CHAPTER XIII.

The wily Italian was gone, and Louis XIV. settled himself upon the

throne which Richelieu had rendered so exalted and immovable.

Cardinal Mazarin had said of the young Louis that "there was enough in

him to make four kings, and one honest man." His greatness consisted

more in amplitude than in kind. Nature made him in prodigal mood. He

was an average man of colossal proportions. His ability, courage,

dignity, industry, greed for power and possessions, were all on a

magnificent scale, and so were his vanity, his loves, his cruelties,

his pleasures, his triumphs, and his disappointments.

No king more wickedly oppressed France, and none made her more

glorious. He made her feared abroad and magnificent at home, but he

desolated her, and drained her resources with ambitious wars. He

crowned her with imperishable laurels in literature, art, and every

manifestation of genius, but he signed the Revocation of the Edict of

Nantes, and drove out of his kingdom 500,000 of the best of his

subjects.

The marriage of the Dauphin with the Infanta of Spain had occurred

before he attained his majority. It was planned by Mazarin, and was a

part of the policy left as a fatal bequest to Louis XIV. by that

minister.

The Salic Law was not recognized in Spain. Hence, the crown might

descend to an heiress, and by her be transmitted to her husband. Such

was the hope in the marriage of Louis with the Infanta; the hope of

some happy turn of fortune, some break in the line of succession

whereby the Spanish kingdom might be absorbed into a Bourbon empire, as

it had once been in the empire of the Hapsburgs. This was the _ignis

fatuus_ which was to control the policy of this stormy reign, and which

was to envelop it at last in the clouds of defeat and disaster.

The secret of Louis' greatness was his instinctive recognition of

greatness in others. His new minister, Colbert, to whom he owed so

much, was a man of the people, and a protestant. He it was who

discovered the peculations of Fouquet, the magnificent Minister of

Finance, who was building a palace at Vaux greater than the king

himself could afford, and who was suddenly swept from this princely

residence into the Bastille, where he spent the remaining years of his

life with plenty of leisure in which to think upon the forty thousand

pounds he had expended upon that fête he gave in honor of his royal

master; and to recall the splendors of the supper and the size of the

banqueting-hall, which Mansart, Le Brun, and the best that Italy could

furnish at that time had made beautiful.

It is said that the unfortunate visit of the king to his minister's

abode resulted in the creation of Versailles as a suburban residence.

From the Palais de St. Germain, on the heights in the suburbs of Paris,

Louis could see the Cathedral of St. Denis, where were the royal vaults

and the ancestors he must some day join. So depressing was this view

to him, and so charmed was he with the plan of Fouquet's palace and

gardens, that artists were immediately set to work to make one more

royal at Versailles, where his father, Louis XIII., used to have his

hunting-box; the place where that much-governed king used to go to hide

away from his scheming mother and his argus-eyed minister. The genius

of Colbert was severely taxed to supply the means for Louis'

magnificent tastes and for his foreign wars, at the same time. Even

Colbert could not create money out of nothing. The burden must rest

somewhere, and just as surely must ultimately be borne by the people.

The choice of Louvois as Minister of War was no less happy than that of

Colbert in Finance. And with Vauban to build his defences, Turenne and

Luxembourg and the great Condé to lead his armies, it is not strange

that there were victories.

The four great wars of Louis' reign were not for theatrical effect,

like that of the fanciful Charles VIII. in Italy. They were all in

pursuance of a serious and definite purpose. Just or unjust, wise or

unwise, they were planned in order to reach some boundary, or to secure

some strategic position essential to France. These wars were:

First--The war upon the Spanish Netherlands, ending with the Treaty of

Aix-la-Chapelle, 1668.

Second--The invasion of the Dutch Republic, ending with the peace of

Nymwegen, 1678.

Third--War with the coalition of European States, closing with the

Treaty of Ryswick, 1697.

Fourth--War of the Spanish Succession, closed by the Treaty of Utrecht,

1713.

The first of these wars, undertaken because Louis believed and intended

that Flanders should belong to France, to which it was geographically

allied, was ostensibly undertaken in order to recover the unpaid dowry

which had been promised by Spain in exchange for Louis' renunciation of

any claim upon the throne of Spain which might result from his marriage

with the Infanta Maria Theresa. His conquest of the Spanish

possessions in Flanders might have been supposed to set at rest forever

the question of a claim upon the Spanish throne. But we shall hear of

that again. The success of this war made Louis, at twenty-nine years

of age, the most heroic figure in Europe. Every one bowed before him,

and everything seemed to be gravitating toward him as toward a central

sun. Not alone nobility, but even genius put on his livery and became

sycophantish, Bossuet and even Molière, hungering for his smile, and in

despair if he frowned.

This was the time of the supremacy of the beautiful Louise la Vallière.

Her reign was brief, and, the king's infatuation being passed, she was

to spend the rest of her dreary life in a Carmelite convent, hearing

only the far-off echoes from the brilliant world in which she was once

the central and envied figure.

The Dutch Republic had come under Louis' displeasure and was marked for

his next foreign campaign. This (to his mind) insignificant nation of

fishermen and small traders had presumed to stand in his path. So the

most magnificent army since the Crusades in 1672 invaded the peaceful

little state of Holland. As one after another of the cities helplessly

fell, someone asked why Louis came himself--why he did not send his

valet? Louis insolently demanded as the price of peace the surrender

of all their fortified cities, the payment of twenty million francs,

and the renunciation of the Protestant faith.

The answer of William of Nassau was an unexpected one. The history of

modern times has nothing more heroic than this little mercantile state

defying the greatest potentate in Europe. William of Nassau knew

perfectly well that every battle meant defeat. The thing to do was to

make battles impossible by inundating their fertile fields. When he

saw the destruction of life and property in one scale and political

slavery in the other, he did not hesitate. The dikes were quietly

opened. Turenne and Luxembourg and Vauban were baffled as completely

as Napoleon in Russia. And when the magnificent army had evacuated the

flooded country, the dikes were quietly closed again and time and

windmills restored their fields to fertility.

In the meantime William had been drawing to himself powerful allies.

Half of Europe was in league with him in the battles he now fought upon

the Rhine. But the French were victorious. And after the peace of

Nymwegen, 1678, Louis had reached the zenith of his power.

Human pretension and arrogance could go no farther. He began to feel

that France was his own personal possession and that Europe might be.

It was the combination of a great king with a small man which produced

this composite being. He had built Versailles, a palace unmatched

since the Caesars. He not only commanded the presence, but the

obsequious presence of all that was illustrious and great at a time

when France was in the full flower of her splendid genius. Corneille,

Racine, Molière, if permitted to be, must pay him an almost idolatrous

homage. The beautiful Vallière was sent away, and de Montespan's reign

had commenced.

But when Colbert died in 1685, Louis fell under an influence which was

to be transforming. He had been burning the illuminating oil of youth

at very high pressure. Perhaps it was exhausted. He grew serious. De

Montespan was sent away--the orgies at Versailles ceased, the court

became decorous, almost austere, and with the awakening of conscience,

of course, the king became more sensitive to the heresies of the

Huguenots!

He was drifting toward the fatal mistake of his life. He revoked the

Edict of Nantes. Two millions of people by the stroke of his pen, at

the bidding of de Maintenon, were disfranchised; prohibited under

severe penalties from any observance of their religion; their property

confiscated, an attempt to flee from the country punished by the

galleys.

The prisons were full of Protestants and the scaffolds dyed with their

blood. Two hundred thousand perished by imprisonment, by the galleys,

and the executioner; while two hundred thousand more managed to escape

to America and to the lands of the enemies of France, which they would

enrich with their skill.

Not a word of protest came from a person in France. Not even from

Fénelon or Bossuet! Madame de Maintenon told him it was the "glorious

climax of a glorious reign." Madame de Sévigné said it was

"magnificent!" And Bossuet, greatest of French divines, exclaimed, "It

is the miracle of the century!"

France at one stroke was impoverished. The skill, the trained hand,

the element which was at the foundation of her excellence, and of that

which was to constitute her future supremacy in the world, had gone to

enrich her enemies. And whether in Germany, in England, or America, no

foreign people have had such glad welcome as was given to the Huguenots.

Then came the rebound in a form not expected. William of Orange was

now King of England. James had been driven off his throne, and his

daughter Mary and her husband, William of Orange, wore the double

crown. All the hostile European states, under William's leadership,

sprang together for the common defence of Europe from this detested foe.

The smothered hatred of Holland and every protestant state burst into

flame, and the great War of the Coalition commenced. Beginning with

the League of Augsburg, in 1688, it continued until the peace of

Ryswick, 1697, with the defeat of France all along the line.

Humiliated and broken, there remained for the king an opportunity to

retrieve the past by attaching the Spanish peninsula to France. There

was a vacant throne at Madrid which his grandson Philip, through the

neglected Queen Maria Theresa, might claim as his inheritance. Such

were the conditions which might still change defeat into triumph. The

fact that the right to the succession had been waived by the king was

easily disposed of. Philip, Louis' grandson, presented his claim in

competition with that of the son of Leopold I., Emperor of Germany.

When the pope, with whom the decision lay, decided in favor of Philip,

grandson of the great Louis, all Europe sprang to the aid of the

Austrian archduke in the war of the Spanish succession.

It was a little side play in the opening of this great drama, which

brought the kingdom of Prussia into existence. Frederick, elector of

Brandenburg, when called upon to arm by the emperor, refused to do so

except upon one condition: that he might wear the title of king instead

of elector; which condition was granted, with the stipulation that the

name of Prussia, a detached piece of territory the ancestors of

Frederick had cut out of the side of Russia, be substituted for

Brandenburg. So out of this war of personal ambition there had sprung

a new kingdom, the kingdom of Prussia, of which France was to hear much

in the future.

England was not eager to join the new coalition in defence of the

Hapsburg, whom in common with the rest of Europe she had for years been

trying to pull down. But when Louis insolently espoused the cause of

the exiled King James, and promised by force to place the pretender on

the throne, then she needed no urging, and sent Marlborough and the

flower of her army to join Prince Eugene in Germany.

It was Marlborough at Blenheim (1702) who drove the iron of defeat into

the soul of Louis XIV. When the war was ended he had made every

concession demanded; had given up a vast extent of territory; banished

the English pretender from his kingdom; and acknowledged Anne as queen

of Great Britain.

By the provisions of the treaty (the Peace of Utrecht) Gibraltar passed

to England; Spain ceded the Netherlands and all her possessions in

Italy to the German empire. And so the fine threads diplomacy had been

spinning over the Continent for two centuries were ruthlessly brushed

away as a spider's web.

An imbittered, broken old man, shorn of his omnipotence, who had

outlived his fame and his worshippers, was dying in his great palace at

Versailles; his only solace the austere woman who had inspired the

Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, and who upon the death of his

unhappy queen he had privately made his wife. Marie Therese had borne

his mad infatuation for Louise la Valliére; la Valliére had carried her

broken heart to a convent, and been superseded by de Montespan, and de

Montespan had invited her own destruction by bringing into her

household Madame de Maintenon, the pious widow of the poet Scarron, in

order that the austere virtues of that lady might be engrafted upon the

children of the royal household. Grave, ambitious, talented, the

governess of de Montespan's children was not too much absorbed in her

duties to find ways of establishing an influence over the king.

This man, who had absorbed into himself all the functions of the

government, who was ministers, magistrates, parliaments, all in one,

this central sun of whom Corneille, Molière, Racine were but single

rays, was destined to be enslaved in his old age by a designing

adventuress; her will his law. The hey-day of youth having passed, he

was beginning to be anxious about his soul. She artfully pricked his

conscience, and de Montespan was sent away, but de Maintenon remained.

She next convinced him that the only fitting atonement for his sins was

to drive heresy out of his kingdom, and re-establish the true faith.

At her bidding he undid the glorious work of Henry IV., signed the

Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, and brutally stamped out

Protestantism.

During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the stake in the great

game played in Europe was the headship, the pre-eminent position held

by the house of Hapsburg. The entire reign of Louis XIV. had had this

for its ultimate object. He seemed many times near it; but was never

to reach the goal. The absorption of Spain was a last and desperate

attempt. It had failed. France had not won the leadership of European

civilization.

In the coming reign, new forces, new conditions, were to widen the

field of national ambitions. And it was the nation across the channel

which would grasp these forces and distance her rivals in an advance

along the untried paths of commerce and a world-wide expansion.

With a strange apathy France had seen herself mistress of a large part

of the American Continent, won for her by adventurous Frenchmen and

Catholic missionaries. She did practically nothing to develop this

magnificent colonial empire. Failing to comprehend changing

conditions, the same old problem, with a towering house of Hapsburg,

obscured her view, and remained the great unchanging fact about which

her policy revolved.

Louis XV. was five years old when, in 1715, he became heir to a throne

absolutely rigid. The best work of Richelieu and Mazarin and Louis

XIV. had been expended upon it. Absolutism could go no farther. The

king was all; next below him a fawning, obsequious nobility, and then

that vague entity known as "the people," a remote invisible force,

sustaining the weight of the splendid pyramid, the apex of which was

this boy of five.

The young Louis was being prepared to sit upon this giddy elevation.

The Duke of Orleans, his accomplished cousin, a competent instructor in

vice, was chosen as regent, and the royal education began. The best

and rarest of the world's culture was at his service. Fénelon, the

polished ecclesiastic, fed him the classics in tempting form from his

own Télémaque, written for the purpose. Although this work was later

suppressed by the boy's royal father under the suspicion of being a

covert satire upon his own reign, in which Madame de Montespan was

represented by Calypso; and other famous or infamous members of his

court also appeared in thin disguise.

The handsome boy was breathing the atmosphere of genius created by an

age which compares well with those of Pericles and Augustus and the

Medici, and nourished at the same time by the exhalations from a new

crop of vices growing out of the decaying remains of those left by the

old court.

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