CHAPTER IX.

In this break in the line of succession, England saw an opportunity.

The mother of Edward III., King of England, was Isabella, daughter of

Philip IV. Edward claimed that he, as grandson of the French king, had

a claim superior to that of the nephew. A strict interpretation of the

Salic Law certainly vitiated his claim of heirship through the female

line. But Edward did not stand upon such a trifle as that. The stake

was great, and so was the opportunity. Now England might not alone

recover her lost possessions in France, but might establish a

legitimate claim to the whole.

So it was that an English army was once more upon French soil, and in

1346 Edward, with his toy cannon, had won the battle of Crécy, followed

by the siege and capture of Calais, which for two hundred years was to

remain an English port--a thorn in the side of France.

A part of the old kingdom of Burgundy, which was called Dauphiny,

dropped into the lap of Philip, this first Valois king, during his

reign. The old duke, being without an heir, offered to sell this bit

of territory to the King of France upon the condition that it should be

kept as the personal possession of the eldest sons of the kings of

France. Thenceforth the title of _Dauphin_ was worn by the heir to the

throne, until it became extinct with the son of Louis XVI. And when

the feeble Philip VI. died in 1350, his son John, the first dauphin,

assumed the crown of France.

John, this second Valois king, was an anachronism. A man intended for

the eleventh century had been set down in the fourteenth. The

restoration of knightly ceremonial, tournaments at the Louvre, the

details of a new Crusade which he was planning, and the distribution of

new titles, these were the things occupying the mind of the king, while

his kingdom, rent by factions within, was in a death-struggle with foes

from without.

A fantastic Don Quixote, on a tottering throne, was fighting the most

practical statesman and the strongest-armed warrior Europe held at the

time.

With this weakness at the centre, France was again falling into

fragments. There was even a resumption of private wars between nobles;

and, most paralyzing of all, an empty treasury. Such time as he could

spare from his main projects John gave to the affairs of the kingdom.

First of all, taxes must be levied; and when the first tax was upon

salt, King Edward condescended to make an historic witticism, saying

"he had at last discovered who was the author of the _Salic Law_!"

In the various plans for raising money, it was important that the taxes

should be levied so that the burden would fall upon those who could,

and who would, pay. This meant the dwellers in the towns and cities;

the bourgeoisie. They were the capitalists. But what if they should

refuse? In order to secure the success of the measure, it was

considered wise to obtain their consent in advance.

When King John asked permission of the States-General to tax them, a

critical line was passed. That body for the first time realized its

power. It might make its own terms. It demanded that the moneys

collected, and their expenditure, should be under the direction of its

officers. Then, growing bolder, it demanded reforms: Private wars must

cease; the meetings of the States-General must be at appointed

intervals, without being summoned by the king.

These meetings at Paris grew stormy. Gradually re-enforced with a

vicious element, they were soon led by demagogues, became violent and

revolutionary, and finally red caps and barricades, characteristic of

Parisian mobs of a later period, brought the whole movement into the

hands of the agents of "Charles the Bad," evil genius of his time, who

saw his opportunity to use it in his own ambitious designs upon the

throne. But France was to hear from the _Tiers État_ again!

In 1356, Edward's son, the Black Prince, won a still greater victory

than Crécy, at _Poitiers_, in which king John was captured and carried

to London.

But Edward found that, while victories were comparatively easy,

conquest was difficult. A generation had passed since the war began.

So in 1360 both kingdoms were ready to consider terms of peace. By the

treaty of Bretigny, Edward renounced the claim to the French throne,

and received in full sovereignty the great inheritance Queen Eleanor

had brought to Henry II. King John was to be released and his son held

as hostage until the enormous ransom was paid. Of course the money

could not be paid by impoverished France, for such a doubtful benefit,

at least; and so the son and hostage made his escape. Then King John,

faithful to his chivalrous creed, returned to London and captivity,

dying in 1364.

The dauphin, who had now become Charles V., came to the throne with the

determination of restoring France to herself. His attention had been

drawn to the military talents of a Breton youth--Bertrand du Guesclin.

Poor, diminutive in stature, deformed, he had raised himself to

military positions usually reserved as a reward for sons of nobles. In

the reopening of a war with England, which Charles was planning, du

Guesclin was to be the sword and he the brain.

The Black Prince had gone to Spain to fight the battles of Peter the

Cruel, in a civil war in which the Prince was involved by inheritance,

and was levying taxes for this Castilian war upon his new subjects in

Aquitaine. The people in this province turned to Charles to deliver

them from this oppression. He immediately summoned Prince Edward

before the Court of Peers; to which the Black Prince replied that he

would accept the invitation, but would come with his helmet on his head

and sixty thousand men in his party.

So successfully did Charles and du Guesclin meet this renewal of the

war that Prince Edward and his sixty thousand men were gradually driven

north until the English possessions were reduced to a few towns upon

the coast. The Black Prince, under the weight of responsibility and

defeat, succumbed to disease, and died, 1377. The death of Edward III.

occurred soon after that of his son, and Richard II. was King of

England.

The expulsion of the English was not the only benefit bestowed by

Charles V. The revolting States-General were restrained and were

firmly held in the king's hand. Still more important was the

reorganization of the military system, by placing it under the command

of officers appointed by the Crown, who might or might not belong to

the order of nobility. No more effective blow could have been aimed at

feudalism, which was nothing if not militant. Indeed, every act of

this brief reign was a protest against the purposes and ideals of his

father, King John, who was the embodiment of the ancient spirit. It

was a needed breathing-spell between a half-century of disaster behind

and another half-century of still greater disaster before.

The death of Charles V. (1380) left the throne to a delicate boy of

twelve years, who was to reign under the successive regencies of three

uncles. These brothers of Charles, and sons of the romantic King John,

seem to represent all the traits and passions which can degrade

humanity. The oldest, the Duke of Anjou, was driven from the regency

after stealing everything which was movable in the king's palace and

vaults. The Duke of Burgundy, who succeeded him, had nobler objects,

and needed a larger field for his ambitious soul. He had an eye on the

throne itself. And when he and the Duke Berri, at the instigation of

the archbishop, were compelled to resign the reins to the young King

Charles VI., they carried with them to their own castles all that Anjou

had left. Of course the archbishop was mysteriously murdered, and then

the boy king was married to Isabella of Bavaria, said to be the most

beautiful and the wickedest woman in Europe.

Charles had always been a frail, delicate boy. As he was riding one

evening, a strange, wild-looking being sprang out of the darkness and

seized the bridle of his horse, crying, "Fly, fly! you are betrayed."

The astonished youth after the shock, became melancholy; then was

suddenly seized with a fit of frenzy, in which he killed four of his

pages. A mad king was on the throne of France, the worst woman in

Europe regent, and three uncles waiting like vultures around a dying

man, ready to seize anything from a golden candlestick to a throne!

In the chaos of misrule and villainy into which France was falling, the

determining factor was the deadly feud which existed between the house

of Burgundy and that of Orleans. Upon the death of the first Duke of

Burgundy, his son John seized the regency for himself, snatching it

from the Duke of Orleans, the king's brother. At this point started

the feud which was to tear France asunder from end to end. While the

Orleanists were gathering their adherents to drive him out, John was

intrenching himself in Paris. Like many another villain, this Duke of

Burgundy posed as the friend of the people. He could doff his cap and

speak smilingly to starving men. He knew how to work upon their

passions, and to please by torturing and executing those they believed

had wronged them. He told them how he pitied them for the extortions

of the Duke of Orleans and Queen Isabella, kindly giving them pikes to

defend themselves, and iron chains to barricade their streets, if they

should be needed. Then, extending his hand to his enemy of Orleans,

brother of the king, they were reconciled: the past was to be buried.

Then it is a pleasant picture we behold of the period: the two friends

partaking together of communion, and dining, and then embracing at

parting with effusive words and promises to meet at a dance on the

morrow, the unsuspecting Duke of Orleans going out into the dark, where

hired assassins were waiting to hack him in pieces. Then a court of

justice trying and acquitting this confessed murderer of the king's

brother, upon the ground that tyrannicide is a duty; the sad, crazed

wraith of a king saying the words he had been taught: "Fair cousin, we

pardon you all." And the tragedy and comedy were over!

There was now no check upon the Burgundian power. In the worst days of

English occupation of her land, France had been in less danger from

Edward III. than she now was from the Duke of Burgundy, champion and

defender of the people! The immediate object of the Burgundian or

people's party, and the Orleans and aristocratic party, was the

possession of the person of the king, and control of his acts during

his few lucid moments.

There was civil war in a land divested of every vestige of government.

England would have been blind had she not seen her opportunity; but,

too much occupied with her own revolution, she had to wait. And when

Henry IV., the first Lancastrian, was king, he needed both hands to

hold his crown firmly on his head. But when the young Henry V. came to

the throne, with the energy and ambition of youth, the time was ripe

for the recovery of the lost possessions in France.

The battle of Agincourt (1415) reopened the war with a great defeat for

the French chivalry, which represented the Orleanist party. The

wholesale slaughter of princes, bishops, and knights on this fatal day

was clear gain for the traitor Burgundy, the champion of the people!

The climax of his villainy was at hand.

Henry V., at Rouen, was openly holding his court as King of France.

John, Duke of Burgundy, accompanied by Queen Isabella, presented

himself to the invading king, and formally pledged his support and that

of his followers to the cause of the English!

The infamous treaty of Troyes was signed, 1420. It provided that Henry

should act as regent to Charles VI. while he lived; that upon the death

of that unhappy being he should be Henry V. of England and Henry II. of

France; and that the two kingdoms should thereafter exist under one

crown. The romantic marriage of Henry with the Princess Katharine,

daughter of Charles and Isabella, which was part of the agreement, was

solemnized in that old palace on the island in the Seine. And the same

vaulted ceilings which we may see to-day, looked down upon this

historic marriage, as they also did upon the condemnation of Marie

Antoinette, three and a half centuries later. We know of this union of

Henry and the fair Katharine chiefly through the pen of Shakespeare, in

his play of Henry V.

But Henry was destined never to wear the crown of France, nor even to

see his own land again. There were only two more years of life for

him. His death occurred in his palace of the Louvre, a few weeks

before that of Charles VI., and the crown he expected to wear upon this

event passed to his infant son, who was by the Burgundian party

recognized as King of France.

A careless, pleasure-loving dauphin, just twenty, apparently

indifferent to the loss of a kingdom, was a frail support at such a

time. Only a fragment of the country was held by his followers, the

Orleanists; Scotland had come to his aid with a few thousand men, but

what did this avail with the greater part of the kingdom held by the

Burgundians, while town after town was declaring its allegiance to the

English Duke of Bedford, whom his dying brother, Henry V., had named as

regent for his infant son.

The city of Orleans, held by the dauphin's adherents, was besieged. It

was the key to the situation. Its fall meant the fall of the kingdom,

the conquest of France. When this happened, that infant at the Louvre

would really be the wearer of the crown. So hopeless was the situation

that the spiritless Charles was only in doubt whether to take refuge in

Scotland or in Spain.

But although towns and cities had deserted him, the heart of the people

had not. Patriotism, dead everywhere else, still lived in the heart of

that forgotten multitude lying silent and humble under the feet of its

masters. The monarchy had been their friend, their only friend. The

Church had deserted them, and joined their enemies the nobles. But to

the people, the name King expressed gratitude and hope; and they loved

it.

If a great spreading tree full of verdure had arisen in a day out of

the barren breast of Mother Earth, it would scarcely have been a

greater miracle that what really happened when a child of the soil, a

girl, rising triumphant over the disabilities of age, sex, birth, and

condition, saved France from destruction. Summoned by celestial

voices, by angels whom she not only heard but saw, Joan of Arc started

upon her mission of rescue for France!

When this daughter of the people, this peasant from Domremy, was

admitted to the presence of the dauphin, it is said that in amusement

and in order to test the reality of her mission, Charles exchanged

dress with one of his courtiers. But the maid going straight to him,

said: "Gentle dauphin, I come to restore to you the crown of France.

Orleans shall be saved by me. And you, by the help of God and my Lady

St. Catharine, shall be crowned at Rheims."

On the 29th of April the maid did enter the fainting city. And she did

lead the dauphin to Rheims for his coronation. And then, kneeling at

his feet, asked the "Gentle King" to let her go back to her sheep at

Domremy. "For," she said, "they love me more than these thousands of

people I have seen."

Unhappily, she did not return to her sheep, but remained among those

wolves, and was captured and a prisoner of the English.

What should they do with this strange being, claiming supernatural

powers? The Regent Duke of Bedford denounced her as a rebel against

the infant king; and the Bishop of Beauvais as a blasphemer and child

of the devil. Nothing could be clearer than her guilt upon both of

these charges! And on the 13th of May, 1431, this mysteriously

inspired child was burnt by a slow fire in the market-place of Rouen.

And the "Gentle King," where was he while this was happening?

It must ever remain a mystery that a peasant girl, a child in years and

in experience, should have believed herself called to such a mission;

that conferring only with her heavenly guides, or "voices," she should

have sought the king, inspired him with faith in her, and in himself

and his cause, reanimated the courage of the army, and led it herself

to victory absolute and complete; and then, have compelled the

half-reluctant, half-doubting Charles to go with her to Rheims, there

to be anointed and consecrated; this simple child in that day bestowing

upon him a kingdom, and upon France a king!

Was there ever a stranger chapter in history! Alas, if it could have

ended here, and she could have gone back to her mother and her spinning

and her simple pleasures, as she was always longing to do when her work

should be done. But no! we see her falling into the hands of the

defeated and revengeful English--this child, who had wrested from them

a kingdom already in their grasp. She was turned over to the French

ecclesiastical court to be tried. A sorceress and a blasphemer they

pronounce her, and pass her on to the secular authorities, and her

sentence is--death.

We see the poor defenceless girl, bewildered, terrified, wringing her

hands and declaring her innocence as she rides to execution. God and

man had abandoned her. No heavenly voice spoke, no miracle intervened

as her young limbs were tied to the stake and the fagots and straw

piled up about her. The torch was applied, and her pure soul mounted

heavenward in a column of flames.

Rugged men wept. A Burgundian general said, as he turned gloomily

away, "We have murdered a saint."

[Illustration: Burning of Joan of Arc at Rouen, May 30, 1431. From the

painting by Lenepveu.]

And Charles, sitting upon the throne she had rescued for him, what was

he doing to save her? Nothing--to his everlasting shame be it said,

nothing. He might not have succeeded; the effort at rescue, or to stay

the event, might have been unavailing. But where was his knighthood,

where his manhood, that he did not try, or utter passionate protest

against her fate?

Twenty-five years later we see him erecting statues to her memory, and

"rehabilitating" her desecrated name. And to-day, the Church which

condemned her for blasphemy is placing her upon the calendar of saints.

A Short History of France · 第 9 / 19 章