1894.
[4] Pierling, /Gregoire XIII. et Ivan le Terrible/ (/Revue des Quest.
Histor./, 1886).
[5] Hubner, /Sixte-Quint/, 3 vols., 1870.
[6] /Bullar. Rom./, iv. 4, 392.
[7] Wadding, /Vita Clementis VIII./, Rome, 1723.
[8] McIntyre, /Giordano Bruno/, 1903.
[9] Bzovius, /Vita Pauli V./, 1625.
[10] Campbell, /Vita di Fra Paolo Sarpi/, 1875. /Irish Ecc. Record/
xv., 524-40.
[11] /Bullar. Romanum/ (xii., 662 sqq.).
[12] Chinazzi, /Sede vacante per la morte del papa Urbano VIII. e
conclave di Innocenzo X./, 1904.
(c) The Religious Orders and the Counter-Reformation.
Helyot, /Histoire des ordres monastiques religieux/, etc., 8
vols., 1714-19. Heimbucher, /Die Orden und Kongregationen der
Katholischen Kirche/, 1907-8. Mabillon, /Annales Ordinis Sancti
Benedicti/, 1703-39. Albers, /Zur Reformgeschichte des
Benediktiner-ordens im 16 Jahrhundert/ (/Stud. u-Mitteil/, 1900,
1901). Daurignac, /Histoire de la comp. de Jesus/, 1862.
Cretineau-Joly, /Histoire religieuse, politique et litteraire de
la comp. de Jesus/, 1859. Huber, /Der Jesuitenorden Duhr,
Jesuitenfabeln/, 1904. Abelly, /Vie de Ven. serviteur de Dieu,
Vincent de Paul/, 1891. Bougaud-Brady, /History of St. Vincent de
Paul, etc./, 1908. Boyle, /St. Vincent de Paul, and the
Vincentians in Ireland, Scotland, and England/, 1909.
The religious orders, like most other institutions of the age
preceding the Reformation, stood badly in need of re-organisation and
reform. Various causes had combined to bring about a relaxation of the
discipline prescribed by their holy founders, and to introduce a
spirit of worldliness, that boded ill both for the individual members
as well as for the success of the work for which these orders had been
established. The interference of outside authorities lay or
ecclesiastical in the appointment of superiors, the union of several
houses under one superior, the accumulation of wealth, the habitual
neglect of the superiors to make their visitations, and a general
carelessness in the selection and training of the candidates to be
admitted into the various institutions, were productive of disastrous
results. It is difficult, however, to arrive at a correct estimate as
to the extent of the evil, because the condition of affairs varied
very much in the different religious orders and in the different
provinces and houses of the same order. At all times a large
proportion of the religious of both sexes recognised and deplored the
spirit of laxity that had crept in, and laboured strenuously for a
return to the old ideals long before the Lutheran campaign had made it
necessary to choose between reform and suppression.
The Benedictines, who had done excellent work for the promotion of the
spiritual and temporal welfare of the people amongst whom they
laboured, suffered more than any other body from the interference of
lay patrons in the appointment of abbots, as well as from the want of
any central authority capable of controlling individual houses and of
insisting upon the observance of the rules and constitution. Various
efforts were made, however, to introduce reforms during the sixteenth
century. In France the most important of these reforms was that begun
in the abbey of St. Vannes by the abbot, Didier de la Cour.
Recognising the sad condition of affairs he laboured incessantly to
bring about a return to the strict rule of St. Benedict. His efforts
were approved by Clement VIII. in 1604. Many houses in France having
accepted the reform, it was resolved to unite them into one
congregation under the patronage of St. Maur, the disciple of St.
Benedict.[1] The new congregation of St. Maur was sanctioned by Louis
XIII. and by Pope Gregory XV. (1621). The Maurists devoted themselves
to the study of the sacred sciences, more especially to history,
liturgy and patrology, and set an example of thorough scholarship
which won for them the praise of both friends and foes. The names of
D'Achery, Mabillon, Ruinart, Martene, Thierry, Lami and Bouquet are
not likely to be forgotten so long as such works as the /Amplissima
Collectio Veterum Scriptorum/, /Thesaurus Anecdotorum/, /Gallia
Christiana/, /Histoire Litteraire de la France/, /De Re Diplomatica/,
/L'Art de verifier les dates/, the /Receuil des historiens des
Gaules/, etc., survive to testify to the labours and research of the
Congregation of St. Maur.[2]
The reform movement among the Dominicans had made itself manifest from
the days of Raymond of Capua (1390), who ordered that in every
province there should be at least one house where the rule of St.
Dominic might be observed in its original strictness. The success of
the reform varied in the different countries and even in the different
houses of the same province, but in the sixteenth century the general
tendency was undoubtedly upwards. The religious rebellion inflicted
serious losses on the order and led to the almost complete extinction
of provinces that once were flourishing; but the Spanish and
Portuguese discoveries in America and the spread of the missionary
movement opened up for the order new fields, where its members were
destined to do lasting service to religion and to win back in the New
World more than they had lost in the Old. Discipline among the
Cistercians, too, had become relaxed, but a general improvement set in
which led to the formation of new congregations, the principal of
which were the Congregation of the Feuillants approved by Sixtus V.
(1587), and of the Trappists, which take their name from the monastery
of La Trappe and owe their origin to the zealous efforts of the Abbot
de Rance (1626-1700).
The Franciscans were divided already into the Observants and the
Conventuals, but even among the Observants the deteriorating influence
of the age had made itself felt. Matteo di Bassi set himself in the
convent of Monte Falco to procure a complete return to the original
rule of St. Francis, and proceeded to Rome to secure the approbation
of Clement VII. In 1528 by the Bull, /Religionis Zelus/ the Pope
permitted himself and his followers to separate from the Observants,
to wear the hood (/cappuccio/, hence the name Capuchins[3]) which
Matteo claimed to have been the dress of St. Francis, to wear the
beard, to found separate houses in Italy, and to preach to the people.
Soon the Capuchins spread through Italy, and so popular did they
become that Gregory XIII. withdrew the regulations by which they were
forbidden to found separate houses outside of Italy. The new order
suffered many trials more especially after the apostasy of its vicar-
general Ochino in 1544, but with the blessing of God these
difficulties were overcome. The Capuchins rendered invaluable service
to religion by their simple straightforward style of preaching so
opposed as it was to the literary vapourings that passed for sermons
at the time, by their familiar intercourse with the poor whom they
assisted in both spiritual and temporal misfortunes, by their
unswerving loyalty to the Pope and by the work they accomplished on
the foreign missions, more especially in those lands which had once
been the glory of the Church but where religion had been extinguished
almost completely by the domination of the Saracen.
The revival was not confined, however, merely to a reform of the older
religious orders. The world had changed considerably since the
constitutions of these bodies had been formulated by their holy
founders. New conditions and new dangers necessitated the employment
of new weapons and new methods for the defence of religion.
Fortunately a band of zealous men were raised up by God to grapple
with the problems of the age, and to lay the foundation of religious
societies, many of which were destined to confer benefits on religion
hardly less permanent and less valuable than had been conferred in
other times by such distinguished servants of God as St. Benedict, St.
Dominic, and St. Francis of Assisi.
The Theatines, so called from Chieti (Theate) the diocese of Peter
Caraffa, had their origin in a little confraternity founded by Gaetano
di Tiene[4] a Venetian, who gathered around him a few disciples, all
of them like himself zealous for the spiritual improvement of both
clergy and people (1524). During a visit to Rome Gaetano succeeded in
eliciting the sympathy of Peter Caraffa (then bishop of Theate and
afterwards cardinal and Pope) and in inducing him to become the first
superior of the community. The institution was approved by Clement
VII. in 1524. Its founders aimed at introducing a higher standard of
spiritual life amongst both clergy and laity by means of preaching and
by the establishment of charitable institutions. The order spread
rapidly in Italy, where it did much to save the people from the
influence of Lutheranism, in Spain were it was assisted by Philip II.,
in France where Cardinal Mazarin acted as its patron, and in the
foreign missions, especially in several parts of Asia, the Theatines
won many souls to God.
The Regular Clerics of St. Paul, better known as the Barnabites from
their connexion with the church of St. Barnabas at Milan, were founded
by Antony Maria Zaccaria[5] of Cremona, Bartholomew Ferrari and Jacopo
Morigia. Shocked by the low state of morals then prevalent in so many
Italian cities, these holy men gathered around them a body of zealous
young priests, who aimed at inducing the people by means of sermons
and instructions to take advantage of the sacrament of Penance. The
order was approved by Clement VII. in 1533, and received many
important privileges from his successors. Its members worked in
complete harmony with the secular clergy and in obedience to the
commands of the bishops. They bound themselves not to seek or accept
any preferment or dignity unless at the express direction of the Pope.
In Milan they were beloved by St. Charles Borromeo who availed himself
freely of their services, and they were invited to Annecy by St.
Francis de Sales. Several houses of the Barnabites were established in
Italy, France, and Austria. In addition to their work of preaching and
instructing the people they established many flourishing colleges, and
at the request of the Pope undertook charge of some of the foreign
missions.
The founder of the Oblates was St. Charles Borromeo[6] (1538-84) who
was created cardinal by his uncle Pius IV., at the age of twenty-
three, and who during his comparatively short life did more for the
reform of the Church and for the overthrow of Protestantism than any
individual of his age. It was due mainly to his exertions that the
Council of Trent was re-convoked, and to his prudent advice that it
was carried to a successful conclusion. Once the decrees of the
Council had received the approval of the Pope St. Charles spared no
pains to see that they were put into execution not only in his own
diocese of Milan but throughout the entire Church. For a long time
personal government of his diocese was impossible as his presence in
Rome was insisted upon by the Pope; but as soon as he could secure
permission he hastened to Milan, where he repressed abuses with a
stern hand, introduced regular diocesan and provincial synods, visited
in person the most distant parts of the diocese, won back thousands
who had gone over to heresy in the valleys of Switzerland, and
defended vigorously the rights and the liberties of the Church against
the Spanish representatives. In all his reforms he was supported
loyally by the religious orders, more especially by the Jesuits and
the Barnabites, with whom he maintained at all times the most friendly
relations. At the same time he felt the need of a community of secular
priests, who while remaining under the authority of the bishop would
set an example of clerical perfection, and who would be ready at the
request of the bishop to volunteer for the work that was deemed most
pressing. he was particularly anxious that such a body should
undertake the direction of the diocesan seminary, and should endeavour
to send forth well educated and holy priests. With these objects in
view he established the Oblates in 1578, and the community fully
justified his highest expectations.
The Oratorians[7] were established by St. Philip Neri (1515-95) the
reformer and one of the patrons of Rome. He was a native of Florence,
who when still a young man turned his back upon a promising career in
the world in order to devote himself entirely to the service of God.
Before his ordination he laboured for fifteen years visiting the sick
in the hospitals, assisting the poorer pilgrims, and instructing the
young. He formed a special confraternity, and gathered around him a
body of disciples both cleric and lay. After his ordination they were
accustomed to hold their conferences in a little room (/Oratorium/,
Oratory) over the church of St. Girolmao. Here sermons and
instructions were given on all kinds of subjects, particularly on the
Sacred Scriptures, the writings of the Fathers, and the leading events
in the history of the Church. The society was approved by Gregory
XIII. (1575) under the title of the Congregation of the Oratory. It
was to be composed of secular priests living together under a rule,
but bound by no special vows. St. Philip Neri was convinced that the
style of preaching in vogue at the time was responsible in great
measure for the decline of religion and morality. Being a man of sound
education himself he insisted that his companions should devote
themselves to some particular department of ecclesiastical knowledge,
and should give the people the fruits of their study. Baronius, for
example, the author of the celebrated /Annales Ecclesiastici/, is said
to have preached for thirty years on the history of the Church. In
this way St. Philip provided both for sound scholarship and useful
instruction. Many branches of the Oratory were founded in Italy,
Spain, Portugal, and in the Spanish and Portuguese colonies in South
America.
Recognising the need for an improvement in the education and lives of
the French clergy and mindful of the benefits conferred on Rome by the
community of St. Philip Neri, the Abbe, afterwards Cardinal, Pierre de
Berulle determined to found an Oratory in Paris.[8] The Paris
Oratorians were a community of secular priests bound by no special
vows, but living under a common rule with the object of fulfilling as
perfectly as possible the obligations they had undertaken at their
ordination. The project received the warm support of Cardinal
Richelieu and was approved by Paul V. in 1613. At the time clerical
education in Paris and throughout France was in a condition of almost
hopeless confusion. The French Oratorians, devoted as they were
themselves to study, determined to organise seminaries on the plan
laid down by the Council of Trent, and to take charge of the
administration of such institutions. In philosophy the Oratory
produced scholars such as Malebranche, in theology Thomassin and
Morin, in Scripture Houbigant and Richard Simon, and in sacred
eloquence such distinguished preachers as Lajeune and Massillon. The
Oratorians survived the stormy days of the Jansenist struggle though
the peace of the community was disturbed at times by the action of a
few of its members, but it went down before the wild onslaught of the
Revolution. It was revived, however, by Pere Gratry in 1852.
The Brothers of Charity were founded by a Portuguese,[9] who having
been converted by a sermon of St. John d'Avila, devoted himself to the
relief of human suffering in every form. On account of his great
charity and zeal for souls he received the surname, St. John of God.
He gathered around him a band of companions who assisted him in caring
for the sick in the hospital he had founded at Granada. After his
death in 1550 the work that he had begun was carried on by his
disciples, whose constitutions were approved by Pius V. in 1572. Soon
through the generosity of Philip II. and of the Spanish nobles
hospitals were established in various cities of Spain, and placed
under the control of the Brothers of St. John of God. They were
invited by the Pope to open a house in Rome, and they went also to
Paris on the invitation of the queen (1601). At the time of the French
Revolution they had charge of forty hospitals, from all of which they
were expelled. The founder was canonised in 1690, and named as patron
of hospitals by Leo XIII. in 1898.
The Piarists or Patres Piarum Scholarum were founded by St. Joseph
Calazansa[10] (1556-1648), who had been vicar-general of the diocese
of Urgel in Spain, an office which he resigned in order to betake
himself to Rome. Here he began to gather the poorer children for
instruction, and as the teachers were unwilling to assist him unless
they were given extra remuneration, he opened a free school in Rome in
1597. The school was taught by himself and two or three priests whom
he had interested in the work. From these unpretentious beginnings
sprang the society of the Fathers of the Pious Schools. The object of
the society, which was composed of priests, was the education of the
young both in primary and secondary schools. The society was approved
by Paul V., and established finally as a recognised institution by
Gregory XV. (1621). It spread rapidly into Italy, Austria, and Poland.
Somewhat akin to the Piarists were the Fathers of Christian Doctrine,
founded by Caesar de Bus for the purpose of educating the young. The
society was composed of priests, and received the approval of Clement
VIII. in 1597. Later on it united with the Somaschans, who had been
established by St. Jerome Aemilian with a similar purpose, but on
account of certain disputes that arose the two bodies were separated
in 1647.
The Brothers of the Christian Schools were founded by John Baptist de
la Salle[11] (1651-1719). The founder was a young priest of great
ability, who had read a distinguished course in arts and theology
before his ordination. Having been called upon to assist in conducting
a free school opened at Rheims in 1679 he threw himself into the work
with vigour, devoting nearly all his energies to the instruction of
the teachers. These he used to gather around him after school hours to
encourage them to their work, to suggest to them better methods of
imparting knowledge and generally to correct any defects that he might
have noticed during the course of his daily visits to the schools. In
this way he brought together a body of young men interested in the
education of the children of the poor, from which body were developed
the Brothers of the Christian Schools. At first he intended that some
of the congregation should be priests, but later on he changed his
mind, and made it a rule that none of the Brothers should become
priests, nor should any priest be accepted as a novice. For a long
time the holy founder was engaged in an uphill struggle during which
the very existence of the institute was imperilled. Distrusted by some
of the ecclesiastical authorities, attacked by enemies on all side,
deserted by a few of his own most trusted disciples, a man of less
zeal and determination would have abandoned the project in despair.
But de la Salle was not discouraged. He composed a constitution for
his followers, and in 1717 he held a general chapter, in which he
secured the election of a superior-general. From this time the
Institute of Christian Brothers progressed by leaps and bounds. The
holy founder of the society was a pioneer in the work of primary
education. In teaching, in the grading of the pupils, and in
constructing and furnishing the schools new methods were followed;
more liberty was given in the selection of programmes to suit the
districts in which schools were opened; normal schools were
established to train the young teachers for their duties, and care was
taken that religious and secular education should go forward hand in
hand. The society spread rapidly in France, more especially after it
had received the approval of Louis XV., and had been recognised as a
religious congregation by Benedict XIII. (1725). During the Revolution
the society was suppressed, and the Brothers of the Christian Schools
suffered much rather than prove disloyal to the Pope. In 1803 the
institute was re-organised, and since that time houses have been
opened in nearly every part of the world. John Baptist de la Salle was
canonised by Leo XIII. in 1900.
The Congregation of the Priests of the Mission, better known as
Lazarists from the priory of St. Lazare which they occupied in Paris,
and as Vincentians from the name of their founder, St. Vincent de
Paul, was established in 1624. St. Vincent was born at Pouy in Gascony
in 1576, received his early education at a Franciscan school, and
completed his theological studies at the University of Toulouse, where
he was ordained in 1600. Four years later the ship on which he
journeyed from Marseilles having been attacked by Barbary pirates, he
was taken prisoner and brought to Tunis, where he was sold as a slave.
He succeeded in making his escape from captivity (1607) by converting
his master, a Frenchman who had deserted his country and his religion.
He went to Rome, from which he was despatched on a mission to the
French Court, and was appointed almoner to queen Margaret of Valois.
Later on he became tutor to the family of the Count de Gondi, the
master of the French galleys. During his stay there St. Vincent found
time to preach to the peasants on the estate of his employer, and to
visit the prisoners condemned to the galleys. The splendid results of
his labours among these classes bore such striking testimony to the
success of his missions that St. Vincent was induced to found a
congregation of clergymen for this special work. Something of this
kind was required urgently in France at this period. The absence of
seminaries and the want of any properly organised system of clerical
education had produced their natural consequences on the clergy. In
the country districts particularly, the priests had neither the
knowledge nor the training that would enable them to discharge their
sacred functions. From this it followed that the people were not
instructed, and the sacraments were neglected.
By opening a house in Paris in 1624 St. Vincent took the first
practical step towards the foundation of a religious congregation,
that was destined to renew and to strengthen religion in France. Later
on the society received the sanction of the Archbishop of Paris,[12]
and of Louis XIII., and finally it was approved by Urban VIII. in the
Bull, /Salvatoris Nostri/, dated 12th January 1632. In the same year
St. Vincent took possession of the priory of St. Lazare placed at his
disposal by the canons regular of St. Victor. The Congregation of the
Mission was to be a congregation of secular clergymen, bound by simple
religious vows. Its principal work, besides the sanctification of its
own members, was to give missions to the poor particularly in country
districts, and to promote a high standard of clerical life. The
bishops of France were delighted with the programme of the new
congregation. Invitations poured in from all sides on the disciples of
St. Vincent asking them to undertake missions, and wherever they went
their labours were attended with success. As a rule St. Vincent
established a confraternity of charity in the parishes that he visited
to help the poor and above all to look after the homeless orphans.[13]
It was not long until he discovered that, however successful his
missions might be, they could effect little permanent good unless the
priests in charge of the parishes were determined to continue the work
that had been begun, and to reap the harvest which the missioners had
planted. At that time there were no seminaries in France, so that
candidates for the priesthood were ordained on the completion of their
university course without any special training for their sacred
office. At the request of some of the bishops St. Vincent determined
to give retreats to those who were preparing for Holy Orders. At first
these retreats lasted only ten days, but they were productive of such
splendid results that they were extended to several months. Finally
they led to the establishment of clerical seminaries, of which
institutions St. Vincent and his associates took charge in several of
the dioceses of France. Before his death they had control of eleven
French seminaries; and at the time of the Revolution fully one-third
of the diocesan seminaries were in the hands of his disciples.[14] By
means of retreats for the clergy, and spiritual conferences organised
for their improvement St. Vincent kept in close touch with those whom
he had trained, and afforded them an opportunity of renewing their
fervour and completing their education.
It was fortunate for France that God had raised up a man so prudent
and zealous as St. Vincent to be a guide to both priests and people
during the difficult times through which the country was then passing.
From without, danger threatened the Church on the side of the Huguenot
heretics, and from within, Jansenism and Gallicanism bade fair to
captivate the sympathy of both clergy and people. At first St. Vincent
was on friendly terms with the Abbot de St. Cyran, the leader of the
Jansenists in France, but once he realised the dangerous nature of his
opinions and the errors contained in such publications as the
/Augustus/ of Jansen and the /Frequent Communion/ of Arnauld he threw
himself vigorously into the campaign against Jansenism. At court, in
his conferences with bishops and priests, in university circles, and
in the seminaries he exposed the insidious character of its tenets. At
Rome he urged the authorities to have recourse to stern measures, and
in France he strove hard to procure acceptance of the Roman decisions.
And yet in all his work against the Jansenists there was nothing of
the bitterness of the controversialist. He could strike hard when he
wished, but he never forgot that charity is a much more effective
weapon than violence. In his own person he set the example of complete
submission to the authority of the Pope, and enjoined such submission
on his successors. St. Vincent died in 1660. His loss was mourned not
merely by his own spiritual children, the Congregation of the Mission
and the Sisters of Charity, but by the poor of Paris and of France to
whom he was a generous benefactor, as well as by the bishops and
clergy to whom he had been a friend and a guide. To his influence more
than to any other cause is due the preservation of France to the
Church in the seventeenth century.
But the work of the Congregation of the Mission was not confined to
France. Its disciples spread into Italy, Spain, Portugal, Poland,
Ireland, and England. They went as missionaries to Northern Africa to
labour among the Barbary pirates by whom St. Vincent had been
captured, to Madagascar, to some of the Portuguese colonies in the
East, to China, and to the territories of the Sultan. At the
Revolution most of their houses in France were destroyed, and many of
the Vincentians suffered martyrdom. When the worst storms, however,
had passed the congregation was re-established in France, and its
members laboured earnestly in the spirit of its holy founder to
recover much of what had been lost.
The founder of the Sulpicians was Jean Jacques Olier[15] (1608-57) the
friend and disciple of St. Vincent de Paul. Impressed with the
importance of securing a good education and training for the clergy,
he and a couple of companions retired to a house in Vaugirard (1641),
where they were joined by a few seminarists, who desired to place
themselves under his direction. Later on he was offered the parish of
St. Sulpice, then one of the worst parishes in Paris from the point of
view of religion and morality. The little community of priests working
under the rules compiled by Olier for their guidance soon changed
completely the face of the entire district. House to house visitations
were introduced; sermons suitable to the needs of the people were
given; catechism classes were established, and in a very short time
St. Sulpice became the model parish of the capital.
In 1642 a little seminary was opened and rules were drawn up for the
direction of the students, most of whom attended the theological
lectures at the Sorbonne. Priests and students formed one community,
and as far as possible followed the same daily routine. During their
free time the students assisted in the work of the parish by visiting
the sick and taking charge of classes for catechism. At first Olier
had no intention of founding seminaries throughout France. His aim was
rather to make St. Sulpice a national seminary, from which young
priests might go forth properly equipped, and qualified to found
diocesan institutions on similar lines if their superiors favoured
such an undertaking. But yielding to the earnest solicitations of
several of the bishops he opened seminaries in several parts of
France, and entrusted their administration to members of his own
community. The first of these was founded at Nantes in 1648. During
the lifetime of the founder a few of the Sulpicians were despatched to
Canada, where they established themselves at Montreal, and laboured
zealously for the conversion of the natives. Like St. Vincent, the
founder of the Sulpicians worked incessantly against Jansenism, and
impressed upon his followers the duty of prompt obedience to the
bishops and to the Pope, lessons which they seem never to have
forgotten. The Sulpicians according to their constitution are a
community of secular priests bound by no special religious vows.
The religious order, however, that did most to stem the advancing tide
of heresy and to raise the drooping spirits of the Catholic body
during the saddest days of the sixteenth century was undoubtedly the
Society of Jesus, founded by St. Ignatius of Loyola.[16] By birth St.
Ignatius was a Spaniard, and by profession he was a soldier. Having
been wounded at the siege of Pampeluna in 1521 he turned his mind
during the period of his convalescence to the study of spiritual
books, more particularly the Lives of the Saints. As he read of the
struggles some of these men had sustained and of the victories they
had achieved he realised that martial fame was but a shadow in
comparison with the glory of the saints, and he determined to desert
the army of Spain to enrol himself among the servants of Christ. With
the overthrow of the Moorish kingdom of Granada fresh in his mind, it
is not strange that he should have dreamt of the still greater triumph
that might be secured by attacking the Mahomedans in the very seat of
their power, and by inducing them to abandon the law of the Prophet
for the Gospel of the Christians. With the intention of preparing
himself for this work he bade good-bye to his friends and the
associations of his youth, and betook himself to a lonely retreat at
Manresa near Montserrat, where he gave himself up to meditation and
prayer under the direction of a Benedictine monk. The result of his
stay at Manresa and of his communings with God are to be seen in the
/Spiritual Exercises of St. Ignatius/, a work which in the hands of
his disciples has done wonders for the conversion and perfection of
souls, and which in the opinion of those competent to judge has no
serious rivals except the Bible and the Imitation of Christ. From
Manresa he journeyed to the Holy Land to visit its sacred shrines, and
to labour for the conversion of the Infidel conquerors, but having
found it impossible to undertake this work at the time he returned to
Europe.
Realising that his defective education was a serious obstacle to the
establishment of the religious order that he contemplated, he went to
work with a will to acquire the rudiments of grammar. When this had
been accomplished successfully he pursued his higher studies at
Alcala, Salamanca, and Paris, where he graduated as a doctor in 1534.
But while earnest in the pursuit of knowledge he never forgot that
knowledge was but a means of preparing himself for the accomplishment
of the mission to which God had called him. While at Paris he gathered
around him a group of students, Francis Xavier, Lainez, Salmeron,
Bodadilla, Rodriguez and Faber, with which body Lejay, Codure and
Broet were associated at a later period. On the feast of the
Assumption (1534) Ignatius and his companions wended their way to the
summit of Montmartre overlooking the city of Paris, where having
received Holy Communion they pledged themselves to labour in the Holy
Land. Having discovered that this project was almost impossible they
determined to place themselves at the disposal of the Pope. In Rome
Ignatius explained the objects and rules of the proposed society to
Paul III. and his advisers. In September 1540 the approval of the Pope
was obtained though with certain restrictions, which were abolished in
1543, and in the following year Ignatius was elected first general of
the Society of Jesus.
St. Ignatius had the greatest respect for the older religious orders,
the Benedictines, the Dominicans, and the Franciscans, to all of which
he was deeply indebted; but he believed that the new conditions under
which his followers would be called upon to do battle for Christ
necessitated new rules and a new constitution. The Society of Jesus
was not to be a contemplative order seeking only the salvation of its
own members. Its energies were not to be confined to any particular
channel. No extraordinary fasts or austerities were imposed, nor was
the solemn chanting of the office or the use of a particular dress
insisted upon. The society was to work "for the greater glory of God"
in whatever way the circumstances demanded. On one thing only did St.
Ignatius lay peculiar emphasis, and that was the absolute necessity of
obedience to superiors in all things lawful, and above all of
obedience to the Pope. The wisdom of this injunction is evident enough
at all times, but particularly in an age when religious authority,
even that of the successor of St. Peter, was being called in question
by so many. Members of the society were forbidden to seek or accept
any ecclesiastical dignities or preferments.
The constitution[17] of the Society of Jesus was not drawn up with
undue haste. St. Ignatius laid down rules for his followers, but it
was only when the value of these regulations had been tested by
practice that he embodied them in the constitution, endorsed by the
first general congregation held in 1558. According to the constitution
complete administrative authority is vested in the general, who is
elected by a general congregation, and holds office for life. He is
assisted by a council consisting of a representative from each
province. The provincials, rectors of colleges, heads of professed
houses, and masters of notices are appointed by the general, usually,
however, only for a definite number of years, while all minor
officials are appointed by the provincial. The novitiate lasts for two
years during which time candidates for admission to the order are
engaged almost entirely in prayer, meditation, and spiritual reading.
When the novitiate has been completed the scholasticate begins.
Students are obliged to read a course in arts and philosophy and to
teach in some of the colleges of the society, after which they proceed
to the study of theology. When the theological course has been ended
they are admitted as coadjutors or professed members according to
their ability and conduct. Between these two bodies, the coadjutors
and the professed, there is very little difference, except that the
professed in addition to the ordinary vows pledge themselves to go
wherever the Pope may send them, and besides, it is from this body as
a rule that the higher officials of the order are selected. Lay
brothers are also attached to the society.
When the Society of Jesus was founded, Protestantism had already made
great strides in Northern Europe, and though the Latin countries were
not then affected no man could foresee what change a decade of years
might bring. St. Ignatius adopted the best precautions against the
spread of heresy. While he himself remained in Rome engaged in
organising the members of his society and in establishing colleges and
charitable institutions, he sent his followers to all parts of Italy.
Bishops availed themselves freely of their services as preachers and
teachers. Colleges were opened in Venice, Naples, Bologna, Florence,
and in many other leading cities. St. Charles Borromeo became the
patron and defender of the society in Milan. Everywhere the labours of
the Jesuits led to a great religious revival, while by means of their
colleges they strengthened the faith of the rising generation. In
Spain, too, the home of St. Ignatius the Jesuits received a friendly
welcome. Their colleges were crowded with students, as were their
churches with the faithful. Difficulties, indeed, arose owing to the
tendency of some of the Spanish Jesuits to have none but Spanish
superiors, but with a little prudence these difficulties were overcome
in 1593. Most of the best known writers on ecclesiastical subjects,
Vasquez, Suarez, De Lugo, and Ripalda on Dogmatic Theology, Sanchez on
Moral Theology, and Maldonatus and Pereira on Scripture belonged to
the Spanish province.
In France the society met with serious difficulties at first. Hatred
of Spain and of everything that savoured of Spanish origin, dislike of
what was considered the excessive loyalty of the society to the Pope,
and jealousy on the part of the University of Paris were the principal
obstacles that were to be overcome. But notwithstanding these the
Jesuits found a home in Paris, where they opened the College de
Clermont (Louis-le-Grand), and they founded similar colleges in
several of the leading cities of France. In the struggle against the
Calvinists they were of great assistance to the Catholic body. The
progress of their numerous colleges and the influence which they
acquired over the young men roused the fierce opposition of the
University, but being befriended by the court, where they were
retained as royal confessors, the Jesuits were enabled to hold their
ground. During the wars of the League against Henry III. and Henry of
Navarre, though their position was one of extreme delicacy, the
prudent action of their general, Aquaviva, in recommending his
subjects to respect the consciences of both parties saved the
situation. They were, however, expelled from Paris in 1594, but Henry
IV. allowed them to return in 1603.
In the German States, Hungary, and Poland, where the fate of
Catholicity seemed trembling in the balance, the Jesuit Fathers stayed
what threatened to be a triumphal progress for Protestantism. St.
Ignatius soon despatched some of his disciples to the scene of
conflict under the leadership of the Blessed Peter Canisius.[18] By
his sermons, his lectures as professor, his prudent suggestions to
those in authority, as well as by his controversial writings, and more
particularly his celebrated Catechism, Canisius did more to stay the
advance of Protestantism in Germany than any single individual of his
age. Colleges were founded in Vienna, Ingoldstadt, Treves, Mainz, and
in most of the cities of Germany that were not subject to the
Protestant princes. From these colleges went forth young men who were
determined to resist the further encroachments of heresy. Maximilian
of Bavaria and the Emperor Ferdinand II., both of whom took such a
prominent part in the Catholic Counter-Reformation, were pupils of the
Jesuits, and were but types of the men who left their colleges. In
Hungary, too, and in Poland the tide was turned in favour of the
Catholic Church mainly by the exertions of the Jesuits. In Ireland,
England and Scotland, in the Netherlands, and Sweden, in a word
wherever Catholic interests were endangered, the Jesuits risked their
lives in defence of the Catholic religion. It is on account of the
defeats that they inflicted on heresy at this period that the hatred
of the Jesuits is so deep-rooted and so universal amongst Protestants
even to the present day.
The Ursulines, so called from their patron St. Ursula, began as a
religious association of pious ladies formed by Angela de' Merici[19]
(Angela of Brescia) in 1537. At first the aim of the association was
to reclaim fallen women, to visit the sick, and to educate the young.
The members lived in their own homes according to a scheme of life
drawn up for their guidance, meeting only for certain spiritual
exercises. In 1535 the foundress succeeded in bringing a few of them
together into a small community. After her death in 1540 the community
increased in numbers, and was approved by Paul III., who allowed the
Ursulines to change their rules according to circumstances. For a long
time the Ursulines did not spread outside Brescia, but as their work
became known, particularly their work as educationalists, they were
invited to other parts of Italy. In Milan they had a warm friend in
the person of its Cardinal Archbishop, St. Charles Borromeo. The first
community of the Ursulines was formed in France by Madame de Beuve. A
rule was drawn up by Father Gonterey, S.J., and others of his society,
and approved by Paul V. (1612). In a comparatively short time the
Ursulines spread over most of the Catholic countries of Europe, so
that nearly all the most modern and best equipped schools for Catholic
girls were in their hands. In 1639 they went to Canada where they
opened the convent known as the Hotel-Dieu at Quebec, and in 1727 they
settled in New Orleans.
St. Teresa[20] (1515-82) is the reformer rather than the foundress of
the Carmelite nuns. Being anxious from an early age to follow her
religious vocation, much against the wishes of her father she entered
the convent of the Carmelite nuns at Avila (1535). After her
profession she fell ill, and for years was subject to excruciating
torture. During this period she turned her mind completely to
spiritual subjects, and was visited by God with most extraordinary
marks of divine favour, an account of which is to be found in her life
written by herself, in her /Relations/, and in many other of her
works. She determined to return to the primitive austerity of the
Carmelite rule, and in 1562 she founded the first convent of Discalced
Carmelite nuns at Avila. Through her exertions other convents of the
order adopted the reform, and in 1580 the existence of the Discalced
Carmelites as a separate order was approved. She died in 1582, and
forty years later she was canonised by Gregory XV.
The Sisters of the Visitation were established by St. Francis de
Sales[21] and St. Frances de Chantal.[22] St. Francis de Sales (1567-
1622), so called from the castle of Sales in Savoy at which he was
born, made his rhetoric and philosophical studies at Paris under the
Jesuits. From Paris he went to Padua for law, and having received his
diploma he returned to his native country, where his father had
secured for him a place as senator and had arranged a very desirable
marriage. But St. Francis, feeling that he had been called by God to
another sphere of life, threw up his position at the bar, accepted the
office of provost of the chapter of Geneva, and received Holy Orders
(1593). A great part of the diocese of Geneva was at this time overrun
by the heretics. St. Francis threw himself with ardour into the work
of converting those who had fallen away especially in the district of
Le Chablais, where he won over thousands to the faith. He became
coadjutor-bishop of Geneva, and on the death of his friend Claude de
Granier he was appointed to the See (1602). In conjunction with Madam
de Chantal he established a community of women at Annecy in 1610. His
idea at first was that the little community should not be bound by the
enclosure, but should devote themselves to their own sanctification
and to the visitation of the sick and the poor. Objections, however,
having been raised against such an innovation, he drew up for the
community a rule based mainly on the rule of St. Augustine. In 1618
the society received recognition as a religious order under the title
of the Order of the Visitation of the Blessed Virgin. The order
undertook the work of educating young girls as well as of visiting the
sick. It spread rapidly in Italy, France, Germany, Poland, and later
on in the United States.
The Sisters of Charity,[23] or the Grey Sisters as they were called,
were founded by St. Vincent de Paul. While St. Vincent was cure of
Chatillon-les-Dombes he established in the parish a confraternity of
charitable ladies for the care of the sick, the poor, and the orphans.
The experiment was so successful that he founded similar
confraternities in Paris, and wherever he gave missions throughout the
country. Having found, however, that in Paris the ladies of charity
were accustomed to entrust the work to their servants he brought a
number of young girls from the country, who could be relied upon to
carry out his wishes. These he looked after with a special solicitude,
and in 1633 Madam Le Gras took a house in Paris, where she brought
together a few of the most promising of them to form a little
community. In 1642 after the community had moved into a house opposite
St. Lazare, some of the sisters were allowed to take vows. The Sisters
of Charity have been at all times exceedingly popular in France. By
their schools, their orphanages, their hospitals, and by their
kindness to the poor and the suffering they won for themselves a place
in the hearts of the French people. For a while during the worst days
of the Revolution their work was suspended, and their communities were
disbanded; but their suppression was deplored so generally that in
1801 the Superioress was commanded to re-organise the society. Outside
France the Sisters of Charity had several houses in Poland,
Switzerland, Spain, and Germany.
Mary Ward[24] (1585-1645) was born of a good Catholic family in
England. She joined the Poor Clares at St. Omer in 1600, but,
preferring an active to a contemplative life, she gathered around her
a few companions, and formed a little community at St. Omer mainly for
the work of education. According to her plan, which was derived in
great measure from the constitution of the Society of Jesus (hence the
name Jesuitesses given to her followers by her opponents), her sisters
were not bound by the enclosure, were not to wear any distinctive
dress, and were to be subject directly only to Rome. Serious
objections were raised immediately against such an institute,
particularly as Pius V. had declared expressly that the enclosure and
solemn vows were essential conditions for the recognition of religious
communities of women. Branches were opened in the Netherlands,
Austria, and Italy under the patronage of the highest civil
authorities. As the opponents of the community continued their attacks
the foundress was summoned to Rome to make her defence (1629), but in
the following year the decree of suppression was issued. The house in
Munich was allowed to continue, and at the advice of the Pope she
opened a house in Rome. The principal change introduced was that the
houses should be subject to the bishops of the dioceses in which they
were situated. At last in 1703, on the petition of Maximilian Emanuel
of Bavaria and of Mary the wife of James II., the rule was approved
formally by Clement XI. The society continued to spread especially in
Bavaria. The followers of Mary Ward are designated variously, the
Institute of Mary, Englische Fraulein, and Loreto Nuns from the name
given to Rathfarnham, the mother-house of the Irish branch, founded by
Frances Ball in 1821.
----------
[1] /Histoire du Ven Didier de la Cour, reformateur des Benedictins/,
1772.
[2] De Lama, /Bibliotheque des ecrivains de la congregation de St.
Maur/, 1882.
[3] Da Forli, /Annali Cappuccini/, 1882.
[4] Dumortier, /Saint Gaetan di Thiene/, 1882.
[5] Dubois, /Le bienheureux A. M. Zaccaria fondateur des Barnabites/,
1896.
[6] Sylvain, /Histoire de St. Charles Borromee/, 3 vols., 1884.
[7] Perraud, /L'Oratoire de France au XVIIe et au XVIIIe siecle/.
[8] Perraud, /L'Oratoire de France au XVIIe et au XVIIIe siecle/,
1866.
[9] Girard, /La vie de St. Jean de Dieu/, 1691.
[10] Hubert, /Der hl. Joseph Calasanza, stifter der frommen Schulen/,
1886.
[11] Ravelet-O'Meara, /The Life of the Blessed John Baptist de la
Salle/, 1888. Lucard, /Annales de l'Institut des Freres des Ecoles
Chretiennes/, 1883.
[12] Paris became an archiepiscopal See in 1622.
[13] Lorti, /Saint Vincent de Paul et sa mission sociale/, 1880.
[14] Degert, /Histoire des seminaires francais/, 1912.
[15] Faillon, /Vie de M. Olier/, 3 vols., 1873. Thompson, /Life of
Jean Jacques Olier/.
[16] Thompson, /Life of St. Ignatius/, 1910. Clair, /La vie de S.
Ignace/, 1894.
[17] /Constitutiones Societatis Jesu Latine et Hispanice/, 1892.
[18] Duhr, /Geschichte der Jesuiten in den Landen Deutscher Zunge/,
Bd. i., 1907.
[19] O'Reilly, /Life of St. Angela/, 1880. Meer, /Die ersten
Schwestern des Ursulinenordens/, 1897.
[20] /Autobiography of St. Teresa/, tr. from the French by B.
Zimmerman, 1904.
[21] Hamon, /Vie de St. Francois de Sales/, 2 vols., 1875.
[22] Bougaud, /Histoire de Ste. J. F. Chantal et des origines de la
Visitation/, 1899.
[23] Marcel, /Les Soeurs de Charite/, 1888.
[24] Salome, /Mother Mary Ward, a Foundress of the 17th Century/,
1901.
(d) The Thirty Years' War.
See bibliography, chap. ii. (a). Klopp, /Der Dreissigjahrige Krieg
bis Zum Tode Gustav. Adolfs u.s.w./, 3 Bde, 1891-6. Bougeant,
/Histoire des guerres et des negociations qui precederent le
traite de Westphalie/, 3 vols., 1751. Ritter, /Deutsche Geschichte
im Zeitalter der Gegenreformation und des Dreissigjahrigen
Krieges/, 1889. Huber, /Geschichte Osterreichs/, Bd. v., 1896.
/Nunziaturberichte aus Deutschland/, 1892. De Meaux, /La reforme
et la politique Francaise en Europe jusqu' a la paix de
Westphalie/, 1889. /Cambridge Modern History/, vol. iii. (chap.
iii.).
The Religious Peace of Augsburg (1555) did not put an end to the
struggle between the Catholics and Protestants in Germany. Feeling on
both sides was too intense to permit either party to be satisfied with
the arrangement or to accept it as a permanent definition of their
respective rights. The German Catholics were indignant that a party
that had sprung up so recently and that had done such injury to their
Church and country, should be rewarded for heresy and disloyalty to
the Emperor by such concessions. Nor was their indignation likely to
be appeased by the manner in which Lutheran and Calvinist preachers
caricatured and denounced the doctrines and practices of the Catholic
world. Possibly it was, however, the clause of the Augsburg Peace
known as the /Ecclesiasticum Reservatum/ that gave rise to the most
heated controversies, and played the greatest part in bringing about
civil war. By this clause it was provided that in case any of the
bishops and abbots passed over to the reformed religion they could not
bring with them the ecclesiastical property attached to their office.
The Lutherans, who had benefited so largely by such secessions from
the Church in the past, objected to this clause at the Diet, and
protested against the decision when their objections were overruled.
Having realised that the Emperor was unable or unwilling to prevent
them they continued to act in open defiance of the /Ecclesiasticam
Reservatum/. Where the territories of a Catholic bishop were situated
in close proximity to the states of Protestant princes recourse was
had to various devices to acquire the lands of the Church. Sometimes
the bishop was induced to surrender them in return for a fixed grant
or pension, sometimes the chapter was persuaded to elect as bishop
some scion of a princely family, who was well-known to have leanings
towards Protestantism, and in a few cases the bishops themselves
solved the problem by seceding from the Catholic Church while
continuing to administer the territories to which their episcopal
office was their only title. In this way two archbishoprics and
fourteen bishoprics, amongst them being such wealthy Sees as
Magdeburg, Bremen, Brandenburg, and Osnabruck had passed into the
hands of the Lutherans, and it required a very special effort to
prevent two such important centres as Cologne and Aachen from meeting
with a similar fate. Gebhard, Archbishop of Cologne, a man of
scandalously immoral life, completed his infamous career by taking as
his wife one who had been his concubine, announcing at the same time
that he had gone over to Calvinism. The chapter of Cologne Cathedral
backed by the people took steps to rid themselves of such a superior,
and the chapter was supported warmly by both Pope and Emperor. Gebhard
was obliged to escape to Strassburg in the cathedral of which he held
a canonry, and where he succeeded in creating confusion. Two
archbishops claimed the See of Strassburg, one loyal to the Catholic
Church and one favouring Protestantism. This disgraceful contention
went on for years, till at last the Protestant champion was induced to
surrender on the payment of a large composition. The See of Aachen was
seized by force in 1581, and was held for fifteen years, at the end of
which the Protestants were obliged to abandon their claims.
Unfortunately for the Catholics the Emperors who succeeded Charles V.
were not strong enough to deal with such a dangerous situation.
Ferdinand I., sincere Catholic though he was, mindful of the terrible
disasters brought upon his country by the religious wars, strove with
all his might against their renewal. His successor Maximilian II.
(1564-76) was so strongly inclined towards Protestantism that he made
many concessions to the Protestants even in his own hereditary
dominions. He invited distinguished Lutheran preachers to Vienna,
conferred on Protestants influential positions at court, and gave
permission for Protestant religious services at least to the nobles of
Bohemia, Silesia, and Hungary. Several of the prince-bishops anxious
to stand well with the Emperor attempted to introduce reforms in
Catholic liturgy and Catholic practices without any reference to the
Holy See. The alarming spread of Protestantism in Austria, Hungary,
Bohemia, and Silesia, fostered as it was by the general policy of the
Emperor, tended to make the position of the Catholic Church extremely
insecure.[1]
But fortunately at that time a strong Catholic reaction began to make
itself felt. The reforming decrees of the Council of Trent did not
fail to produce a decided improvement in the condition of the bishops
and clergy. The new religious orders, particularly the Jesuits, had
thrown themselves into the work of defending the Catholic position,
and the colleges established by the Jesuits were turning out the
younger generation of Catholics well-equipped for the struggle that
lay before them. The catechisms which the Jesuit preachers scattered
broadcast through the country, and the attention paid by them to the
proper religious instruction of the people helped to remove the bad
impressions produced by the misrepresentations of the Lutherans, and
tended to arouse a strong, healthy, educated Catholic opinion in
public life. Fortunately, too, at the time when the Emperors were a
danger rather than a protection to the Church, the rules of Bavaria
undertook boldly the defence of the old religion, and placed
themselves at the head of the Catholic forces.[2] Albert V. (1550-79)
insisted on the promulgation of the decrees of the Council of Trent,
and made an oath of loyalty to the Catholic Church an indispensable
condition for office in his kingdom. He favoured the Jesuits,
encouraged their schools, and did everything in his power to
strengthen Catholicism amongst his subjects. His policy was continued
by Maximilian I. (1598-1651), who became the recognised leader of the
advanced Catholic party in Germany.
This general unexpected revival, the success of which was shown by the
fervour of the people, the unwillingness of the authorities to make
any further concessions, and the determination of all parties to
insist on the strict observance of the /Ecclesiasticum Reservatum/
filled the Protestants with such alarm that their princes began to
insist on new guarantees. The Emperor, Rudolph II. (1576-1612),
though, unlike his predecessor, a good Catholic, was a most
incompetent ruler, devoting most of his time to alchemy and other such
studies rather than to the work of government. He endeavoured to solve
the religious difficulties in Silesia and Bohemia by yielding to the
Protestant demands (1609), but the interference of his brother
Matthias led to new complications, and finally to Rudolph's abdication
of the sovereignty of Bohemia (1611). Frederick IV. of the Palatinate
was a strong Protestant, and was closely connected with the reforming
party in England, Holland, and France. He thought he saw in the strife
between the members of the House of Habsburg an opportunity of
improving the position of Protestantism in the empire, of weakening
the claims of the House of Habsburg to the imperial dignity, and
possibly also of establishing himself as ruler of a united Germany.
An incident that took place at Donauworth,[3] a city near the Rhine,
helped him to realise his scheme of a great Protestant federation.
This city was almost exclusively Catholic in 1555, but in one way or
another the Protestants had succeeded in improving their position till
at last only the abbey church remained to the Catholics. Here on the
Feast of Corpus Christi in the year 1606 the customary procession of
the Blessed Sacrament was attacked and dispersed, and the Catholics
were treated with the greatest cruelty. When the matter was brought
before the Emperor the city was placed under the ban of the empire,
and Maximilian I. of Bavaria was entrusted with the task of carrying
out the decree. He advanced with a strong army and captured the city.
As the war indemnity could not be raised he retained possession of it,
restoring to the Catholics everything they had lost. Frederick IV.
made a strong appeal to the Protestant princes to show their
resentment at such an act of aggression, pointing out to them that the
fate of Donauworth would be the fate of all their territories unless
they took united action. As a consequence when both parties met at the
Diet of Regensburg (1608) the excitement was intense, and when the
Emperor appealed to his princes for support against the Turks, the
Protestants refused to lend their aid unless they received
satisfactory explanations. The Catholics, encouraged by Maximilian,
were equally unconciliatory, with the result that the Diet disbanded
without having been able to arrive at an agreement.
A short time after the Diet most of the Protestant princes met at
Ahausen and formed a confederation known as the /Union/ (1608) at the
head of which stood Frederick IV. of the Palatinate, while a little
later a large number of the Catholic princes bound themselves together
in the /League/ and accepted Maximilian of Bavaria as their leader
(1609). Thus Germany was divided once again into two hostile camps,
and only a very trifling incident was required to plunge the country
into another civil war. For a time it seemed as if the succession to
the Duchy of Cleves was to be the issue that would lead to the
catastrophe. Duke John William of Cleves had died without any direct
heir, and as the religious issue was still undecided in his territory,
the appointment of a successor was a matter of the greatest importance
to both parties. The Emperor with the approval of the /League/
nominated his brother Leopold as administrator, while the /Union/,
having strengthened itself by an alliance with France, was prepared to
take the field in favour of a Protestant. Henry IV. of France, anxious
to turn the disputes that had broken out between the different members
of the imperial family to the advantage of himself and his country,
was actually on his way to take part in the campaign when he was
assassinated. On his death both parties agreed to a temporary truce
(1610), and thus the outbreak of the war was delayed for some time.
This delay was very fortunate for the Catholics in Germany. With such
an Emperor as Rudolph pitted against a man like Henry IV. there could
have been very little doubt about the issue. Even in his own
territories Rudolph could not maintain his authority against his
brother Matthias, in whose interest he was obliged to abdicate the
throne of Bohemia (1611). On the death of Rudolph (1612) Matthias
succeeded though not without considerable difficulty. As Emperor he
showed himself much less favourable to the Protestants than he had
been during the years when he was disputing with his brother, but,
however well inclined, he was powerless to put an end to the division
that existed or to control the policy of the /League/ or the /Union/.
The Duchy of Cleves was still an object of dispute. While the German
Protestants invoked the aid of William of Orange and the Dutch
Calvinists, the Catholics called in the forces of Spain. The Emperor
could merely look on while his subjects allied themselves with
foreigners to settle their own domestic troubles.
Meanwhile far more serious trouble was brewing in Bohemia, where the
followers of Hus had blended with the disciples of Luther, and where
in many centres there was a strong feeling against the Catholic
Church. According to the concessions granted by Rudolph (1609),
knights and free cities were at liberty to build Protestant churches,
but a similar concession was not made to the subjects of Catholic
lords. Regardless of or misinterpreting the terms of the concession,
however, the Protestant tenants of the Archbishop of Prague and of the
Abbot of Braunau built churches for their own use. The archbishop and
abbot, considering themselves aggrieved, appealed to the imperial
court. According to the decision of this court the church built on the
lands of the archbishop was to be pulled down, and the other on the
lands of the abbot was to be closed (1618). A deputation representing
the Protestant party was appointed to interview the imperial
representatives at Prague, and the reply to their remonstrances being
regarded as unfavourable, the mob attacked the building, and hurled
the councillors who were supposed to be responsible for it through the
windows.
Under the direction of Count Thurn and some other Protestant nobles a
provisional government was established in Bohemia, arrangements were
made to organise an army, and as a beginning in the work of reform the
Jesuits were expelled. Owing to the strong anti-German feeling of the
populace the rebellion spread rapidly in Bohemia, and Count Mansfeld
hastened to the relief of the insurgents with an army placed at his
disposal by the /Union/. Most of the cities of Bohemia were captured
by the rebels, and the whole of northern Austria stood in the gravest
danger. At this critical moment the Emperor Matthias passed away, and
was succeeded by Ferdinand II. (1619-37). The latter was a devoted
Catholic, trained by the Jesuits, and had already done immense service
to the Church by wiping out almost every trace of heresy in his
hereditary dominions. That such a man should succeed to the imperial
dignity at such a time was highly distasteful to the Protestants of
Bohemia. It was not, therefore, to be wondered at that they refused to
acknowledge him as king, and elected in his stead Frederick V. of the
Palatinate (1619).
The situation looked exceedingly serious for Ferdinand II. On the one
side he was being pressed hard by the Turks, and on the other he was
beset so closely by the Bohemian rebels that even the very city of
Vienna was in danger of falling into their hands. His opponent
Frederick V. could rely upon the forces of the /Union/ in the
campaign, and besides, as the son-in-law of James I. of England and
the nephew of Maurice of Orange the successful leader of the Dutch and
the sworn ally of the French Huguenots, Frederick had little
difficulty in persuading himself that at last Europe was to be freed
from the domination of the House of Habsburg. He marched into Bohemia,
and was crowned solemnly at Prague in 1619. But if Frederick could
count upon support from many quarters so, too, could Ferdinand.
Maximilian II. of Bavaria was active on his side, as were indeed the
whole forces of the /League/. Saxony, too, which was devoted to
Lutheranism and detested the Calvinist tendencies of Frederick,
fearing that a victory for him might mean a victory for Calvinism,
ranged itself under the banner of the Emperor. The Pope sent generous
subsidies, as did also Spain. Finally, during the course of the
campaign Ferdinand was fortunate in having the service of two of the
ablest generals of their time, Tilly,[4] who commanded the forces of
the /League/, and Wallenstein[5] who had charge of the imperial
troops. Maximilian of Bavaria marched into Austria at the head of the
army of the /League/ and drove the rebels back into Bohemia, whither
he followed them, and inflicted upon them a severe defeat in the
battle of the White Mountain (1620). Frederick was obliged to save
himself by flight after a reign of a few months. The leaders of the
rebellion were arrested and put to death. In return for the services
he had rendered Maximilian of Bavaria became ruler of the Palatinate,
from which Frederick had been deposed. But though Frederick was
defeated the struggle was by no means finished. The Count of Mansfeld,
acting on behalf of the /Union/, espoused the cause of the Palgrave
and was supported by an army led by Christian IV. of Denmark,
Frederick's brother-in-law, who marched into Germany to the aid of his
friends. James I. of England, though unwilling to despatch an army,
helped by grants of money. The war was renewed with great vigour, but
the allies had little chance of success against two such experienced
generals as Tilly and Wallenstein. Christian IV. suffered a terrible
defeat at the Barenberg near Lutter (1626), and three years later he
was forced to agree to the Peace of Lubeck (1629), by which he
promised to withdraw from Germany and never again to mix himself up in
its domestic affairs.
The forces of the Emperor and of the /League/ were so victorious all
along the line that the former felt himself strong enough to deal with
the burning question of the ecclesiastical property that had been
seized. In a short time he issued what is known as the /Edict of
Restitution/ (1629), by which he ordered that all property acquired by
the Protestants contrary to the /Ecclesiasticum Reservatum/ clause of
the Peace of Augsburg (1555) should be restored. He commanded,
besides, that the terms of the Peace of Passau-Augsburg should be
strictly observed, allowed Catholic and Protestant princes the right
of establishing their own religion in their own territories (/Cuius
regio illius religio/), and permitted Protestant subjects of Catholic
princes who felt their consciences aggrieved to emigrate if they
wished to do so. About the justice of this decree there could be very
little dispute, for it dealt only with the return of what had been
acquired by open or veiled spoliation, but it may well be doubted
whether it was prudent considering the circumstances of the case. In
the first place, it meant the loss of enormous territories for some of
the Protestant princes who had enriched themselves from the lands of
the bishops and abbots. During the earlier stages of the war many of
those men had stood loyally by the Emperor in his struggle against
rebels and foreign invaders, but now, mindful of their own temporal
interests and the future of their religion, they were prepared to
range themselves on the side of their co-religionists in what had
become purely a religious war. France, too, alarmed by the victory of
Ferdinand II., and fearing that a victory for the House of Habsburg
might lead to the establishment of a united empire and the indefinite
postponement of the project of securing for France the provinces along
the Rhine, was only too glad to pledge its support to the Protestant
princes in the war against the Emperor. The young and valiant king of
Sweden, Gustavus Adolphus,[6] was a keen spectator of the trend of
affairs in Germany, and was anxious to secure for his country the
German provinces along the shores of the Baltic. He was not without
hopes also that, by putting himself forward as the champion of
Protestantism and by helping the Protestant princes to overthrow the
House of Habsburg, he might set up for himself on the ruins of the
Holy Roman Empire a great Protestant confederacy embracing most of
Northern Europe. Finally, even though Saxony had been induced by
special concessions to accept the Edict of Restitution, it might have
been anticipated that in a purely religious struggle between Catholics
and Protestants hatred of the Roman Church would prove stronger than
the prejudices against Geneva, and its ruler would be forced to join
the enemies of the Emperor.
Gustavus Adolphus, having strengthened himself by a formal agreement
with France, marched into Germany at the head of a body of picked
troops (1630). He issued a proclamation announcing that he had come to
free the Germans from slavery, and he opened negotiations with the
Protestant princes, some of whom to do them justice showed themselves
very reluctant to become allies of a foreign invader. Ferdinand II.
was but poorly prepared to meet such an attack. The imperial troops
had been disbanded, and what was much worse, Wallenstein had retired
into private life. Many of the Catholic princes, notably Maximilian of
Bavaria, resented his rapid promotion and the grant that had been made
to him of the Duchy of Mecklenburg. They prejudiced the mind of
Ferdinand against him just at the time his services were most urgently
required. Nor, when the first fit of zeal had passed away, were all
the Catholic princes anxious to hasten to the support of the Emperor.
Tilly with the forces of the /League/ advanced to bar the progress of
the Swedes. He was defeated at Breitenfeld (1631) and his army was
nearly destroyed. Gustavus Adolphus pushed rapidly forward towards
Bavaria, captured the cities of Wurzburg, Mainz, and Augsburg, and for
a time it seemed as if his advance to Vienna was going to be a
triumphal march. Over-joyed with the success of his campaign he began
to act as if he were really emperor of Germany, thereby giving great
offence to many of his German followers. His dreams of power were,
however, brought to an abrupt termination. In April 1632 he fought an
indecisive battle at Rain on the Lech, where Tilly was wounded
mortally, but in November he was slain at Lutzen though his army was
victorious.
Ferdinand found himself in great danger. He appealed for aid to Urban
VIII. and to Spain but at first the former, believing that the
struggle was more political than religious, refused to assist him,
though later on, when he realised that the very existence of the
Catholic Church in the empire was endangered, he changed his mind and
forwarded generous subsidies. Maximilian of Bavaria, who had held
aloof for a time, espoused warmly the cause of the Emperor, and
Wallenstein, who had been recalled in the hour of danger, raised an
immense army in an incredibly short space of time. Oxenstierna, the
chancellor of Sweden, took up the work of his master Adolphus and
succeeded in bringing about an alliance with the Protestant princes
(1633). So low had the national feeling sunk in the empire that the
Protestant princes consented to appoint this upstart as director of
the campaign and to fight under his command. France supplied the funds
to enable the Swedes to carry on the war. For some time very little
was done on either side. Negotiations were carried on by Wallenstein
with the Swedes, with Saxony, and with France. It was represented to
the Emperor that his chosen general was guilty of gross disloyalty.
Though the charge of absolute disloyalty has not been proved, still
certain actions of Wallenstein coupled with his inactivity gave good
colour to the accusation. The Emperor dismissed him from his command,
and a little later he was murdered by some of his own soldiers.
The war and the negotiations were renewed alternately, but without any
result as peace was not desired by either Sweden or France. At last
the forces of the Emperor gained a signal victory at Nordlingen
(1634). This success had at least one good result in that it detached
the Elector of Saxony from the side of Sweden. He had never thrown
himself whole-heartedly into the struggle, as he disliked the idea of
supporting a foreign invader against his own Emperor, and was not
sorry to escape from a very awkward position. The Peace of Prague was
concluded between the Emperor and Saxony (1635), according to which
the Edict of Restitution was abandoned in great measure, and religious
freedom was guaranteed to the Protestants of Silesia.
But to promote their own interests the Swedes and the French insisted
on complete equality between the Protestants and Catholics as an
indispensable condition for peace. From this time onward it was a
purely political struggle, inspired solely by the desire of these two
countries to weaken Germany and to break the power of the House of
Habsburg. On the death of Ferdinand II. in 1637 it was thought that
the war might have been ended, but these hopes were disappointed.
Ferdinand III. (1637-57) who succeeded offered a general amnesty at
the Diet of Regensburg (1641) without avail. French soldiers crossed
the frontiers to support the Swedes and the Protestants. Finally after
long negotiations the Peace of Westphalia (1648) put an end to a
struggle, in which Germany had suffered enormously, and from which
foreigners were to derive the greatest benefits.
The Peace of Westphalia was dictated to Germany by France and Sweden.
As a reward for the injury they had inflicted on the country both
received large slices of German territory. France insisted on getting
possession of Alsace, while Sweden received large grants of territory
along the Baltic together with a war indemnity of five million
thalers. In order to provide compensation for the secular princes,
portion of whose territories had been ceded to these two powers, and
also to reward others who had suffered for their alliance with Sweden,
the secularisation of a considerable amount of the ecclesiastical
states was arranged. Saxony, Brandenburg, Hesse-Cassel, Brunswick, and
Mecklenburg were enriched by the acquisition of lands formerly ruled
over by the bishops and abbots. This step meant that the Protestant
states of Germany were strengthened at the expense of the Catholic
Church, and that the people of these districts being now transferred
to Protestant rulers were in great danger of being drawn over to the
religion of their new masters. The jurisdiction of the bishops was
abolished in these territories, and even in some of the new chapters,
as for example at Osnabruck, Protestant canons were installed side by
side with Catholics.
Furthermore, it was arranged that the terms of the Peace of Augsburg
should be observed, with this important change, that the rights
guaranteed in it to the Lutherans should be extended even to those who
did not accept the Augsburg Confession. This concession was intended
to meet the demands of the Calvinists. Again, complete equality was
established between Catholics and Protestants in the empire. To give
effect to this clause it was arranged that in all imperial committees
and courts both parties should be represented in equal numbers. In
case religious issues were discussed at the Diet, where the Catholics
still had the majority, it was agreed that the matter should not be
decided by voting but by friendly compromise. The princes were
permitted to determine the religion of their subjects, the principal
restriction being that those subjects who were in the enjoyment of a
certain form of public or private religious worship in 1624 should not
be forced to change their religion. For the others nothing remained
but to seek a home where their conscientious convictions might be
respected. In regard to ecclesiastical property the year 1624 was
taken as the normal year, the property that the Protestants held in
that year being allowed to remain in their hands. The /Ecclesiasticum
Reservatum/ clause was retained, and made obligatory on both parties.
These terms, it was provided, should not extend to the Protestants in
the hereditary dominions of the Emperor.
The Peace of Westphalia by its practical recognition of state
neutrality in religious matters put an end to the constitution of the
Holy Roman Empire, and reduced the Emperor to the position of a mere
figurehead, depending for strength entirely on his own hereditary
states. Instead of preventing disunion it made national unity almost
impossible, and exposed Germany to attack from any hostile neighbour
who might wish to strengthen himself by encouraging strife amongst its
various states. Besides, it inflicted a severe injury on the Church
not merely by its recognition of the Protestant religion, but by the
seizure of ecclesiastical property, the abolition of bishoprics, the
interference with cathedral chapters, and the recognition of the right
of the temporal sovereign to determine the religion of his subjects.
It was no wonder then that the papal legate Fabio Chigi lodged a
strong protest against the Peace, and that the protest was renewed in
the most solemn form by Innocent X. (1648).[7] This action was not
inspired by the Pope's opposition to peace. On the contrary, again and
again during the civil war the Holy See had sought to bring about a
friendly understanding, but no Pope, unless he was disloyal to the
trust confided in him, could permit such interference in purely
religious matters without making it clear that he was not a consenting
party. Innocent X. foresaw that this was but the herald of new claims
on the part of the civil rulers, and that in a short time even the
Catholic sovereigns would endeavour to regulate the ecclesiastical
affairs of their subjects without reference to the authority of the
Church. Nor was it long until events showed that his suspicions were
not without good foundation.
----------
[1] Losche, /Geschichte des Protestantismus in Osterreich/, 1902.
[2] Hartmann, /Der Prozess gegen die Protestantischen Landstande in
Bayern unter Albrecht V./, 1904.
[3] Stieve, /Der Kampf um Donauworth/, 1875.
[4] Villermont, /Tilly ou la guerre de trente ans/, 1860.
[5] Halwich, /Geschichte Wallensteins/, 1910.
[6] Gfrofer, /Gustav. Adolf./, 1863.
[7] Bull, /Zelo domus Dei/.