CHAPTER I

Transcriber’s Notes:

A number of obvious typos have been corrected. Except for these

corrections, the spelling and punctuation of the book have not been

changed.

Underscores are used for italic markup; the three words that end this

sentence _are in italics_.

In the source book there are 539 footnotes numbered by chapter, so

that footnote number 1 is the first footnote in each chapter. In this

e-book the footnotes and their markers have been renumbered from 1 to

539 thus giving each footnote a unique marker that consists of a

number enclosed by square brackets. All the footnotes have been moved

to the end of the book where each footnote is headed by its marker.

THE EARLY IRISH

MONASTIC SCHOOLS

THE

EARLY IRISH

MONASTIC SCHOOLS

A STUDY OF IRELAND’S CONTRIBUTION

TO EARLY MEDIEVAL CULTURE

BY

HUGH GRAHAM, M.A.

_Professor of Education, College of St. Teresa,

Winona, Minnesota, U.S.A._

[Illustration]

DUBLIN

THE TALBOT PRESS LIMITED

85 TALBOT STREET

1923

PRINTED IN IRELAND

AT

THE TALBOT PRESS

DUBLIN

TO

IRISH TEACHERS

WHO,

TRUE TO THE TRADITIONS OF THEIR RACE,

SERVE HUMANITY IN MANY LANDS

BY LIVES CONSECRATED TO

RELIGION AND LEARNING

PREFACE

The aim of the present study is to give within reasonable limits a

critical and fairly complete account of the Irish Monastic Schools

which flourished prior to 900 A.D.

The period dealt with covering as it does the sixth, seventh, eighth,

and ninth centuries is one of the most obscure in the history of

education. In accordance with established custom writers are wont to

bewail the decline of learning consequent on the Fall of the Roman

Empire in the fifth century and then they pass on rapidly to the

Renaissance in the fifteenth; a few, however, pause to glance at the

Carolingian Revival of learning in the ninth century and to remark

parenthetically that learning was preserved in Ireland and a few

isolated places on the fringe of Roman Civilization, but with some

notable exceptions writers as a class have failed to realise that

as in other departments of human knowledge there is a continuity in

the history of education. The great connecting link between the

Renaissance and the Graeco-Roman culture which flourished in Western

Europe during the early centuries of our era is the Irish Monastic

Schools. Modern research clearly points to the conclusion that the

history of these schools is in reality a chapter in the history of

education in Western Europe. While we do not claim that the Irish

schools were the sole factor in the preservation and transmission of

letters during the Early Middle Ages we are certainly convinced that

they played a leading part. The cumulative evidence which we submit

amply warrants this conclusion.

The many tributes of a complimentary nature which scholars have

bestowed on the work of the Irish Monastic Schools would indicate that

the importance of their influence has not been overlooked; yet it seems

to us that their real aim and character have not always been clearly

understood. In a certain respect these schools were unique: they were

neither purely classical schools of the type that flourished in Gaul

in the fourth century, nor were they mere theological seminaries such

as existed in certain parts of Britain and the Continent that lay

outside the Irish sphere of influence. The peculiar character of the

Irish monastic school would appear to be the result of the harmonious

combination of three distinct elements: 1, Native Irish Culture; 2,

Christianity; 3, Graeco-Roman Culture. We believe that this conception

of Irish monastic culture furnishes the key to a proper understanding

of the real significance of Irish scholarship during the Early Middle

Ages. No study of Irish monastic schools which neglected to give

due consideration to the potent influence of each of these three

constituents would be adequate even if it were intelligible. The force

of this conviction which is the result of a prolonged and critical

examination of all the relevant material to hand has determined the

form which the present study has assumed.

The first and second chapters are not merely introductory: they

are fundamental. In the first chapter we discuss the question of a

pre-Christian and pre-classical native Irish culture. The second

chapter is devoted to an examination of that difficult problem, the

beginnings of classical learning in Ireland—a matter on which modern

research has thrown considerable light. As the school was so intimately

connected with the monastic system it was necessary to devote a special

chapter to an examination of the more salient features of Irish

monasticism which differed in many ways from Continental monasticism.

Here we are impressed with the fact that the native Irish ideals

blended with those of Christianity so as to give the Irish monastic

life a peculiarly national character which was ever reflected in the

educational aims and ideals of the Irish monk even when his missionary

zeal carried him far from the environment of his native land. In the

fourth chapter the attempt is made to determine the precise relation

which existed between the Irish monastic school and the general

educational situation not only in Ireland and Britain but in Western

Europe from 650 to 900 A.D. Those three great centres of intellectual

life in every Irish monastery—the school room, the scriptorium and the

library—are treated in the fifth chapter. The particular function of

each and its relation to the others is described while their combined

influence, whether of a contemporary or permanent nature, has been

noticed. The all-important question of the nature of the curriculum

has been critically examined in the sixth chapter. Finally, a chapter

is given to a discussion of the scope of Irish scholarship and its

significance in Mediæval Culture.

While a work of this nature can scarcely claim to be original and

the acknowledgments are too numerous to recount, yet the grouping

is new and not unfrequently facts have been presented from a new

angle. Source material has been consulted where possible. The

results of previous investigation have been freely used, but even as

often happened when we have arrived at conclusions which have been

anticipated by other writers, we have maintained quite as critical

and independent an attitude as when we ventured to challenge certain

popular opinions and to make such generalizations as the result of our

own study seemed to warrant. In some instances, however, this study has

carried us into fields of inquiry where we have no credentials, but in

these cases as in every other where we have used secondary authorities

acknowledgment is always made in the foot-notes.

In various ways we have endeavoured to condense a good deal of

information into a limited space. For example, to avoid repetition

we give frequent cross references to important topics dealt with

in different parts of this study. Again, instead of attempting the

bewildering and impossible task of giving an account of individual

schools we have given a list of the more important ones and merely

referred to particular schools as occasion demanded in order to

illustrate certain points of primary importance. For similar reasons

all attempts at biographical accounts of Irish scholars have been

studiously avoided. Such references as have occasionally been made

were necessary in carrying out our general plan which was to deal with

the Irish monastic school as an educational institution. Of course it

would have served no useful purpose to ignore completely those men

whose acknowledged scholarship was the best testimony of the character

of the instruction available in the schools in which they themselves

studied and taught.

A word might be said with reference to the proportion of space occupied

by the different topics. The plan invariably followed has been to give

a minimum of space to any topic which is treated fairly fully elsewhere

in some accessible work. On the other hand no topic which appeared

to be an integral part of the general plan has been omitted and such

topics as have been inadequately treated elsewhere have here received

fuller consideration.

While quite conscious of the limitations of our treatment, it is hoped

that by pointing out many supplementary sources of information we have

done something to smooth the path of other investigators who may wish

to explore those portions of the same field which lay outside the scope

of our present inquiry.

The author wishes to express his sincere thanks to the following:

to Dr. Fletcher H. Swift, Professor of the History of Education in

the University of Minnesota, for his sympathetic interest in the

subject and for his advice and guidance; to Rev. Laurence P. Murray,

M.R.I.A., Principal of St. Brigid’s Irish College, Omeath, Co. Louth,

for the use of his excellent Irish library and for helpful suggestions

and criticisms of the earlier chapters; to Rev. Dr. Peter Guilday,

Professor of History in the Catholic University of Washington, D.C.,

for reading the MS. and for his advice and encouragement; to Mr.

Patrick O’Daly of the Talbot Press for seeing the work through the

press and for painstaking proof-reading; and finally to the publishers

for turning out the work in an attractive and scholarly form.

COLLEGE OF ST. TERESA,

WINONA, MINNESOTA, U.S.A.,

_Lá Fhéile Pádraig,

1923._

CONTENTS

PAGE

CHAPTER I.—CIVILIZATION AND LEARNING IN

IRELAND IN PAGAN TIMES 1

„ II.—THE BEGINNINGS OF CLASSICAL

LEARNING 15

„ III.—IRISH MONASTICISM 30

„ IV.—THE RELATION OF THE IRISH

MONASTIC SCHOOLS TO THE

GENERAL EDUCATIONAL SITUATION

(550–900 A.D.) 71

„ V.—CENTRES OF INTELLECTUAL LIFE

IN IRISH MONASTERIES 93

„ VI.—COURSE OF STUDIES 119

„ VII.—SCOPE AND INFLUENCE OF IRISH

SCHOLARSHIP 171

BIBLIOGRAPHY:—(a) SOURCES 195

(b) SECONDARY AUTHORITIES 198

“The ages which deserve an exact enquiry are those times (for such

there were) when Ireland was the School of the West, the quiet

habitation of sanctity and literature.”

—Extract from a letter written by Dr. Samuel Johnson

(1709–1780) to Charles O’Connor (1710–1791), published in

Edward O’Reilly’s _Irish Writers_, pp. i., ii. Dublin, 1770.

“Le peuple monastique des temps barbares, le peuple missionare, et

destiné à apporter la lumière de la foi et de la science dans les

ténèbres croissantes de l’Occident, c’est le peuple Irlandais dont on

connait mieux les malheurs que les services et dont on n’a pas assez

étudié l’étonnante vocation.”

—Ozanam, Frederic. _La Civilisation Chrétienne chez les

Francs_, Ch. 4.

Roddet in cach cill caid

Etir tir is tuinnd is traig

Foglaim ecnai crabud De

Lubair cretra commairge.

—From a poem attributed to Flann Fine, the Irish name of

Aldfrith, King of Northumbria (d. 704 A.D.), who studied in

Ireland.

Text in _Eriu_, viii., p. 67. Translation, p. 71.

[Transcriber’s note.

This stanza is written in Old Irish, a language that can be read today

by only a small number of scholars. The following translation, which is

not in the source book, was made by Paul Walsh who published the entire

poem in _Eriu_.

There were yielded in every holy church,

on land and water and beach,

learning of wisdom, piety to God,

ecclesiastical duty, relics, and protection.]

[Transcriber’s note.

In the source book the following stanza is printed in an older Irish

orthography and typeface, no longer in common use. Here it is printed

using modern Irish orthography.]

Tuilleadh Feasa ar Éirinn óigh

Do chruinnigheasa ó scoith-seanóir;

Beag mo stuaim, gidh mór mo ghrádh

Ar an oileán uasal, Eire áin.

An t-Ughdar.

THE EARLY IRISH MONASTIC SCHOOLS

CHAPTER I

CIVILIZATION AND LEARNING IN IRELAND IN PAGAN TIMES

The precise state of civilization and learning in Ireland in

pre-Christian times is difficult to determine owing to the fact that

there is no native contemporary evidence of a documentary nature, while

the references in the works of foreign writers are few in number and

generally vague in character. Fortunately, however, there are a few

sources of information which have been made available by the laborious

and scholarly researches of generations of investigators. The principal

of these sources are:

1. Archæology.

2. The so-called Brehon Laws.

3. Early Irish Literature.

4. Foreign Testimony.

5. Ogam Inscriptions.

A brief survey of the evidence supplied by each of these may be helpful

in determining the nature and extent of Irish pagan culture.

ARCHÆOLOGICAL EVIDENCE:

Archæological research shows that Ireland was inhabited from very early

times though it is impossible to fix the exact chronological limit of

the earliest colonization. Passing over the beginnings of civilization

which are exemplified by the crude implements and other remains of

the Stone Age, we note that in the Bronze Age when the art of working

metals had been discovered the existing specimens of the work of these

ancient craftsmen point to a relatively advanced stage of civilization.

Indeed, an examination of the discoveries of this period amply

justifies the statement that “in point of wealth, artistic feeling and

workmanship, the Irish craftsmen of the Bronze Age surpassed those of

Britain.”[1] The doyen of prehistoric chronology, Dr. Oscar Montelius

of Stockholm, having studied the antiquities of the British Isles, gave

the result of his labours in a memoir published in 1918.[2] This work

is now the standard authority on this subject. Dr. Montelius divides

the Bronze Age into five periods. In the first period he includes the

Transitional Period where copper was in use (Copper period) which he

places between the middle of the third and the beginning of the second

millenium, B.C. One of the greatest living Irish archæologists, Mr.

George Coffey, while agreeing with the Scandinavian as to the division

into five periods, would not place the first period so early as has

been suggested by Dr. Montelius, but agrees that the first period

ended between 2000 B.C. and 1800 B.C. Both writers would

place the end of the fifth period, that is, the end of the Bronze Age

about 350 B.C. Thus we may consider the Irish Bronze Age as extending

approximately from 2000 B.C. to 350 B.C. Mr. Coffey in one of his

valuable works gives numerous illustrations representative of each

period.[3] The originals are nearly all in the National Museum, Dublin,

where Mr. Coffey is the official Keeper of Irish Antiquities. A notable

feature of the finds of this period is the abundance and variety of the

gold ornaments. The collection of gold ornaments of Irish workmanship

is the largest in the British Isles being twelve or thirteen times

more than that in the British Museum.[4] Possibly, this is but a small

fraction of the entire output of the Irish artists of pagan times; for

many Irish gold ornaments have been discovered in Scandinavia and in

Western Europe not to speak of many finds which never enter a museum.[5]

From such material remains it would appear to be a legitimate

deduction that even at this early age the Irish were skilled craftsmen

and acquired by some means at least an elementary and industrial

and technical education and that they were already cultivating the

æsthetic. Art was developing on distinctly national lines, yet the

country was not isolated. There must have been direct communication

with the Continent; for Mr. Coffey has traced Aegean and Scandinavian

influence in the incised ornament of the New Grange group[6] and

Iberian influence on some of the later type of bronze ornaments.[7]

THE BREHON LAWS:

The laws of a country dealing as they do with man in his relations

to his fellow-man and society in general are always an important

indication of the state of civilization attained by the race which

has evolved them. In this connection a valuable source of information

on the social condition and state of culture attained by the pagan

Irish is the native code of laws, generally styled the Brehon Laws,

but more correctly termed the _Féineachas_. According to a generally

accepted tradition these laws were revised and codified in 438 A.D. by

a committee of nine appointed by King Laoghaire at the suggestion of

St. Patrick. The committee consisted of three kings (Laoghaire, High

King of Ireland; Corc, King of Munster; and Daire, King of Cairnach);

three saints (St. Patrick, himself, St. Benin and St. Cairnech);

and three learned men (Ross, Dubhthach and Feargus).[8] These laws

grew up with the people from the very beginning of society and took

cognisance of them from every point of view. They professed to regulate

domestic and social relations of every kind, as well as professions,

trades, industries, occupations and wages.[9] As laws they are too

minute; but this defect renders them valuable to the student who is

interested in the social conditions of the period during which they

were evolved. As a recent commentator[10] has remarked: “The rigorously

authentic character of these laws relating to, and dealing with the

actual realities of life and with institutions and a state of society

nowhere else revealed to the same extent; the extreme antiquity both

of the provisions and the language in which they were written, and the

meagreness of Continental material illustrative of the same things

endow them with exceptional archaic, archæological and philological

interest.” The development of such a comprehensive and detailed code

of laws must have been the work of many generations of lawmakers and

suggest a relatively high degree of native culture. In this connection

one is inclined to quote the emphatic declaration of Dr. George

Sigerson who has won honours both as a litterateur and as a scientist.

He says: “I assert that, biologically speaking, such laws could

not emanate from any race whose brains had not been subject to the

quickening influence of education for many generations.”[11] In other

words, such a code of laws can be accounted for only on the assumption

of a high degree of culture as a racial heritage of the nation which

evolved them.

EVIDENCE FROM EARLY IRISH LITERATURE:

There are many passages in the oldest Irish literature, both secular

and religious, which state that the Irish had books before the

introduction of Christianity. In a memoir[12] of St. Patrick written

in the seventh century Muirchu Maccu Machteni relates how during the

contest of the saint with the druids—the learned men of the time—the

High King Laoghaire proposed that one of St. Patrick’s books and one

belonging to the druids should be cast into the water to see which

would come out uninjured—a kind of ordeal. Here it will be noticed

that Muirchu’s statement embodies a tradition which was old in the

seventh century. The same story is told in the _Tripartite Life of

St. Patrick_.[13] Both the Irish bardic tales and the oldest existing

lives of St. Patrick agree in stating that he found in the country both

literary and professional men—all pagans—druids, poets and antiquarians

or historians,[14] as well as an elaborate code of laws.[15]

Although no Irish document has been preserved which dates earlier

than the seventh century, there is ample intrinsic evidence that the

earliest existing documents were copied from manuscripts which go

back a century or two earlier and these again may have recorded the

traditions of a still earlier period. Authorities are agreed that

after the establishment of Christianity in the fifth century the Irish

scholars committed to writing not only the laws, bardic historical

poems, &c. of their own time, but those which had been preserved from

earlier times whether traditionally or otherwise.[16] In a subsequent

chapter reference will be made to a common practice of the Irish monks,

namely that of making marginal and interlinear glosses on the classical

writings they were studying, copying, or teaching. For the present it

is sufficient to note that even in the case of the earliest of the

seventh century glosses the written language was fully developed and

cultivated, with a polished phraseology and an elaborate and systematic

grammar having well established forms for its words and for all its

rich inflections. To the linguistic student it is inconceivable how

much a complete and regular system of writing could have developed in

the period which had elapsed from the introduction of Christianity in

the fifth century until the general spread of Christian learning in

the seventh. Such a period would be much too short, especially when

it is recollected that early Irish literature had its roots not in

Christianity but in the native learning which was the main, and almost

the sole, influence in developing it. This consideration points clearly

to the conclusion that native learning was carefully and systematically

cultivated before the introduction of Christianity.

Again, Irish poetry owes its development solely to the Lay Schools.[17]

It had complicated prosody—with numerous technical terms[18] all

derived from the Irish language. These vernacular terms used in Irish

grammar contrast strikingly with the terms used to designate the

offices and ceremonies of Christianity which were almost all derived

from Latin.[19] All this would go to prove that Irish prosodial rules

and technical terms, and of course Irish poetry itself, were fully

developed before the introduction of Christianity.

FOREIGN TESTIMONY:

At least one foreign writer bears witness of the fact that the pagan

Irish possessed books. A Christian philosopher of the fourth century

(some would place him as early as the second or third) whose name is

Aethicus of Istria wrote a Cosmography of the World in which he states

that on leaving Spain he hastened to Ireland where he spent some time

“examining their books” (_eorum volumina volvens_).[20] Aethicus is

not by any means complimentary. He calls the Irish sages unskilled and

uncultivated teachers, but he speaks of the Spaniards in a similar

strain. Possibly not understanding the Irish language he regarded all

learning outside of Greece and Rome as barbarous and beneath notice.

However, his statement proves that when he visited Ireland there

were books at least a century before St. Patrick’s advent; it also

shows that he found them in such abundance that he spent some time in

examining them.

OGAM INSCRIPTIONS:

The point has now been reached when it is necessary to discuss the kind

of writing used in pagan times. As has been stated, none of the books

of pre-Christian Ireland are now extant, so evidence as to the kind

of writing in use must be sought elsewhere. In the absence of books

the coinage of a country has often given valuable information in this

connection. In the case of Ireland, however, this source of information

is lacking; for though metals were worked from very early times and

gold was plentiful no trace of a native coinage has been found. Luckily

there remain in the stone inscriptions the clearest proofs that the

ancient Irish practised a peculiar kind of writing called Ogam.

DESCRIPTION OF OGAM:

Ogam or Ogham was a species of writing the letters of which were a

combination of short lines and points on, and at both sides of, a

middle or stem line called a _flesc_. In the specimens still remaining

this Ogam writing is almost entirely confined to stone inscriptions,

the groups of lines and points running along two adjacent sides of a

stone with the angular edge for the _flesc_. The arrangement may be

understood from a simple diagram.[21]

[Illustration:

(i) B L V S N (ii) H D T C QU

(iii) M G NG F R (iv) A O U E I ]

The above diagram shows the Ogam alphabet arranged in four groups. A

few other characters are occasionally used. It will be noted that crude

as this device for writing is, it is applied with considerable skill

and is framed with much ingenuity. The simpler sounds are represented

by simpler letters than the more complex. Letters in frequent use like

the vowels are the easiest to form. The arrangement of the vowels

is different from that used in the Latin and English alphabets but

corresponds to the more scientific arrangement adopted by modern

phoneticians. It is worth noting that the characters in group (ii)

stand for the initial sounds of the Old Irish words for _one_, _two_,

_three_, _four_, _five_, in the order given.

The question of Ogam writing has occupied the attention of many

antiquarians and though some of the theories projected by the earlier

investigators have been rejected as untenable our knowledge of Ogam at

the present time is fairly definite but somewhat limited. It was once

thought that Ogam was a cryptic alphabet, but many of the inscriptions

have been read by means of the above key which is to be found in the

Book of Ballymote. Owing to the fact that a few of the later Ogams have

been found with duplicates in Roman letters they have been deciphered

independently. As to the distribution of these Ogam inscribed stones

it is worthy of note that in Ireland they are found chiefly in the

south-west, and in Britain they are confined to those parts where it

is known the Irish Gael had settled.[22] Owing to the lack of criteria

for dating certain sound-changes in the Irish language it is impossible

in the present stage of our knowledge to assign definite chronological

limits to these Ogam inscriptions.[23] Mr. Quiggin in his account of

Ogam[24] asserts that the earlier inscriptions cannot be later than the

fifth century and if pagan they may be a century or two earlier. All

Ogam inscriptions with accompanying Roman letters he would assign to

a later period than 500 A.D. with the sole exception of the bilingual

inscription of Killen Cormac (Cillin Cormac) which is believed to be

earlier than 500 A.D.[25] Over three hundred Ogam inscriptions have

been found and where they have not been injured or defaced they can

generally be interpreted.

Heroes and druids in the older epics are represented as making constant

use of Ogam letters, sometimes inscribing them on wooden staves.

The state of civilization depicted in these ancient poems and prose

narratives seems to belong mainly to pre-Christian Ireland.

There is some difference in opinion as to the means whereby the Irish

discovered the use of letters. One thing is certain, the Ogam alphabet

is based on the Latin alphabet. Some think that the Irish first became

acquainted with the Roman alphabet through direct trade with the

Continent, but it is more probable as MacNeill has shown[26] that this

knowledge was acquired from the Romanized Britons from the first or

second century onward. But how or why they invented the Ogam alphabet

instead of using the Roman letters, or else Greek ones like the Gauls,

is a profound mystery. There can, however, be no doubt that the Ogam

alphabet at whatever time invented, is the peculiar possession of the

Irish Gael and is to be found only where he had his settlements.

SUMMARY:

From the preceding discussion we may safely conclude:

1. That long before the

Christian era the Ancient Irish had developed many useful arts

and were skilled and artistic craftsmen.

2. That they had a code of laws that was well suited to the

state of society that then existed, and that with slight

alterations it was well adapted to meet the requirements of the

higher civilization of Christianity. (A corroboration of this

view is the well-known fact that at a much later date many of

the Anglo-Norman settlers abandoned their own code of laws and

adopted the Brehon Code to which they became as much attached

as the Irish themselves).

3. That native learning was actively cultivated and

systematically developed before the introduction of

Christianity.

4. That there was a learned class called druids who were the

priests, teachers, poets, historians and judges. (The same man

in early times combined in himself all these functions, but in

later times there was a tendency to specialize).

5. That the Pagan Irish had a knowledge of letters and that

they wrote their learning or part of it in books and cut Ogam

inscriptions on stone and wood, but how they obtained this

knowledge we have no certain means of determining.

The Early Irish Monastic Schools A study of Ireland's contribution to early medieval culture · 第 1 / 7 章