Up on the crest of Carmel a man stood watching. Before him lay the blue
waters of the Mediterranean Sea, to the North the curving Bay of Acre,
while to the south the white surf was breaking on the reefs of
Philistia.
At the other end of the long Carmel ridge another man stood waiting.
Before his eyes the great Plain of Esdraelon lay extended with the hills
of Galilee to the North and the great bulk of Mt. Gilboa, faint in the
summer haze, bounding the vision to the East.
Seven times the Watcher had climbed to the Western crest of Carmel; six
times he had returned to report that there was nothing to be seen, and
seven times he had been bidden, "Go up again; look towards the sea." Now
at last he knew that his vigil was ended; something had risen above the
horizon that told him his watch was past. It was a very little thing;
yet it sent him speeding back along the mountain's ridge until he came
again to the man who was waiting. "Behold," he said, "There ariseth a
little cloud out of the sea like a man's hand." And the man who waited
sent word to a King of Israel, saying, "Prepare thy chariot."
A man's hand is a very little thing, frail and weak, but we have seen a
cloud like a man's hand, a man's hand clad in armor, rising up beyond
the sea. The shadow of that cloud fell on Poland, and Poland died. It
fell on Russia, and a great Empire went down in darkness and eclipse. It
fell on Serbia, and blotted her out, on Roumania, and Roumania passed
into bondage. It fell on Belgium, and Belgium cried out a little and
then grew still. That shadow fell on France and even the trees withered
and died. It stretched out over the sea and touched the Lusitania, and
she crumpled and went down, carrying with her 120 American dead. And now
that shadow falls upon our own shores and darkens the streets and homes
of our towns and cities. So to-day the summons has gone forth to every
American, "Prepare thy chariot!" Each one of us has his own--not to all
of us is the same kind given. To some of us it is the Red Cross, to
others it is the voice or the pen, to every one of us it is the buying
of Liberty Bonds, to some of us it is the Training Camp, the Trench, and
the Battlefield. But to every man, woman, and child of us the hour has
come to "Prepare our chariots." For America has willed with all her
might, her soul, her strength, that the shadow of that "Cloud like a
man's hand" shall forever pass away; that it shall no longer rest on
Poland, Russia, Serbia, Roumania, Belgium, France or on our own America,
but that Liberty, Justice, and Democracy shall shine in an unclouded sky
and that no shadow of a man's mailed fist shall darken either the homes
or the hearts of men.
In 1204 Philip Augustus laid siege to the Chateau Gaillard, which
Richard Coeur de Lion had built to defend his lands of Normandy. In
the course of that siege, the little town of Les Andelys was destroyed,
and the peasants, some 1400 in number, fled to the Chateau for refuge.
But Sir Roger de Lacy, defending for England, was already facing
starvation, England was far away, John Lackland was slow, and provisions
were failing. He did not dare admit these 1400 "bouches inutiles," for
that would mean the almost immediate surrender of his trust. Therefore
he kept the gates of the castle closed. But the besiegers would not
allow the refugees to pass through their lines, their Commandant
believing that the compassion of the English would sooner or later
compel them to receive these fugitives if they saw them starving before
their eyes. So they held them between the lines until they starved to
death, so the story goes.
It is a long way from 1204 to the present time, but last year General
von Bissing, the German Governor of Belgium, said to F. C. Wolcott, the
representative of the Rockefeller Foundation, "Starvation is a great
weapon. We mean to use it to force thousands of Belgian skilled workmen
into German factories, thousands of Belgian farmers into the fields of
Mesopotamia. The rest--the ineffectives, the very old and the very
young, the weak and the useless--we mean to place in front of the firing
line, put firing squads behind them, and drive them through the French
and English lines, that France and England may take care of them." That
is what Germany has been doing ever since the war broke out. Wherever
her armies have gone, from Armenia to Serbia, Poland, Belgium, and
France, she has been driving women, children, and men through our lines
for us to care for. Nay, it is more than this; it is not men, women and
children, but it is the very essence and principle of manhood,
womanhood, and childhood that she has been forcing through our lines and
that we have called upon to care for.
I am not going to tell you again what Germany has been doing to men,
women, and children; I am not going to repeat the stories of her
atrocities. A year ago I should have felt compelled to tell you what
to-day I feel I may leave unsaid, for a year ago we were not sure, we
could not, many of us, bring ourselves to believe, that men born of
women could do such things. But to-day we know. The awful tale of
helpless ships sunk so as to leave no trace, the shelling of life boats,
the sinking of hospital ships, the bombing of hospitals and ambulances,
the crucifixion of men, the outraging of women, the torturing of
children, the enslaving of entire populations, all these barbarisms are
proved not merely by the testimony of many witnesses, but from the lips
of the very soldiers and sailors of Germany herself. So I gladly pass
these things by, only bidding you remember that in this war German
ruthlessness has driven manhood, womanhood, and childhood through our
lines for us to protect.
But there is something else that has been driven into our lines and
which we are called upon to guard. We are protecting the freedom and
dignity of Labor. I wish every laboring man could be made to understand
Labor's stake in this war. The leaders of American labor, for the most
part, have understood from the beginning. Their appeals to the manhood
of the country have been stirring and stimulating, and to-day Labor is
beginning to respond. There are fewer strikes and more effectiveness.
But the individual laboring man did not grasp the issues from the first.
If he had there would not have been 3000 strikes in the first year of
our war, with a total of 6000 years of labor lost. Let me speak for a
moment of Labor's stake in this war.
Ambassador Gerard says, "The workingmen in the cities of Germany are
worked longer and get less out of life than any other workmen in the
world. The laws so much admired, insurance against unemployment,
sickness, injury, old age, etc., are in reality skillful measures which
bind the workmen to the soil as effectively as the serfs of the Middle
Ages were bound to their masters' estates.
"I have had letters from workingmen ... begging for a steerage fare to
America, saying that their insurance payments were so large that they
could not save money from their wages. Of course, after making these
payments for some years the workingman hesitates to emigrate and lose
all the premiums he has paid to the State. In peace times a skilled
mechanic receives less than two dollars a day, for which he must work
at least ten hours." He says that he visited a nobleman on his estate in
Hungary, where--as throughout the Central Empires,--the agricultural work
is largely done by women who are paid twenty cents a day. "The women in
the farming districts of Germany are worked harder than the cattle. In
summer time they are in the fields at five or six o'clock in the morning
and they work until eight o'clock or later at night. For this they are
paid as high as forty-eight cents a day in harvest time." We have a
Contract Labor Law which forbids the importation of labor. Germany every
year imports a million laborers from abroad and the employers favor both
the employment of women in farm work and the importation of labor, for
the more workers the lower the scale of wages throughout the Empire.
There is a document written by a German, Siegfried Balder, which is
printed in the Congressional Record for January 17, 1918.
The writer says that in Prussia, whose population is two thirds that of
all Germany, only one twentieth of the householders have an income equal
to $750 a year, while over fifty per cent are living on $225 a year or
less; more than 820,000 of the population of Berlin are living in single
rooms, while 49,991 of these single rooms house from five to thirteen
people each. Large numbers of the Prussian work people are doomed to
live and die in quarters narrower than a prison cell.
But if this is what Germany does to her own, to men of Teuton blood and
to the children of the Teuton God, what does she do to those who are
born in the outer darkness of other lands, to those who are not of
Teuton blood, to the laboring men of other nationalities?
You know the story of the Belgian Deportations. When the Germans overran
Belgium many thousands of the people sought refuge under the flag of
Holland. Germany then pledged her word to Holland that, if she would
exert "gentle pressure" on these refugees and force them to return to
their homes, the German Administration in Belgium would hold itself
bound by the terms of the Hague Conventions. The German authorities
"did not for a moment dream of making them prisoners, of making
requisitions, or of deporting those who are law abiding into Germany."
The German Governor of Antwerp also gave his pledge to Cardinal Mercier,
first verbally and then in writing, that "young men need not fear
deportation into Germany whether for enrollment in the army or for
employment at forced labor." This pledge was finally ratified by the
Governor General, Gen. von der Goltz, in the presence of witnesses "pour
la generalité du pays et sans limite de temps." (Les Deportations
Belges, à la Lumière des Documents Allemands, Chapter 14.)
One year later another Proclamation appeared:
"Recently workmen have refused, without reason, in different parts of
the occupied territory, to obey the commands of the Military Commanders
relative to the performance of necessary work; they have caused great
harm to their communes and their fellow citizens. To avoid such
conditions I order as follows:
"Those who are able but refuse to work or to continue their labors in
accordance with their usual occupations, in accord with the interests of
the German Military Administration and the desire of the German Military
Commanders shall be punished by imprisonment up to one year. Also
recusants may be sent into Germany. The fact that they appeal to any
possible law of Belgium or even to International Conventions can never
justify a refusal to work. The Military Commander alone will decide on
the acceptability of the forced labor."
One year later still, in October, 1916, the deportations began. It is
not necessary that the story be told again. You know that boys and
girls, men and women were torn from their homes, packed into cattle cars
and sent on long journeys, with insufficient food and clothing, into
Germany. There they were threatened with rifles, bayonets, and machine
guns to compel them to sign statements to the effect that they were
voluntary workers in German munition factories. Do you know that girls
have been beaten with whips for failing to complete their tasks? In one
place they were promised four marks a day, but two and a half marks were
deducted for food and lodging, one mark for clothes, half a mark went
into a "reserve fund" and they were paid half a mark a day, about six
cents. But they did not really receive that for they were under a
military Governor who had the power to fine them up to fifty dollars for
the infraction of any one of a hundred petty military rules, for failure
to salute an officer, for instance, and remember, the German salutes his
officer when he is two blocks away. In other words they were subject to
a fine, without appeal, which was equal to more than two and one third
years' pay at six cents a day! We have the record of a girl, which is
interesting only because she is a type, who received 187 cents for 180
days work, about one cent a day.
An advertisement appeared recently in a Berlin paper which read as
follows: "For Exchange: Fifty Polish workpeople, twenty men, thirty
girls, for exchange for an equal number of workpeople of other
nationalities."
Wherein does this differ from slavery? God help the workers of America
if Germany wins this war. Do you realize what Germany proposes for
America? Mr. McAdoo has already told us that she proposes to take from
us an indemnity of one hundred and twenty-five billions of dollars,
one-half our total wealth. She has told us that she will take charge of
our Monroe Doctrine and "put us in right relations with Germany." Now
she tells us that she intends to dictate to us our tariff laws, to tell
us what we must admit free of duty and what we must ship without
impost. In other words, Germany proposes to bring the American workman,
who before this war was receiving an average wage of $667 a year, into
competition with the Prussian worker, who lived on $225 a year. Let
every laboring man, skilled or unskilled, understand his own vital stake
in the winning of this war.
Now look at some of the issues of this war.
You know Germany's dream of a Middle Empire; of a great new kingdom that
is to stretch from the English Channel to the Persian Gulf, from the
borders of Normandy through Mesopotamia. It is to include Northeastern
France, Belgium, Luxemburg, Denmark, Holland, Germany, Austro-Hungary,
parts of Switzerland and Italy, Serbia, Roumania, Turkey, Armenia, Asia
Minor and Mesopotamia. Into this Middle Kingdom Greece and Roumania on
the South and Norway and Sweden on the North are to be forced by
economic pressure. To this Empire we must now add Poland, Courland,
Livonia, Finland and the Ukraine, while Persia is to be "exploited" for
the benefit of Germany.
Think for a moment of the resources of this Empire.
Hungary, Roumania, Asia Minor, the Ukraine and Mesopotamia can feed the
entire world. The oil fields of Roumania, Southern Russia and
Mesopotamia can light the world. The iron fields of Mesopotamia are said
to be the richest undeveloped iron mines existing on the globe, and the
Argennis copper mines are without a rival. This Empire could provide an
army of fifteen million men in times of peace and of forty million in
times of war. Its railroads, rivers and canals afford the most complete
transportation system heart could desire. You could not starve it and
with its ports upon four oceans, you never could blockade it.
Strategically, it lies across three great divisions of the world,
Europe, Asia and Africa, in such position that it could dominate them
all.
Now it is important that you should understand the relation of iron to
this war, for iron means steel, and steel means guns, rifles, shells,
aeroplanes, ships and all the material of war. A nation that can control
the world's iron supply can dominate the world.
At the outbreak of this war Germany had an annual production of
twenty-eight millions tons of iron, of which seven million came from
Germany and twenty-one million came from Alsace-Lorraine, which Germany
stole from France in 1870. France had twenty-two million tons of iron a
year, of which fifteen came from the basin of Briey, in Northeastern
France. The first rush of Germany carried her over the coal fields of
Belgium, over Luxemburg, over the mines of the Briey Basin and put her
in possession of practically all the foundries and steel mills that
France possessed. When Germany settled down to trench warfare she had an
annual production of forty-nine million tons of iron, seven million from
Germany, twenty-one from Lorraine, six from Luxemburg and fifteen from
the occupied districts of France, while France had only seven million
left. That is why Germany was so bitter against England when England
entered the war; that is why she was so insistent that we should put an
embargo on munitions, for if England had not come in and kept the seas
open, if we had consented to forbid the shipment of munitions, France
must have swiftly fallen through the sheer starvation of her guns, for a
nation with seven million tons of iron a year cannot contend with one
possessing forty-nine million tons.
But stop for a moment to remember, since we are speaking of the shipment
of munitions, that Austria herself, the Government of Vienna, sold to
the Confederate Government some thousands of stacks of arms during our
Civil War, and refused either to forbid the shipment or to resell to the
Government in Washington. Germany sold arms to the Boers and to England
during the War in South Africa, and when the English blockade made it
impossible to continue selling to the Boers she went on selling to
England. She sold to Spain during our war with Spain. She has never
considered placing an embargo upon her own munition plants when other
nations were at war, yet she poured out the vials of her hate upon us
for doing what she herself has always done.
But now grant that Germany wins this war and that that Great Middle
Empire, which already, mark you, is a reality from Lille almost to
Bagdad, remains and endures, who is going to control and rule it?
Germany has forty-nine million tons of iron a year; Austria has very
little iron, Italy has none, neither Roumania, Bulgaria or Serbia have
any iron, Turkey has none except in Mesopotamia, which Germany will
control. Who then will be the master of that Middle Empire? It will be
only Prussia writ large. But Germany's control rests on other
foundations still; her General Staff to-day controls the military
establishments of all her allies, not a command can be given anywhere
without Germany's assent. Moreover the printing presses of Berlin have
been busy since the war broke out, stamping out paper money which has
been loaned to Austria, Bulgaria and Turkey until these countries are
hopelessly entangled in an economic net.
Now, in the Spring of 1918, we are about to receive the impact of a new
peace drive from Germany. But what may we expect Germany to propose? The
most liberal terms that have been suggested are a return to the _status
quo ante_, peace without indemnities or annexations.
But remember that Germany has collected her indemnities as she has gone
along. She took four hundred and eighty million francs from Brabant
alone in one seizure; she has been taking sixty million francs a month,
720 million francs a year from Belgium since she violated her frontiers.
She has looted every safe, national, civic or in private dwellings, she
has taken the locomotives and the rolling stock from all railroads, the
ploughs, harrows and live stock from all farms, the machinery from all
factories, she has taken the art treasures from all museums, churches,
palaces and homes; she has taken the mercury from the backs of mirrors,
the wool from the mattresses, the linen from the shelves, she has taken
name-plates, door knobs, knockers, curtain rods, carpet rods, kitchen
utensils and the bells from the churches. She has drawn her net so fine
that she has taken the francs and centimes from her prisoners and she
has picked the pockets of the dead!
Advertisements appear in the Berlin papers wherein contractors offer to
transport the loot from any conquered territory on most reasonable
terms, while at number 35 Schoenberger Strasse there is a great
warehouse where you might buy linens, laces, furniture, statuary,
bric-a-brac, cradles, anything you like for almost anything you care to
offer, for official Germany is selling the loot and plunder she has
gathered in in violation of those Hague Regulations which Germany signed
and swore to observe; "Family honor and rights, individual life and
private property as well as religious convictions and worship must be
respected." Article 46.
"Pillage is expressly forbidden," Article 47.
Austria staggers beneath her load of debt; Bulgaria and Turkey are
hopelessly impoverished, England and France march on towards bankruptcy,
Germany also is drawing very near financial ruin, but even at that she
has gathered in such a harvest of wealth as no war has ever brought to
any people, and now she asks for a "peace without indemnities"!