"That class of the mixt population of our country was peculiarly
situated. They neither enjoyed the immunities of freemen, nor were they
subject to the incapacities of slaves, but partook in some degree of the
qualities of both. From their condition, and the unconquerable
prejudices resulting from their colour, they never could amalgamate with
the free whites of this country. It was desirable, therefore, as it
respected them, and the residue of the population of the country, to
drain them off. Various schemes of colonization had been thought of,
and a part of our own continent, it was supposed by some, might furnish
a suitable establishment for them. But for his part, Mr. C. said, he had
a decided preference for some part of the coast of Africa. There ample
provision might be made for the colony itself, and it might be rendered
instrumental to the introduction, into that extensive quarter of the
globe, of the arts, civilization, and christianity. There was a
peculiar, a moral fitness in restoring them to the land of their
fathers. And if, instead of the evils and sufferings which we had been
the innocent cause of inflicting upon the inhabitants of Africa, we can
transmit to her the blessing of our arts, our civilization, and our
religion, may we not hope that America will extinguish a great portion
of that moral debt which she has contracted to that unfortunate
continent? Can there be a nobler cause than that which, whilst it
proposes, &c. contemplates the spreading of the arts of civilized life,
and the possible redemption from ignorance and barbarism of a benighted
quarter of the globe?
"It was proper and necessary distinctly to state, that he understood it
constituted no part of the object of this Meeting to touch or agitate in
the slightest degree, a delicate question connected with another
portion of the coloured population of our country. It was not proposed
to deliberate upon, or consider at all, any question of emancipation, or
that was connected with the abolition of slavery. It was upon that
condition alone, he was sure, that many gentlemen from the south and the
west, whom he saw present, had attended, or could be expected to
co-operate. It was upon that condition, only, that he had himself
attended."
* * * * *
Extracts from the speech of ELIAS B. CALDWELL, Esq. of the District of
Columbia.
"The more you improve the condition of these people, the more you
cultivate their minds, the more miserable you make them, in their
present state. You give them a higher relish for those privileges which
they can never attain, and turn what we intend for a blessing into a
curse. No, if they must remain in their present situation, keep them in
the lowest state of degradation and ignorance. The nearer you bring them
to the condition of brutes, the better chance do you give them of
possessing their apathy. Surely, Americans ought to be the last people
on earth, to advocate such slavish doctrines, to cry peace and
contentment to those who are deprived of the privileges of civil
liberty. They who have so largely partaken of its blessings--who know so
well how to estimate its value, ought to be among the foremost to extend
it to others."
These sentiments, it will be readily perceived, clash diametrically with
those which I had previously advanced in paragraph 30, on the subject of
extending mental cultivation to the African race in this country. And
notwithstanding I have no inclination to retract the sentiments which I
have heretofore had occasion to express, concerning the practical
benevolence and ardent zeal of Mr. Caldwell in the cause of religion and
human happiness; yet, it is out of my power to unite with him in his
opinion, of the utility of subjecting _men_ of any colour, or any
situation whatever, to "_the lowest state of degradation and
ignorance_," and, as near as possible, "_to the condition of brutes_."
Right education and knowledge should teach the legitimate slave
fortitude, and the advantages of submission, duty, and fidelity; and
should elevate the free man, of whatever colour, above the unhallowed
crime of despising himself for its having been ordained this or that
tint, or for its being obnoxious to those who have been created with a
different colour, or with none at all. Ask Capt. Paul Cuffee, Prince
Saunders, and many other well educated and worthy persons of African
extraction, whether they hate themselves, or whether any body else
possessing common sense, hates them, because they cannot _repeal_ the
laws of nature; or because there is a political and physical propriety
in their being considered as foreigners and aliens in _our_ country.
Mr. Caldwell, having considered the various positions in which it had
been respectively proposed to establish the colony, and expressing his
preference of Africa, enlarged upon the greater importance of selecting
that quarter of the globe, "in the belief and hope of thereby
introducing civilization and the christian religion, &c." correspondent
to the sentiments of Mr. Clay. "The great movements (said he) and mighty
efforts in the moral and religious world, seem to indicate some great
design of Providence on the eve of accomplishment. The unexampled and
astonishing success attending the various and numerous plans which have
been devised and which are now in operation in different parts of the
world, and the union and harmony with which christians of different
denominations unite in promoting these plans, clearly indicate a Divine
Hand in their direction. Nay, sir, the subject on which we are now
deliberating has been brought to public view, nearly about the same
time in different parts of our country. In New Jersey, New York,
Indiana, Tennessee, Virginia, and perhaps other places not known to me,
the public attention seems to have been awakened, as from slumber, to
this subject."
Mr. Caldwell remarked, that "it is a great national object, and ought to
be supported by the public purse. And that, as had been justly observed
by the honourable gentleman in the chair, there ought to be a national
atonement for the wrongs and injuries which Africa had suffered." He
said that "as a nation, we cannot rid ourselves entirely from the
disgrace attending the iniquitous slave traffic formerly pursued by this
country, until we, as a nation, have made every reparation in our
power." He observed, that the example of our own ancestors, braving the
various dangers and hardships of their early emigration and settlement
upon these shores; and the prospect of the enjoyment of civil rights and
a state of equality, ought to encourage and influence these people to
comply cheerfully with the proposed plan of colonization.
* * * * *
The question being stated by the Chairman, on agreeing to the preamble
and resolutions offered by Mr. Caldwell, for forming an association to
accomplish the object of the meeting:
"Mr. JOHN RANDOLPH (of Roanoke) rose and said, that it had been properly
observed, by the chairman as well as by the gentleman from this
district, that there was nothing in the proposition submitted to
consideration which in the smallest degree touches another very
important and delicate question, which ought to be left as much out of
view as possible, (Negro Slavery.)
"There was no fear, Mr. R. said, that this proposition would alarm the
slave holders; they had been accustomed to think seriously of the
subject. There was a popular work on agriculture, by John Taylor of
Caroline, which was widely circulated, and much confided in, in
Virginia. In that book, much read because coming from a practical man,
this description of people were pointed out as a great evil. They had
indeed been held up as the greater bug-bear to every man who feels an
inclination to emancipate his slaves, not to create in the bosom of his
country so great a nuisance. If a place could be provided for their
reception, and a mode of sending them hence, there were hundreds, nay
thousands of citizens, who would, by manumitting their slaves, relieve
themselves from the cares attendant on their possession. The great slave
holder, Mr. R. said, was frequently a mere sentry at his own
door--bound to stay on his plantation to see that his slaves were
properly treated, &c. Mr. R. concluded by saying, that he had thought it
necessary to make these remarks, being a slave holder himself, to shew
that, so far from being connected with abolition of slavery, the measure
proposed would prove one of the greatest securities, to enable the
master to keep in possession his own property."
* * * * *
Extracts from the Speech of Mr. WRIGHT.
"Mr. Robert Wright (of Md.) said he could not withhold his approbation
of a measure that had for its object the amelioration of the lot of any
portion of the human race, particularly of the free people of colour,
whose degraded state robs them of the happiness of self-government, so
dear to the American people. And, said he, as I discover the most
delicate regard to the rights of property, I shall with great pleasure
lend my aid to restore this unfortunate people to the enjoyment of their
liberty; but I fear gentlemen are too sanguine in their expectation,
that they would be willing to abandon the land of their nativity, so
dear to man. However, I have no indisposition to give them that election
by furnishing all the means contemplated by the honourable and
benevolent propositions submitted to our consideration."
"Nothing would have a stronger tendency to effect the contemplated
relief of the free people of colour, than some efficient laws to secure
the restoration of those not entitled to liberty, to their masters,
whose rights ought to be protected by law, and who, without such law,
would be certainly sacrificed by the transportation of the free blacks
with whom they would most certainly mix for that purpose. However, I
feel no hesitation in saying, I should be happy to see some plan for the
gradual abolition of slavery, that would prepare the rising generation
for that state, and remunerate the master out of the funds of the
nation, amply abundant for that purpose, without being felt by the
people of America."
It is a strong presumptive evidence in favour of the rationality of a
moral proposition, when it emanates from several sources perfectly
distinct and remote from each other. The sentiments of Mr. Wright on the
propriety of adopting some plan for the gradual abolition of slavery,
&c. and to remunerate the master out of the funds of the nation, &c. are
so perfectly analogous to those which I had adopted and recorded,
(precisely as expressed in paragraphs 80 & 81,) fifteen days previous to
the Meeting at Washington, that my confidence in their correctness, and
hope of their favourable reception by the citizens in general of the
United States, is greatly strengthened; particularly as Mr. Wright is
one of the representatives of a large state in which slavery prevails,
and is himself probably a possessor of slaves.
* * * * *
The Preamble and Resolutions having been unanimously adopted by the
Meeting, committees were appointed to draught articles of association,
&c.
* * * * *