Lord Chatham proposes to examine the East India Company’s Affairs.--
His unaccountable conduct.--More signs of weakness in the Cabinet.--
Negotiation with the Duke of Bedford.--Bill of Indemnity.--Debates
on the East India Question.--Attack on Lord Chatham in the House of
Lords by the Duke of Richmond.
These petty politics were soon absorbed in the consideration of a
more momentous and more arduous affair. Restrained as Lord Chatham’s
genius was by the tranquillity of Europe, and impeded as his plan
had been by his own want of conduct, his soul was still expanding
itself towards greater objects. With indignation, he beheld three
Indian provinces, an empire themselves, in the hands of a company of
merchants, who, authorized by their charter to traffic on the coast,
had usurped so mighty a portion of his dominions from the Prince who
permitted their commerce with his subjects. By what horrid treachery,
fraud, violence, and blood the Company’s servants had stridden to
such aggrandizement, was not a question a Minister was likely to ask.
It is the cool humane man, who had no power to punish and redress
such crimes, who alone reasons _on the manner how_, and _the right_
by which such acquisitions are obtained. The stupendous fortunes
created by individuals struck more forcibly on the political eye of
Lord Chatham. Above any view of sharing the plunder himself, he saw
a prey that tempted him to make it more his country’s. By threats to
intimidate the Company, and incline them to offer largely towards the
necessities of Government, was the least part of his idea. Such a
tribute would stand in the place of new taxes, or relieve the debts on
the Civil List: could he induce the Parliament to think the Company
had exceeded the powers of their charter, the whole property of their
territorial acquisitions might be deemed forfeited to the Crown; this
would be a bribe with which few Ministers could purchase the smiles
of their master. Nor could common sense find a flaw in the reasoning.
Could it be intended, what country ever meant by granting a charter
for trading and building forts to secure their magazines, say, even
by allowing them to defend themselves against open hostilities; could
it be understood, I ask, that such a charter gave up the dominion of
whole provinces to a set of private merchants--of three provinces more
ample than the extent of the country which bestowed the charter? The
event could not be foreseen--it could not be foretold by prophecy’s
wildest imagination; but if common sense could not answer the question,
self-interest could. What! invade property!--those two words,
_Invasion of property_, branched into every subtlety that law could
furnish. And as it has been well said,[305] _that in England all
abuses are freeholds_, most of those that had property in the East
India Company, most of those who had any other property, and all who
enjoyed any property by abuses, took the alarm; and they who desired to
obstruct any measures of Government, were sedulous not to let the panic
cool.
But if the plan was great and bold, the execution was mean and unworthy
of the conception. The man who traced the design, shrank from it
himself; and having tossed it into the world, left it to be carried
through by other hands. He grew mysterious; he would not declare what
he wished--Parliament must decide--but his anger awaited those who
should even decline guessing at his purpose. I feel while I write
that I shall scarce be credited: yet both words and matter cannot be
more strictly true. Lord Chatham would not utter his will or wish;
yet neither obstacles nor remonstrance could extort a syllable of
relaxation from him; but I must take the matter a little higher, and
relate it more historically.
So early as the 28th of August the Cabinet Council had sent for the
Governors of the East India Company, and advised them to be prepared,
for Parliament would certainly inquire into the state of their
acquisitions in Bengal. The Governors asked if the Administration
intended to carry the affair thither? They were told that the Ministers
had not determined to proceed so far, but did not mean to preclude
themselves from doing so. Thus the affair had been left. The Company
were to be alarmed; the nation to be tempted to look into the matter.
The Company, no doubt, were alarmed accordingly; but the nation with
folded arms awaited the event, not apt of late to forerun Ministers in
what they declare they meditate themselves.
In this uncommunicated state the dictator had left the business, and
the Parliament had met without his assigning their departments in the
action to any of the Ministers--not to the Duke of Grafton himself,
the head of the Treasury, and who, though as a peer not qualified to
conduct the plan through the House of Commons, yet was the person
who must superintend and transact an affair which, whether in a
greater or less proportion, was ultimately to centre in the revenue,
had he disclosed how far he meant or wished to go. In the mean time
had intervened the episode of Lord Edgcumbe; and Conway, the acting
Minister in the House of Commons, had been disgusted. Never officious
to thrust himself into business, and now indisposed to the great
projector, he neither was ambitious to receive orders, nor forward
to apply for them at the fountain-head; yet being well disposed to
the plan, and, at least, too much versed in business, not to know
the propriety of digesting so very daring a scheme before it was
thrown into the House of Commons, where, had there been no men of ill
intention, still a rude design must create confusion and impediment,
he had pressed earnestly to have it well considered in Council, before
it was introduced into Parliament. His prayers and remonstrances were
vain; and though Lord Chatham depended on him for the conduct of the
Ministerial part, he would not deign to impart a ray of instruction.
There was another man still more necessary perhaps to the progress
of a scheme of a monied nature; and that was the Chancellor of the
Exchequer, Charles Townshend. But him Lord Chatham neither trusted nor
considered but as the mere slave of his orders. Be it so: yet could
it be imagined that instead of employing either Secretary of State or
Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Minister should have consigned his
darling scheme to a private man--and that man the most absurd, and of
as little weight as any member in the House of Commons? So the fact
was, and so must I recount it. But ere the project was opened, it was
known that the versatile genius of the Chancellor of the Exchequer
was playing tricks and endeavouring to obstruct the measure yet in
embryo. Conway, zealous for extracting some national advantage from
the prosperous state of the Company’s affairs, laboured to surmount
Townshend’s objections, and assembled a council at his own house
to debate the point with him. Lord Chatham flamed at the notice
of Townshend’s adverse conduct, and vowed himself would resign, or
Townshend should be turned out; and he resented Conway’s interfering
to serve him without his direction. Yet, ere the business came to
any conclusion, Townshend exhibited many doubts; though for once his
inconsistencies and treachery were not solely dictated by unsteadiness.
It became known that his frequent fluctuations in the course of the
affair were so many wiles to raise or lower the stock in which he was
dealing, and which the Chancellor of the Exchequer could supremely
agitate and depress as he pleased.
On the 25th the plan was first intimated to the House by Lord Chatham’s
confident, Alderman Beckford, who moved to take into consideration
the state of the East India Company’s affairs. Men were amazed to
see a machine of such magnitude entrusted to so wild a charioteer.
Wedderburne and Charles Yorke opposed the motion. The Whigs deserted
Mr. Conway who supported it, by the mouth of their spokesman, Lord John
Cavendish, though he paid profuse compliments to the latter. Burke and
Grenville appeared as opponents, too, and the violation of property
was sounded high. Yet the motion was carried by 129 to 76, Charles
Townshend speaking for it, and the Duke of Bedford’s friends staying
away.[306] The wind, however, of this transaction, and the dissensions
that had sprung up from the dismission of Lord Edgcumbe, brought Lord
Temple back to town. Grenville painted the East Indian business to
Rigby as a mine in which Lord Chatham must blow himself up; and that
idea was impressed more deeply by Lord Northington, who said to Lord
Gower, “There are four parties, Bute’s, Bedford’s, Rockingham’s, and
Chatham’s, and we (the last) are the weakest of the four.”
On the 27th of November the Duke of Portland, Lord Scarborough,
Lord Besborough, and Lord Monson resigned their employments. The
King immediately appointed Lord Hertford Lord Chamberlain; but told
him that, knowing his brother’s delicacy on the preferment of his
relations, he had hidden the stick and key, while Mr. Conway, who had
just been with him, was in the closet.
This defection of the Rockingham party, of whom scarce a dozen[307]
remained in connection with the Court, reduced Lord Chatham, who
had defeated his own purpose of dividing them, to look out for new
strength. There remained Lord Bute’s and the Duke of Bedford’s
factions. He approached towards both; but so coldly, and with such
limited steps, that he acquired neither, and fixed the last in more
open opposition. By preferring a few of the Favourite’s creatures,
he drew odium on himself, without doing enough to engage their real
attachment, the very rock on which his predecessors had split, though
their more reluctant offers having arrived too late, they had escaped
the imputation of stooping to servile conditions. Lord Chatham’s
conduct towards the Bedfords was as void of dexterity as his treatment
of the Rockingham party.
The very evening of the resignations he sent for Lord Gower, and
offered to make him Master of the Horse, and to connect with the Duke
of Bedford; but telling him that if they declined his offers, he
could stand without them. With regard to Mr. Rigby, he had talked so
hostilely on the East Indian affair, that he must explain his conduct
before anything could be done for him. Lord Gower, impatient to return
to Court, jealous of Rigby’s influence over his sister, the Duchess,
and satisfied with such fair terms for himself, gladly accepted the
commission, and set out next morning for Woburn to open it to the Duke
of Bedford and obtain his acquiescence.
Rigby, in the mean time, whether apprehending that the wildness of Lord
Chatham would overturn him, or overpersuaded by Grenville, or rather
hoping no great emolument for himself, from Lord Chatham’s neglect
of him and application through another, had preceded Lord Gower, and
got to Woburn overnight. He found the Duchess as eager as her brother
to return to Court, and the Duke prepared by her not to listen to
his objections. The next day he had the mortification of seeing Lord
Gower arrive, and of hearing the suspension imposed on himself till he
should correct his behaviour. Deaf to his arguments and interest, the
whole family accepted with thankfulness Lord Chatham’s overtures, and
Lord Gower was remanded to town to notify their consent and the Duke’s
intention to follow and ratify the treaty. Rigby remained a day behind,
but could not recall the Duke from the alacrity with which he hurried
to London.
But even before Lord Gower could arrive there, Lord Chatham, who rarely
deigned to impart his measures to the rest of the Ministers, had now,
with still less prudence, notified to the Council his offers to the
Bedfords, in the style of one sure of their being accepted. At the same
time, speaking of the resigners, he said, they were only the remnant of
the late Duke of Cumberland’s party. Conway fired at the expression,
and said he would hear no such language, nor ever bear disrespectful
mention of the Duke of Cumberland’s name. Lord Chatham retracted; if he
had not, Mr. Conway protested to me he would have left the Council and
returned to it no more.
Lord Gower had gone on the Friday, and returned the next day with the
Duke of Bedford’s assent; and the Duke himself arrived on the Monday.
Yet, in that little interval, considerable events had happened, and a
far more considerable imprudence of Lord Chatham. Admiral Saunders,
a most gallant, but weak man, governed by Admiral Keppel and Lord
Albemarle, had been persuaded by them to throw up his post of First
Lord of the Admiralty, and join his old friends the Rockinghams.[308]
The blow was heavy on Lord Chatham, but facilitated his treaty with
the Bedfords, as he had thereby a Cabinet-Councillor’s place to offer
them. Instead of profiting of the opportunity, and as if the Bedford
faction were men easily satisfied, and with trifles, he would not wait
for the Duke, but filled up the Admiralty with Sir Edward Hawke, Sir
Piercy Brett, and Jenkinson--the two last in the room of Sir William
Meredith and Keppel, resigners; at the same time causing Keppel to be
struck out of the King’s Bedchamber. Sir Edward Hawke had as much merit
in his profession and to his country as man could have, but no moment
of rewarding him could have been more imprudently taken. Though the
place might have been destined for him, still the faith of negotiation
ought to have been observed till Lord Chatham could have satisfied the
Bedfords and agreed with them on that disposition. And where was the
policy of warning them that he meant to admit them into no office of
confidence?
Rigby, too alert and too artful to let slip an incident so favourable
to his inclination, and who saw from this step how little would
be allotted to his party, and aware, from the treatment of the
Rockinghams, that Lord Chatham meant little more than to break the
Bedford connection too, inflamed the Duke of Bedford and all their
friends with the indignity offered to them in the very hour of treaty.
The Duchess had been left at Woburn, trusting to the impression she
had made on her husband, whom she was now as solicitous to recover
from Rigby’s influence, as in their younger intimacy she had been to
place him there. Her security betrayed her; the Duke caught fire;
and he who had thought the most bounded terms satisfactory, was now
persuaded to carry to Lord Chatham a list of demands that comprehended
half the employments in the Court-calendar, besides peerages for
some of his friends.[309] Such enormous terms Rigby knew would not
be granted; but the demand would palliate to their friends the total
sacrifice that would have been made of them if he and one or two more
had found their account in the first proposals. Lord Chatham received
his Grace’s extravagant list, but told him he did not believe the King
would comply with his demands. The next day he waited on the Duke
and informed him that his Majesty was willing to make his son, Lord
Tavistock, a peer: to appoint Lord Gower Master of the Horse, and Mr.
Rigby Cofferer; but as for entering on other particulars of places
and peerages, his Majesty would not hear of them. The Duke begged his
Majesty might be thanked for his goodness to his son, but said his
friends could not think of accepting on such terms.[310] Thus an end
was put at once to the negotiation. In the list had been asked posts
of Cabinet Councillor for Lord Gower, Lord Sandwich, Lord Weymouth,
and the Duke of Marlborough, or the first vacant garter for the latter
(the Duke’s son-in-law) after the King’s brother, Henry, the new Duke
of Cumberland, and peerages for Lord Lorne and Mr. Brand,[311] though
the Duke of Bedford, at the commencement of the treaty, had positively
refused the former to solicit for him.[312]
The treaty evaporated, the vacant employments were filled with some of
Lord Bute’s creatures, and any stragglers without connexion that could
be picked up. Thus the Duke of Ancaster was made Master of the Horse
to the King, and was succeeded in the same rank to the Queen by Earl
Delawar, already her servant. Lord Hilsborough and Lord Despenser were
appointed joint Postmasters; Nugent,[313] First Lord of Trade; and
Stanley, Cofferer.
Conway’s disgusts were doubled by seeing himself reduced to act with
scarce any but Lord Bute’s friends; and had Lord Chatham continued
the effective Minister, would, I am persuaded, have resigned like the
rest, for however gentle when he met with respect, he was minutely
jealous of the smallest neglect, and incompatible with the haughty
temper of Lord Chatham. Charles Townshend, restless in any situation,
fond of mischief, and not without envy of the lead allotted to Conway,
was incessant in inciting him to retire, by painting to him the pride
and folly of Lord Chatham, the improbability of his maintaining such
shattered power, and alarming him with threats of resigning and leaving
him alone in the House of Commons.
To this mad situation had Lord Chatham reduced himself; first, by
quitting the House of Commons and thereby parting with his popularity;
secondly, by disgusting the Whigs, his best and firmest support;
thirdly, by never communicating a syllable to Mr. Conway, nor trusting
him, though his only friend in the House of Commons; fourthly, by
turning out Lord Edgcumbe, when all opposition was damped and in a
manner annihilated; and, lastly, by not gaining the Bedfords from
Grenville, when it was in his power. He had nothing left to try, but
whether by the mere influence of the Crown, without leaders, and almost
without speakers in the House of Commons, he could govern against
all the other parties,[314] who, though hating each other, would all
probably unite against him.
Conway, however out of temper, supported honourably the duty of his
station; and, in the course of the Bill of Indemnity, distinguished
both his zeal and capacity. In the Committee, Grenville and Rigby moved
to have stated the losses of those who had suffered by acting under
the order of Council. Burke and Dowdeswell spoke on the same side; but
Conway, by an artful speech, gained over Dowdeswell, and Grenville did
not dare to divide the House. He next tried to avoid the preamble of
the bill, and moved to adjourn. Charles Townshend and he had a sharp
altercation, in which Townshend both ridiculed and flattered him. Lord
Granby declared warmly for Lord Chatham; Conway spoke handsomely of him
too, though intending to add censure to praise, but was interrupted
by Rigby; and thus the praise remained alone. The Cavendishes having
been consulted on the bill, would therefore not divide against it, and
went away. Rigby, impatient to mark his resentment to Lord Chatham, and
fondly thinking their numbers would appear formidable, even without
the Cavendishes, advised to push a division; and Wedderburne actually
divided the House when the Ministerial party amounted to 166, and the
Opposition but to 48: a signal victory in Lord Chatham’s circumstances!
But Lord Bute’s friends had signalized themselves in his support.
Elliot and Dyson spoke for him; and Sir Fletcher Norton retired rather
than vote against him. It was even suspected that Wedderburne, who,
though of the same corps, commonly opposed like Norton, to force
himself into place, had treacherously drawn on the division to expose
the weakness of an Opposition without harmony; nor was there anything
in Wedderburne’s character to counteract the suspicion. Some there were
who believed that Lord Bute, apprehending the junction of Lord Chatham
and the Bedfords, had, during the treaty, made overtures to the
former, which had encouraged him to act so imprudently and cavalierly
in that negotiation. But, if duped then, it never appeared afterwards
that Lord Chatham had given himself up to a real connection with the
Favourite.
If the Opposition were startled at their defeat, and Rigby did repent
his precipitancy, Mr. Conway was not a little startled too. He saw Lord
Chatham would stand, whether he quitted or not. He had declared against
going into opposition; nor was it his inclination. Should he quit in
those circumstances, he would become a cypher, and remain divested of
his profession. I saw his difficulties and felt them. I told him that
he had lately asked me whether I would advise him to stay and be turned
out with disgrace with a falling Administration? I reminded him that in
those circumstances I had acquiesced, and had allowed that he could not
stay, nor support alone a system that hung on Lord Bute. But the case
was altered now: it was plain the Opposition was too weak to demolish
Lord Chatham; and therefore, as Lord Chatham was likely to continue
in power, I wished him to stay in place likewise. At the same time I
sent Lord Hertford to beg his Majesty would press Mr. Conway not to
quit. The King said he had just written to Mr. Conway, and told him
his Government depended on _his_ conducting the business of the House
of Commons. Lord Hertford replied, he believed his brother was more
inclined to stay than he had been. The King said, eagerly, “How have
you brought it about? I am sure you and Mr. Walpole have done it.”
On the 9th, Beckford proceeded on the East Indian plan, and moved
for inspection of their charters, treaties, revenue in Bengal, and
an account of what they had expended. He expatiated justly on the
devastation the Company’s servants had committed, and urged that new
adventurers, not old proprietors of India Stock, were the men who
profited of this accession of wealth, and who were practising all
arts to convert into a selfish job a source of riches that ought to
be conducted to national advantage. The Opposition treated the plan
as chimerical. Could Bengal, they asked, be stated as a permanent
possession? Cust, the Speaker’s brother, concerned in the Company,
admitted that the Government was entitled to expect a return from the
Company, as their settlements had been preserved by the navy, and
depended on the protection of the public. But though his confession
was candid, he was faithful too to the interests of the Company, and
started many difficulties. No proposal, he said, could be made but to
the General Court of Proprietors. Many proprietors would object, not
intending to continue so. The revenue was not so large as pretended.
Lord Clive computed it at one million seven hundred thousand pounds:
Sumner’s account settled it at one million four hundred thousand;
himself did not believe it exceeded twelve hundred thousand. The
Company, on their forts, armaments, &c., had expended five millions.
Senegal and Goree, while in private hands, were maintained for eight
thousand pounds a year; since the public had taken them under their own
direction, they had cost twenty-six thousand pounds a year. Burke, in
one of his finest speeches, declaimed against the measure: it was the
first instance of dragging to the bar men with whom the public meant
to treat. They were accused, that their property might be confiscated.
A dangerous attempt was making for little advantage. On Lord Chatham
his figures were severe, painting him as a great Invisible Power,
that left no Minister in the House of Commons. The greatest Integrity
(Conway) had no power there. The rest approached him veiling their
faces with their wings. Let us supplicate this divinity, said he, that
he would spare public credit. Augustus Hervey called him to order. “I
have often suffered,” added Burke, “under persecution of order, but
did not expect its lash while at my prayers. I venerate the great man,
and speak of him accordingly.”[315] Many other speeches were made for
and against the motion, particularly by the lawyers; on which Colonel
Barré said, the artillery of the law he saw was brought down on both
sides; but, like artillery, had not done much hurt. He was for trying
this question by common sense. He then read the opinions which Lord
Camden and Charles Yorke had given when the charter was granted, in
which, though favourable to the Company, they had said, “for what might
follow, policy must take time to consider.” This implied that they did
not understand conquests as granted away by the charter; yet Yorke
had now defended the Company as entitled from their charter to their
present acquisitions. Bolton, one of the Company, who, though he voted
for the motion, said much against it, owned that the Company could not
govern their servants, nor could Clive go on without the interposition
of Government. Charles Townshend, having been chidden by the Duke of
Grafton for his variations, took advantage of what Bolton had said, and
spoke finely for the motion. Grenville, in answer to Barré, said he did
not desire to be decided by military common sense; and dwelt with much
emphasis on the sacredness of charters, property, and public credit;
affirming that the affairs of no company had ever been decided in that
House. Conway showed in a masterly manner that Grenville’s assertions
were all false; that the affairs of the Hudson’s Bay and other
companies had been inquired into by Parliament. In answer to Burke, he
said, he disclaimed slavery; _was only a passenger_ in Administration,
but always remonstrated against whatever was contrary to his opinion.
Dempster, as a proprietor, declared against the motion; but though
Grenville had announced the dissatisfaction the measure would occasion,
it created less heat than he expected: nor did either directors or
proprietors petition against it, those who had been most alarmed soon
discovering that whatever should be gained from the Company, would
stand in lieu of burthens that otherwise might be laid on themselves.
The Opposition dividing for adjournment were beaten by 140 to 56; not
above twenty of Lord Rockingham’s party having yet joined Grenville.
The next day the Bill of Indemnity, which had passed the Commons,
was read in the House of Lords. The Duke of Richmond called on the
Chancellor and President to explain their doctrine of necessity
justifying a dispensing power. Lord Northington adhered to his opinion,
and said, on a jury he should have found for the affirmative. Lord
Camden said, he should not, but would have given trifling or no damages
to the sufferers. Lord Mansfield went through a laborious history of
the Constitution, and vindicated himself from the reproach of being a
prerogative lawyer: had always been a friend to the Constitution; on
that ground had supported former Administrations, did support this, and
would support succeeding Administrations. Lord Camden told him, he was
glad he was returned to that doctrine. Lord Chatham said, that when the
people should condemn him, he should tremble; but would set his face
against the proudest connection in this country. The Duke of Richmond
took this up with great heat and severity, and said, he hoped the
nobility would not be brow-beaten by an insolent Minister. The House
calling him to order, he said with great quickness, he was sensible
truth was not to be spoken at all times, and in all places. Lord
Chatham challenged the Duke to give an instance in which he had treated
any man with insolence; if the instance was not produced, the charge of
insolence would lie on his Grace. The Duke said, he could not name the
instance without betraying private conversation; and he congratulated
Lord Chatham on his new connection, the Duke looking, as he spoke,
at Lord Bute. The Duke of Bedford did not speak, though he had been
brought to town on purpose: but the Duchess, displeased with Rigby for
breaking off the negotiation, had accompanied her husband, and even
tried to renew the treaty, but was forced to desist, the places being
filled up. On the Bill of Indemnity there was no division; and on the
15th the Parliament was adjourned for the holidays.
Notwithstanding his success, Lord Chatham was stunned by so rough an
attack from the Duke of Richmond, a young man not to be intimidated by
supercilious nods, or humbled by invective, which his Grace had shown
himself more prone to give than receive. The silence of the place,
and the decency of debate there, were not suited to that inflammatory
eloquence by which Lord Chatham had been accustomed to raise huzzas
from a more numerous auditory. Argument, at least decorum, would be
expected, not philippics. Whether these reflections contributed or not
to augment the distaste which the ill-success of his foreign, and the
errors he had committed in domestic politics, had impressed on his
mind, certain it is that the Duke of Richmond had the honour of having
the world believe that by one blow he had revenged himself and his
party, and driven his proud enemy from the public stage; for from that
day Lord Chatham, during the whole remainder of his Administration,
appeared no more in the House of Lords, really becoming that invisible
and inaccessible divinity which Burke has described, and in three
months as inactive a divinity as the gods of Epicurus.[316] His last
act was bestowing an English barony on Lord Lorne, who, having failed
through the Duke of Bedford, applied himself directly to the Minister.
Lord Lorne had acquainted Mr. Conway with his wish, who was greatly
distressed, as a favour from Lord Chatham (whom Mr. Conway intended
to quit) might again destroy the harmony which was now re-established
between him and his wife’s brothers. Still, however, as the Duke of
Argyle was old and declining, and as Lord Lorne would lose the English
peerage[317] for ever, if he did not obtain it during his father’s
life, Mr. Conway would not oppose the request; though, circumstanced
as he was, he would not ask it. It was immediately granted; and Lord
Chatham, by bending seasonably, took from the Duke of Bedford’s scale
the great Scottish interest of the Campbells.
Towards the East India Company he was less tractable. At a meeting of
the proprietors many warm speeches were made against him, particularly
by Wedderburne. They broke up in heat, and adjourned for a fortnight,
determined to make no advances to Government, unless their right was
established, which Lord Chatham peremptorily refused to allow. However,
on the last day of the year, they met again in smoother temper, and
agreed unanimously to empower the Directors of the Company to treat
immediately with the Administration.