he had a light supper, and at five in the morning mass

was celebrated, followed two hours later by the

administration of the last sacrament. Riel, towards the

last, almost entirely dropped his new religious

idiosyncrasies and decided to die a devout catholic.

The hour fixed for the execution was eight o'clock, but

it was fifteen minutes past that hour before those who

had passes from the sheriff were admitted to the guard-room.

Here was found the prisoner, kneeling on the floor of an

upper room, from which he was to step to the gallows, It

was a sad scene. Around him were gathered numbers of

mounted police, Sheriff Chapleau, Deputy-Sheriff Gibson,

and a few others. The room was illuminated by a small

window, covered with a rime of frost through which the

sun, now risen but a few hours, shot a few weak rays.

Riel now knelt beside the open window, through which the

gallows could be seen, and prayed incessantly for fully

half an hour. Fathers McWilliams and Andre conducted the

service for the doomed man in French, Riel repeating the

responses in a clear voice, which could be heard distinctly

above the murmurs of the priests' whispering tones. Riel

wore a loose woollen surtout, grey trousers, and woollen

shirt. On his feet were moccasins, the only feature of

his dress that partook of the Indian that was in him. He

received the notice to proceed to the scaffold in the

same composed manner he had shown the preceding night on

receiving warning of his fate. His face was full of

colour, and he appeared to have complete self-possession,

still responding to the service in a clear tone. The

prisoner decided only a moment before starting for the

scaffold not to make a speech. This was owing to the

earnest solicitations of both the priests attending him.

He displayed an inclination at the last moment to make

an address, but Father Andre reminded him of his promise.

The hangman, who on a former occasion had been in the

hands of Riel as a prisoner, commenced the work of

pinioning the doomed man, and then the melancholy procession

soon began to wend its way toward the scaffold, which

had been erected for Khonnors, the Hebrew, and soon came

in sight of the noose. Deputy-Sheriff Gibson went ahead,

then came Father McWilliams, next Riel, then Father Andre,

Dr. Jukes, and others. As he stood on the trap-door Riel

continued invoking the aid of Jesus, Mary, and the saints,

during his last agonies. "Courage, pere," he said,

addressing Father Andre, and then he addressed Father

McWilliams in the same words. The latter priest kissed

Riel, who said, "I believe still in God."

"To the last," said Father Andre.

"Yes, the very last," answered Riel: "I believe and trust

in Him. Sacred Heart of Jesus, have mercy on me."

Dr. Jukes shook hands with the prisoner, who said in

English: "Thank you, doctor." Then he continued: "Jesus,

Marie, Joseph, assistez moi en ce dernier moment."

Deputy-Sheriff Gibson then said, "Louis Riel, have you

anything to say before death?" Riel answered "No." He

was given two minutes to pray, and he repeated the Lord's

prayer, Father McWilliams leading, while the cap was

being drawn over his face and the rope adjusted. At the

words "Lead me not into temptation" the hangman sprang

the bolt, at twenty-eight minutes past eight, and Riel

shot downward with a terrible crash. For a second he did

not move. A slight twitching of the limbs was noticed,

but instantly all was still again. In two minutes after

the fall, Louis Riel was no more. His conduct on the

scaffold was very courageous. He was pale but firm, and

kept up his courage by constant prayer, thus diverting

his thoughts from the terrible death before him. His neck

was broken by the fall; the doctors say he could have

experienced no physical suffering. For a second or two

his limbs twitched slightly, then a convulsive shudder

ran through his frame, and all was over. In less than

three minutes Dr. Dodds pronounced him dead.

Few persons were present. The only people on the scaffold,

besides the condemned man and the hangman, were

Deputy-Sheriff Gibson, Dr. Jukes, of the Mounted Police,

Father Andre, Father McWilliams, and the press

representatives.

After death the coroner's jury was empanelled by Dr Dodds,

and a verdict of death by hanging rendered. The hair of

the deceased was cut off one side of both head and face.

All the buttons torn off the coat, the moccasins removed

from the feet, and even the suspenders cut into pieces

for persons to obtain mementos of the deceased. He was

placed in a plain deal coffin to await the plans of the

Government as to interment. His own wish was to be buried

at St. Boniface, and his friends are particularly anxious

that his wishes in this respect be complied with, as his

father and other friends repose in that place, as all

the bodies of the convicts here have been stolen from

the burying ground in less than a week.

END