CHAPTER IX

THE HUMANITARIAN SIDE

But the delinquencies of the county are not wholly related in terms

of finance. Some good friend of the system is sure to come forward

with the remark that “county policies, like every other branch of

the business, may be expensive, but it has a good deal of wholesome

humanity about it.”

A view that is worth examining!

To the lot of the county, acting through the machinery and under the

influences which have been described, has fallen in large part, the

extensive and important governmental burden of looking after the poor

who are always with us, the sick in mind and those in prison. The

magnitude of this task in a populous center may be gathered from this

summary of the humanitarian functions of Cook County, by Dr. Graham

Taylor.

“It housed, fed and cared for about eleven thousand prisoners in the

county jail, nearly ten thousand of whom required medical treatment for

infectious diseases.

“It gathered in, temporarily cared for and committed to state asylums

or discharged, 2334 insane patients.

“It assumed and maintained care for 10,597 delinquent and dependent

children.

“It isolated and stamped out contagion.

“It housed, fed and furnished medical and surgical treatment for 34,000

sick people, 1000 tuberculosis patients, and 3000 aged, infirm or

irresponsible people.

“It supplied food, clothing and fuel to about 200,000 persons; buried

978 pauper and friendless dead, and granted $165,000 to 350 indigent

mothers for the support of 1126 children. To perform this service it

required the full time of 3000 employees and part time of about 10,000

others. The appropriations of Cook County for 1913 total $7,072,486.96.”

Such is the budget of what we may call the human problem of a great

metropolitan county. Between the services rendered in such a unit and

those of a sparsely settled, back-country county, almost anywhere in

the United States, the difference is one of degree rather than of kind.

This is the ancient heritage of the church, which it has gradually

transferred to the shoulders of the State, beginning at a time when

the treatment of unfortunates was yet mostly a matter of getting

undesirable citizens out of the way without actually assassinating

them. The recipients of relief in early times were all treated as just

so much of a public charge and all were obliged to wear the letter

“P.” There was no science of penology, and the insane were treated

as possessed of devils. Modern institutional care was practically

undreamed of.

But the care of unfortunates within the last half century has come

under the dominion of the scientific spirit. The old way was to

“bunch” all kinds of poor and all kinds of dependents and all classes

of criminals, regardless of all antecedent circumstances and all

hope of betterment. Science, on the other hand, has demanded first,

investigation into the causes and nature of crime and deficiency, then

classification of cases. New York led the way in the treatment of

these social relief problems by starting the process of segregation.

In the early part of the nineteenth century the almshouses in America

and the workhouse in England began to be built, as an expedient for

facilitating investigation of applicants and decreasing expense. These

institutions were soon used to house all sorts and conditions of men,

women and children. Says one authority[4]:

“If you went into an almshouse in any of the counties of this State

as recently as the ’70s of the last century, you would have found a

mixture of the aged, who were in the almshouse simply because they

were old and misfortune had come to them and they had lost their

money and were therefore obliged to spend their last days in the

almshouse. In addition, you would find children of all ages, beginning

with infants. A large number of infants, especially illegitimate

children, would be housed in the same building and would be cared

for promiscuously with the older groups. You would also find large

numbers of the insane, as there was no separate provision for them at

that time. So with the epileptic and feeble-minded and every class of

dependent vagrant and inebriate. It was a veritable dumping-ground for

all sorts and conditions of humanity.”

In the movement for segregation of cases the first step was to secure

a prohibition against the commitment of children to the almshouses.

Special provision was later made for the insane. From time to time

other classes of cases, including the feeble-minded, the epileptics and

vagrants, have been transferred for appropriate treatment elsewhere.

Later came the public health movement, the basic idea of which is

the segregation of the sick poor from those who are sound in body

but destitute. Even at the present time the almshouses are used for

inebriates.

In a later period the standards for the treatment of prisoners have

been advanced somewhat more slowly but along the same scientific

principle of classification and segregation, but less with reference to

psychological and sociological causes or the nature of crime than to

the conveniences of administration. But segregation has been prescribed

by law in generous measure according to certain crude principles of

decency and justice. Thus the New York Prison law provides at least ten

classifications, involving separation of men from women, men from boys,

persons awaiting trial from those under sentence, civil prisoners and

witnesses from criminal prisoners.

So much for the modern standards. Against such standards the success or

failure of the county as a humanitarian agency must be measured.

THE POOR

First as to the poor.

We can do no better than to recount the performances of certain typical

states. Certainly in New York the substantial improvement of this

class has come through no strong impulse within the county itself, but

rather as the result of the activities of unusually strong volunteer

organizations which forced the fact of the evil conditions upon the

attention of the officers and the people of the county and upon the

state in general. But lest it should be supposed that New York State

is a model in this field, let it be recorded that when by more or

less of an accident Mr. V. Everit Macy, a real friend of scientific

charity, was elected to the office of superintendent of the poor, he

found a system more ideally fitted to take care of “the boys” in the

“organization” than the poor themselves. In describing the system he

said:

“The law ingeniously divides responsibility so that the superintendent

has no power over the admissions to the almshouse or hospitals or of

children to institutions but only the negative power of discharge,

while the local committing officials have little control after the

adult or child is committed. This often results in setting up an

endless chain of commitments and discharges, for, as fast as the

superintendent discharges an adult or a child, the local official may

recommit.

“The superintendent is on a salary but practically all the overseers

are paid on a _per diem_ basis, and the justices of the peace are

paid a fee for each commitment. If an Overseer issues an order for

groceries or signs a commitment, he can collect his two dollars for a

day’s work.

“Could ingenuity devise a more absurd and wasteful method of relieving

suffering or one where responsibility and control could be more

disastrously divided to the injury of the taxpayer and the poor?”[5]

The same authority is responsible for the statement that “the

greatest injustice to the individual and injury to the state is now

done through the haphazard handling of the cases of delinquent and

destitute children.” Overseers of the poor, justices of the peace,

police magistrates and judges can all commit children and most of these

officials have a monetary interest in committing. Few of them have

any means of investigating cases before acting and fewer still have

any training to fit them to deal wisely with either the destitute or

delinquent child.

But what of other states?

In Missouri where poor relief is a function of the county court, a

county almshouse is maintained and a certain amount of outdoor relief

is dispensed. Professor Isador Loeb[6] of the University of Missouri

reports:

“While the county board is authorized to maintain a county hospital

for the sick poor, this has been done in only one county. Nine

counties still use the primitive system of sending the poor to board

with private families. Most of the counties in abandoning this system

have bought a farm and employed a superintendent to look after the

poor and use them as far as possible on the farm. As a result the

almshouse in the majority of the counties is a farmhouse, and the

county is apparently more interested in the successful management of

the farm than the welfare of the inmates. While a number of counties

have erected modern buildings, the physical conditions in most of the

almshouses are very bad.”

With respect to Pennsylvania, the special agent of the department of

public health and charities writes[7]:

“Twenty-seven counties have now accepted the Children’s Aid Society as

their agent for the care of dependent children. In the other counties

nearly every possible method of caring for children is represented

in the courses chosen. Where the township system is in use, the few

dependent children are placed out by adoption or indenture, by the

overseers themselves. Several counties have built homes for the

children, an expensive method, with no merit so far as the favorable

situation of the children is concerned. Some of the overseers place

the children in institutions, while others use private homes to some

extent, controlling and supervising the children themselves.”

THE INSANE

In no branch of humanitarian service is segregation, classification,

even to the point of individual treatment, more essential than in the

care of the insane. New Jersey puts no inconsiderable number of her

mentally afflicted on a par with offenders against the criminal law

for, according to the Commission on the Care of the Mental Defectives

for the year 1913, fifteen counties had confined insane persons in

penal institutions, in some cases for periods of from 85 to 223 days.

The State Charity Commission in Illinois recently reported that in

spite of a provision of the statutes forbidding such practices, only

eleven of the 102 counties did not so offend. Louisiana is reported to

have many lunatics in its parish jails.

In but few states are there no insane in the county almshouses, for

at least temporary confinement, and particularly is this true in the

South and Middle West. In such institutions a condition sometimes

prevails that staggers imagination. For the state of Pennsylvania, Dr.

C. Floyd Haviland has summed up the situation in these words:

“As a result of the existing system, in these institutions, custodial

care is generally substituted for active remedial treatment directed

to the improvement or the recovery of the insane as such. As a

rule, medical treatment for physical ills is satisfactory, although

such is not invariably the case. With but few exceptions, the

county institutions have no special medical facilities, nor can

it be expected that such facilities can be provided under present

conditions, for, with the comparatively small number of patients

treated in the respective institutions, such provisions would require

a prohibitive _per capita_ expense; but as a result of such

lack of facilities, mechanical means of restraint and confinement

are substituted for proper personal treatment and attention. With

but a limited number of attendants, enclosed exercise yards and

personal restraint and seclusion must inevitably result. Under

existing conditions, one cannot blame the caretakers of the insane for

resorting to such means, for while restraint and seclusion can and

should be abolished, they cannot be successfully abolished without

the substitution of other means of dealing with the disturbed insane,

such as hydrotherapy, occupational training, and close personal

supervision. In this connection it is agreeable to note that little

evidence was obtained of actual physical abuse, but that gross neglect

exists is indisputable.

“That the theory of county hospitals for the chronic insane only

does not obtain in actual practice is but a necessary result of the

prevailing custom of determining the question as to whether a patient

shall be committed to a state hospital, regardless of prognosis or

medical issues, in many instances the decision being made by local

lay authorities without medical advice. It is certain that many acute

cases have lapsed into chronicity in the county hospitals simply for

lack of proper treatment. Dreary, desolate wards, lack of recreation,

or other means of exciting or maintaining active interest are alone

sufficient not only to hinder improvement or recovery, but must

necessarily result in actually hastening the terminal process of

deterioration.”[8]

Writing concerning the treatment of the insane in Texas, Dr. Thomas

W. Salmon, of the National Committee for Mental Hygiene calls county

almshouse care of the insane the “saddest and most sordid spectacle

in American community life.” For a graphic picture of the practical

significance of the system in one of the almshouses in that state the

reader is urged to read the extracts from Dr. Salmon’s address in the

Appendix of this volume.

COUNTY PRISONS

But what of the treatment of the prisoner?

The county theoretically has very little to do with persons convicted

of serious offenses. By far the greater number of the inmates of the

prison are persons awaiting trial and therefore presumably innocent of

wrongdoing. The minimum standard of justice demands that such persons

be kept apart from hardened criminals. We shall see how this and other

standards are observed in the county.

To begin with, it should be noted that the head of the jail,

universally, is the sheriff. Bear in mind that this officer in

forty-seven states is elective, that his term is usually very short,

that he is usually ineligible to succeed himself and that he has

numerous special duties to perform. It is therefore obvious that

nothing but an exceptional piece of good luck can bring to the head of

the jail an expert penologist. Often, too, he will be under contract

with the board of supervisors to supply the prisoners with food at as

good a profit to himself as may be.

In this atmosphere it is certainly not to be expected that the finest

flowers of penology should grow. Massachusetts has so far fallen

below standard as to call forth this stinging description from the

Massachusetts Prison Association:

“In fact, in the county prisons nothing is done but to give the

inmates custodial care. The man who goes to the reformatory is dealt

with with a definite purpose to reform him. Another man goes to a

county prison and comes out unchanged.

“Even worse is the indiscriminate association of all sorts of

criminals in the county prisons. Beginners in crime are forced into

close contact with hardened criminals. Men who are committed for

being too poor to pay their fines for petty offenses, are compelled

to associate with men who have spent their lives in crime. The county

prison is, inevitably a school of crime.”[9]

The Prison Association in New York State is scarcely more complimentary

concerning the prison conditions in that state. According to Mr.

O. F. Lewis,[10], its secretary, the requirements of the statutes

respecting the classification of prisoners appear to be systematically

violated. Jails are frightfully overcrowded. The buildings are faultily

constructed and unsanitary. For a prisoner to make a six-months’ stay

in one of them is to undergo “the most serious possible contamination.”

The condition of the jails in Illinois is apparently no better, for

the State Charities Commission reported recently,[11], there had been

little improvement since the first examination of the former State

Charities Board in 1870. A large majority of the jails were reported to

be old and unsanitary. In seventy-two of one hundred and two counties,

the law requiring the segregation of minors from adults was violated

and in eleven counties there was no provision for women.

And so it goes. The county as a truly humanitarian agency has most

lamentably failed. As to the underlying cause of the failure, this is

suggested in a remark of the state prison inspector of Alabama in his

report for 1914: “Publicity is not only a political antiseptic, but

is the sure antidote for most, if not all, our governmental ills.” A

justifiable inference from this declaration would be that counties

are suffering from the lack of publicity. In the immunity from the

restraint which such a purifying influence would supply the elementary

human instincts of county officials has full sway--such instincts as

the inspector had in mind when he said:

“The vile, pernicious, perverting, fee system beggars description, and

my vocabulary is inadequate to describe its deleterious and baneful

effects. It inculcates into the management of our jails greed for the

Almighty Dollar; persons are arrested because of the dollar and shame

to say, are frequently kept in captivity for months, in steel cages,

for no other reason than the Almighty Dollar.”

The organization of the county for political purposes to secure

the utmost obscurity and irresponsibility breaks the force of any

humanitarian public opinion that might be developed for the betterment

of the lot of the unfortunate. The same influences render the county

practically uninhabitable for the expert administrator, who would

be likely to direct popular attention to the evil conditions which

we have described. His place has been preëmpted by the hanger-on and

the wire-puller to whom charity means the dispensing of favors to

“deserving” workers of all political faiths. In _this_ sense the

county is a very humane institution, and a very open-handed one. It

serves well such local officials as the overseer of the poor in an

up-state New York county who presented this remarkable annual report to

his superior:

“I am a little late with my report. I hope you will excuse me and

overlook the matter. Like last year, there are no county poor here;

but if you will allow me $5.00 _for keeping them off_, you will

oblige,

“Yours respectfully,

“----.”

This claim was paid and the poor were presumably “kept off”

indefinitely.

There is not a little evidence to support the statement that many

county officers believe that they have satisfied the requirements of

humanity when they have taken care of their own personal wants. Such

officers, and the system of which they are part, are very good--to

themselves.

[4] Bailey B. Burritt, in _Proceedings of the Second Conference for

the Study and Reform of County Government_, pp. 6, 7.

[5] _First Conference for Better County Government_, p. 22.

[6] _Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social

Science_, May, 1913, p. 56.

[7] _Op. cit._, p. 168.

[8] _The Treatment and Care of the Insane in Pennsylvania_, pp.

68-69. Philadelphia, 1915.

[9] _Leaflet._ 1911.

[10] _Proceedings of the Third Conference for the Study and Reform of

County Government_, pp. 6-7.

[11] _Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social

Science_, May, 1913, p. 70.

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