ADDRESS OF SENATOR HOAR.

The first American Ambassador to Great Britain, at the end of his

official service, comes to Massachusetts on an interesting errand. He

comes to deliver to the lineal successor of Governor Bradford, in the

presence of the representatives and rulers of the body politic formed by

the compact on board the "Mayflower," Nov. 11, 1620, the only authentic

history of the founding of their Commonwealth; the only authentic

history of what we have a right to consider the most important political

transaction that has ever taken place on the face of the earth.

Mr. Bayard has sought to represent to the mother country, not so much

the diplomacy as the good-will of the American people. If in this

anybody be tempted to judge him severely, let us remember what his great

predecessor, John Adams, the first minister at the same court,

representing more than any other man, embodying more than any other man,

the spirit of Massachusetts, said to George III., on the first day of

June, 1785, after the close of our long and bitter struggle for

independence: "I shall esteem myself the happiest of men if I can be

instrumental in restoring an entire esteem, confidence and affection,

or, in better words, the old good-nature and the old good-humor between

people who, though separated by an ocean and under different

governments, have the same language, a similar religion and kindred

blood."

And let us remember, too, the answer of the old monarch, who, with all

his faults, must have had something of a noble and royal nature stirring

in his bosom, when he replied: "Let the circumstances of language,

religion and blood have their natural and full effect."

It has long been well known that Governor Bradford wrote and left behind

him a history of the settlement of Plymouth. It was quoted by early

chroniclers. There are extracts from it in the records at Plymouth.

Thomas Prince used it when he compiled his annals. Hubbard depended on

it when he wrote his "History of New England." Cotton Mather had read

it, or a copy of a portion of it, when he wrote his "Magnalia." Governor

Hutchinson had it when he published the second volume of his history in

1767. From that time it disappeared from the knowledge of everybody on

this side of the water. All our historians speak of it as lost, and can

only guess what had been its fate. Some persons suspected that it was

destroyed when Governor Hutchinson's house was sacked in 1765, others

that it was carried off by some officer or soldier when Boston was

evacuated by the British army in 1776.

In 1844 Samuel Wilberforce, Bishop of Oxford, afterward Bishop of

Winchester, one of the brightest of men, published one of the dullest

and stupidest of books. It is entitled "The History of the Protestant

Episcopal Church in America." It contained extracts from manuscripts

which he said he had discovered in the library of the Bishop of London

at Fulham. The book attracted no attention here until, about twelve

years later, in 1855, John Wingate Thornton, whom many of us remember as

an accomplished antiquary and a delightful gentleman, happened to pick

up a copy of it while he was lounging in Burnham's book store. He read

the bishop's quotations, and carried the book to his office, where he

left it for his friend, Mr. Barry, who was then writing his "History of

Massachusetts," with passages marked, and with a note which is not

preserved, but which, according to his memory, suggested that the

passages must have come from Bradford's long-lost history. That is the

claim for Mr. Thornton. On the other hand, it is claimed by Mr. Barry

that there was nothing of that kind expressed in Mr. Thornton's note,

but in reading the book when he got it an hour or so later, the thought

struck him for the first time that the clew had been found to the

precious book which had been lost so long. He at once repaired to

Charles Deane, then and ever since, down to his death, as President

Eliot felicitously styled him, "the master of historical investigators

in this country." Mr. Deane saw the importance of the discovery. He

communicated at once with Joseph Hunter, an eminent English scholar.

Hunter was high authority on all matters connected with the settlement

of New England. He visited the palace at Fulham, and established beyond

question the identity of the manuscript with Governor Bradford's

history, an original letter of Governor Bradford having been sent over

for comparison of handwriting.

How the manuscript got to Fulham nobody knows. Whether it was carried

over by Governor Hutchinson in 1774; whether it was taken as spoil from

the tower of the Old South Church in 1775; whether, with other

manuscripts, it was sent to Fulham at the time of the attempts of the

Episcopal churches in America, just before the revolution, to establish

an episcopate here,--nobody knows. It would seem that Hutchinson would

have sent it to the colonial office; that an officer would naturally

have sent it to the war office; and a private would have sent it to the

war office, unless he had carried it off as mere private booty and

plunder,--in which case it would have been unlikely that it would have

reached a public place of custody. But we find it in the possession of

the church and of the church official having, until independence was

declared, special jurisdiction over Episcopal interests in Massachusetts

and Plymouth. This may seem to point to a transfer for some

ecclesiastical purpose.

The bishop's chancellor conjectures that it was sent to Fulham because

of the record annexed to it of the early births, marriages and deaths,

such records being in England always in ecclesiastical custody. But this

is merely conjecture.

I know of no incident like this in history, unless it be the discovery

in a chest in the castle of Edinburgh, where they had been lost for one

hundred and eleven years, of the ancient regalia of Scotland,--the crown

of Bruce, the sceptre and sword of state. The lovers of Walter Scott,

who was one of the commissioners who made the search, remember his

intense emotion, as described by his daughter, when the lid was removed.

Her feelings were worked up to such a pitch that she nearly fainted, and

drew back from the circle.

As she was retiring she was startled by his voice exclaiming, in a tone

of the deepest emotion, "something between anger and despair," as she

expressed it: "By God, no!" One of the commissioners, not quite entering

into the solemnity with which Scott regarded this business, had, it

seems, made a sort of motion as if he meant to put the crown on the head

of one of the young ladies near him, but the voice and the aspect of

the poet were more than sufficient to make this worthy gentleman

understand his error; and, respecting the enthusiasm with which he had

not been taught to sympathize, he laid down the ancient diadem with an

air of painful embarrassment. Scott whispered, "Pray forgive me," and

turning round at the moment observed his daughter deadly pale and

leaning by the door. He immediately drew her out of the room, and when

she had somewhat recovered in the fresh air, walked with her across

Mound to Castle Street. "He never spoke all the way home," she says,

"but every now and then I felt his arm tremble, and from that time I

fancied he began to treat me more like a woman than a child. I thought

he liked me better, too, than he had ever done before."

There have been several attempts to procure the return of the manuscript

to this country. Mr. Winthrop, in 1860, through the venerable John

Sinclair, archdeacon, urged the Bishop of London to give it up, and

proposed that the Prince of Wales, then just coming to this country,

should take it across the Atlantic and present it to the people of

Massachusetts. The Attorney-General, Sir Fitzroy Kelley, approved the

plan, and said it would be an exceptional act of grace, a most

interesting action, and that he heartily wished the success of the

application. But the bishop refused. Again, in 1869, John Lothrop

Motley, then minister to England, who had a great and deserved

influence there, repeated the proposition, at the suggestion of that

most accomplished scholar, Justin Winsor. But his appeal had the same

fate. The bishop gave no encouragement, and said, as had been said nine

years before, that the property could not be alienated without an act of

Parliament. Mr. Winsor planned to repeat the attempt on his visit to

England in 1877. When he was at Fulham the bishop was absent, and he was

obliged to come home without seeing him in person.

In 1881, at the time of the death of President Garfield, Benjamin Scott,

chamberlain of London, proposed again in the newspapers that the

restitution should be made. But nothing came of it.

Dec. 21, 1895, I delivered an address at Plymouth, on the occasion of

the two hundred and seventy-fifth anniversary of the landing of the

Pilgrims upon the rock. In preparing for that duty, I read again, with

renewed enthusiasm and delight, the noble and touching story, as told by

Governor Bradford. I felt that this precious history of the Pilgrims

ought to be in no other custody than that of their children. But the

case seemed hopeless. I found myself compelled by a serious physical

infirmity to take a vacation, and to get a rest from public cares and

duties, which was impossible while I stayed at home. When I went abroad

I determined to visit the locality, on the borders of Lincolnshire and

Yorkshire, from which Bradford and Brewster and Robinson, the three

leaders of the Pilgrims, came, and where their first church was formed,

and the places in Amsterdam and Leyden where the emigrants spent

thirteen years. But I longed especially to see the manuscript of

Bradford at Fulham, which then seemed to me, as it now seems to me, the

most precious manuscript on earth, unless we could recover one of the

four gospels as it came in the beginning from the pen of the Evangelist.

The desire to get it back grew and grew during the voyage across the

Atlantic. I did not know how such a proposition would be received in

England. A few days after I landed I made a call upon John Morley. I

asked him whether he thought the thing could be done. He inquired

carefully into the story, took down from his shelf the excellent though

brief life of Bradford in Leslie Stephen's "Biographical Dictionary,"

and told me he thought the book ought to come back to us, and that he

should be glad to do anything in his power to help. It was my fortune, a

week or two after, to sit next to Mr. Bayard at a dinner given to Mr.

Collins by the American consuls in Great Britain. I took occasion to

tell him the story, and he gave me the assurance, which he has since so

abundantly and successfully fulfilled, of his powerful aid. I was

compelled, by the health of one of the party with whom I was

travelling, to go to the continent almost immediately, and was

disappointed in the hope of an early return to England. So the matter

was delayed until about a week before I sailed for home, when I went to

Fulham, in the hope at least of seeing the manuscript. I had supposed

that it was a quasi-public library, open to general visitors. But I

found the bishop was absent. I asked for the librarian, but there was no

such officer, and I was told very politely that the library was not open

to the public, and was treated in all respects as that of a private

gentleman. So I gave up any hope of doing anything in person. But I

happened, the Friday before I sailed for home, to dine with an English

friend who had been exceedingly kind to me. As he took leave of me,

about eleven o'clock in the evening, he asked me if there was anything

more he could do for me. I said, "No, unless you happen to know the Lord

Bishop of London. I should like to get a sight at the manuscript of

Bradford's history before I go home." He said, "I do not know the bishop

myself, but Mr. Grenfell, at whose house you spent a few days in the

early summer, married the bishop's niece, and will gladly give you an

introduction to his uncle. He is in Scotland. But I will write to him

before I go to bed."

Sunday morning brought me a cordial letter from Mr. Grenfell,

introducing me to the bishop. I wrote a note to his lordship, saying I

should be glad to have an opportunity to see Bradford's history; that I

was to sail for the United States the next Wednesday, but would be

pleased to call at Fulham Tuesday, if that were agreeable to him.

I got a note in reply, in which he said if I would call on Tuesday he

would be happy to show me "The Log of the Mayflower," which is the title

the English, without the slightest reason in the world, give the

manuscript. I kept the appointment, and found the bishop with the book

in his hand. He received me with great courtesy, showed me the palace,

and said that that spot had been occupied by a bishop's palace for more

than a thousand years.

After looking at the volume and reading the records on the flyleaf, I

said: "My lord, I am going to say something which you may think rather

audacious. I think this book ought to go back to Massachusetts. Nobody

knows how it got over here. Some people think it was carried off by

Governor Hutchinson, the Tory governor; other people think it was

carried off by British soldiers when Boston was evacuated; but in either

case the property would not have changed. Or, if you treat it as a

booty, in which last case, I suppose, by the law of nations ordinary

property does change, no civilized nation in modern times applies that

principle to the property of libraries and institutions of learning."

"Well," said the bishop, "I did not know you cared anything about it."

"Why," said I, "if there were in existence in England a history of King

Alfred's reign for thirty years, written by his own hand, it would not

be more precious in the eyes of Englishmen than this manuscript is to

us."

"Well," said he, "I think myself it ought to go back, and if it had

depended on me it would have gone back before this. But the Americans

who have been here--many of them have been commercial people--did not

seem to care much about it except as a curiosity. I suppose I ought not

to give it up on my own authority. It belongs to me in my official

capacity, and not as private or personal property. I think I ought to

consult the Archbishop of Canterbury. And, indeed," he added, "I think I

ought to speak to the Queen about it. We should not do such a thing

behind Her Majesty's back."

I said: "Very well. When I go home I will have a proper application made

from some of our literary societies, and ask you to give it

consideration."

I saw Mr. Bayard again, and told him the story. He was at the train when

I left London for the steamer at Southampton. He entered with great

interest into the matter, and told me again he would gladly do anything

in his power to forward it.

When I got home I communicated with Secretary Olney about it, who took a

kindly interest in the matter, and wrote to Mr. Bayard that the

administration desired he should do everything in his power to promote

the application. The matter was then brought to the attention of the

council of the American Antiquarian Society, the Massachusetts

Historical Society, the Pilgrim Society of Plymouth and the New England

Society of New York. These bodies appointed committees to unite in the

application. Governor Wolcott was also consulted, who gave his hearty

approbation to the movement, and a letter was dispatched through Mr.

Bayard.

Meantime Bishop Temple, with whom I had my conversation, had himself

become Archbishop of Canterbury, and in that capacity Primate of all

England. His successor, Rev. Dr. Creighton, had been the delegate of

John Harvard's College to the great celebration at Harvard University on

the two hundred and fiftieth anniversary of its foundation, in 1886. He

had received the degree of doctor of laws from the university, had been

a guest of President Eliot, and had received President Eliot as his

guest in England.

He is an accomplished historical scholar, and very friendly in sentiment

to the people of the United States. So, by great fortune, the two

eminent ecclesiastical personages who were to have a powerful influence

in the matter were likely to be exceedingly well disposed. Dr. Benjamin

A. Gould, the famous mathematician, was appointed one of the committee

of the American Antiquarian Society. He died suddenly, just after a

letter to the Bishop of London was prepared and about to be sent to him

for signing. He took a very zealous interest in the matter. The letter

formally asked for the return of the manuscript, and was signed by the

following-named gentlemen: George F. Hoar, Stephen Salisbury, Edward

Everett Hale, Samuel A. Green, for the American Antiquarian Society;

Charles Francis Adams, William Lawrence, Charles W. Eliot, for the

Massachusetts Historical Society; Arthur Lord, William M. Evarts,

William T. Davis, for the Pilgrim Society of Plymouth; Charles C.

Beaman, Joseph H. Choate, J. Pierpont Morgan, for the New England

Society of New York; Roger Wolcott, Governor of Massachusetts.

The rarest good fortune seems to have attended every step in this

transaction.

I was fortunate in having formed the friendship of Mr. Grenfell, which

secured to me so cordial a reception from the Bishop of London.

It was fortunate that the Bishop of London was Dr. Temple, an eminent

scholar, kindly disposed toward the people of the United States, and a

man thoroughly capable of understanding and respecting the deep and

holy sentiment which a compliance with our desire would gratify.

It was fortunate, too, that Bishop Temple, who thought he must have the

approbation of the archbishop before his action, when the time came had

himself become Archbishop of Canterbury and Primate of all England.

It was fortunate that Dr. Creighton had succeeded to the see of London.

He is, himself, as I have just said, an eminent historical scholar. He

has many friends in America. He was the delegate of Emmanuel, John

Harvard's College, at the great Harvard centennial celebration in 1886.

He received the degree of doctor of laws at Harvard and is a member of

the Massachusetts Historical Society. He had, as I have said,

entertained President Eliot as his guest in England.

It was fortunate, too, that the application came in a time of cordial

good-will between the two countries, when the desire of John Adams and

the longing of George III. have their ample and complete fulfilment.

This token of the good-will of England reached Boston on the eve of the

birthday of the illustrious sovereign, who is not more venerated and

beloved by her own subjects than by the kindred people across the sea.

[Illustration: THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY.]

It comes to us at the time of the rejoicing of the English people at

the sixtieth anniversary of a reign more crowded with benefit to

humanity than any other known in the annals of the race. Upon the power

of England, the sceptre, the trident, the lion, the army and the fleet,

the monster ships of war, the all-shattering guns, the American people

are strong enough now to look with an entire indifference. We encounter

her commerce and her manufacture in the spirit of a generous emulation.

The inheritance from which England has gained these things is ours also.

We, too, are of the Saxon strain.

In our halls is hung

Armory of the invincible knights of old.

Our temple covers a continent, and its porches are upon both the seas.

Our fathers knew the secret to lay, in Christian liberty and law, the

foundations of empire. Our young men are not ashamed, if need be, to

speak with the enemy in the gate.

But to the illustrious lady, type of gentlest womanhood, model of mother

and wife and friend, who came at eighteen to the throne of George IV.

and William; of purer eyes than to behold iniquity; the maiden presence

before which everything unholy shrank; the sovereign who, during her

long reign, "ever knew the people that she ruled;" the royal nature that

disdained to strike at her kingdom's rival in the hour of our sorest

need; the heart which even in the bosom of a queen beat with sympathy

for the cause of constitutional liberty; who, herself not unacquainted

with grief, laid on the coffin of our dead Garfield the wreath fragrant

with a sister's sympathy,--to her our republican manhood does not

disdain to bend.

The eagle, lord of land and sea,

Will stoop to pay her fealty.

But I am afraid this application might have had the fate of its

predecessors but for our special good fortune in the fact that Mr.

Bayard was our ambassador at the Court of St. James. He had been, as I

said in the beginning, the ambassador not so much of the diplomacy as of

the good-will of the American people. Before his powerful influence

every obstacle gave way. It was almost impossible for Englishmen to

refuse a request like this, made by him, and in which his own sympathies

were so profoundly enlisted.

You are entitled, sir, to the gratitude of Massachusetts, to the

gratitude of every lover of Massachusetts and of every lover of the

country. You have succeeded where so many others have failed, and where

so many others would have been likely to fail. You may be sure that our

debt to you is fully understood and will not be forgotten.

The question of the permanent abiding-place of this manuscript will be

settled after it has reached the hands of His Excellency. Wherever it

shall go it will be an object of reverent care. I do not think many

Americans will gaze upon it without a little trembling of the lips and a

little gathering of mist in the eyes, as they think of the story of

suffering, of sorrow, of peril, of exile, of death and of lofty triumph

which that book tells,--which the hand of the great leader and founder

of America has traced on those pages.

There is nothing like it in human annals since the story of Bethlehem.

These Englishmen and English women going out from their homes in

beautiful Lincoln and York, wife separated from husband and mother from

child in that hurried embarkation for Holland, pursued to the beach by

English horsemen; the thirteen years of exile; the life at Amsterdam "in

alley foul and lane obscure;" the dwelling at Leyden; the embarkation at

Delfthaven; the farewell of Robinson; the terrible voyage across the

Atlantic; the compact in the harbor; the landing on the rock; the

dreadful first winter; the death roll of more than half the number; the

days of suffering and of famine; the wakeful night, listening for the

yell of wild beast and the war-whoop of the savage; the building of the

State on those sure foundations which no wave or tempest has ever

shaken; the breaking of the new light; the dawning of the new day; the

beginning of the new life; the enjoyment of peace with liberty,--of all

these things this is the original record by the hand of our beloved

father and founder. Massachusetts will preserve it until the time shall

come that her children are unworthy of it; and that time shall

come,--never.

Bradford's History of 'Plimoth Plantation' From the Original Manuscript. With a Report of the Proceedings Incident to the Return of the Manuscript to Massachusetts · 第 37 / 96 题