The King’s differences with his Ministers.--Negotiations with Mr.
Pitt to form a new Administration.--Contemplated appointment of a
Captain-General.--Reconciliation of Lord Temple and Mr. Grenville.--
Ministers recalled.--Dismissal of Mr. Mackenzie.--Parliament
Prorogued.
On May the 18th, Grenville went to receive the King’s orders for
the speech at the close of the session, which was to end the next
week. The King said, coldly, there was no hurry; he would have the
Parliament adjourned, not prorogued. Grenville, thunderstruck,
said, “There was so much mystery in that speech, that he must beg
leave to ask if his Majesty had any thoughts of making a change
in his Administration?”--“Certainly,” replied the King; “I cannot
bear it as it is. I will have the Parliament only adjourned.” “I
hope,” replied Grenville, “your Majesty will not order me to cut
my own throat.”--“Then,” said the King, “who must adjourn the
Parliament?”--“Whoever your Majesty shall appoint my successor,” said
Grenville.
The Ministers, on the communication of this notice, took the only
sensible step that remained in their situation, which was, by
dissolving the Administration themselves, to involve the King in such
a labyrinth of negotiations and demands, as might end in nothing, and
reduce him to apply again to them. Accordingly, Bedford, Grenville, and
the two Secretaries of State acquainted his Majesty they should resign
on the following Tuesday, if no Administration was formed by that
time.[131]
Hostilities thus commenced, other secrets came out. It was known that
the design of the Court was to place the Earl of Northumberland at the
head of the Treasury. The Duke of Cumberland had come into the plan,
and Lord Albemarle had been sent very privately to Hayes, to ask Mr.
Pitt’s assistance and junction in that scheme. Pitt’s behaviour was
neither promising nor condescending. Yet, both the King and the Duke
were so bent on union with him, that Lord Albemarle had been despatched
again to Hayes with repeated offers. Pitt talked in general terms of
a total alteration of measures; of a strict alliance against France;
and of condemnation of General Warrants, though to be turned in some
shape that might save his Majesty’s honour. Still, however, he kept
great reserve, and to draw the fuller _éclat_ from the negotiation,
let Lord Albemarle perceive that he would not deign to negotiate with
a substitute, but expected a personal interview with the Duke of
Cumberland himself. Even this was granted, and (it was thought) wisely,
as, if Pitt could be awed, it must be by so able and respectable a
Prince. On the other hand, some men feared that Pitt’s haughtiness was
more likely to augment than stoop to any dignity below the throne.
On the 20th, his Royal Highness went to Hayes. With much elevation,
Pitt did not seem untractable. He made three principal demands:
Regulation of General Warrants; Restitution of Officers; Alliances
with Protestant Powers. The first article the Duke told him would be
accorded; the King himself had named the second; the third would be
most subject to difficulty. Of domestic regulations, Pitt only named
the Chief Justice Pratt for Chancellor, which the Court endeavoured to
elude by the offer of a peerage instead of the Seals. The Duke at last
said that, though not authorized, he would venture to offer him _carte
blanche_. Lord Temple should have the Treasury, Lord Northumberland
would take any other post. Mr. Pitt said, Lord Temple would not take
the Treasury, but some other place--if any: nor would he promise that
himself would take any part in the new system.
The Duke of Cumberland, before he went to Hayes, had sent for Lord
Temple to town; and it was observed, that from the time _that_ lord saw
Mr. Pitt, the difficulties and reluctance of the latter were visibly
augmented.
One of my most earnest wishes was to see Mr. Pitt restored to the
head of the Administration. Nobody knew his faults better, but nobody
admired his genius more; no man had felt greater pride than I had
felt, from the glorious position in which he had placed my country.
The moment I learnt the negotiation, I laboured to my utmost to draw
my friends to support him, if he should become Minister. Nor had
I previously neglected to excuse their late behaviour, of which I
persuaded Lord Holland they repented. He wished them to notify their
sorrow in form: but though I was willing to have that signified, yet
I could not expect the Cavendishes would recant: nor was I in haste
to press it, as I waited for what I soon heard--the treaty with Pitt.
Lord Holland said he was convinced the King would never forgive Lord
Halifax and the Duke of Bedford, and would dismiss them if he could;
but Grenville, he thought, would be saved, as he had had no hand in
the transaction. “No hand!” said I, “he was as deep as any of them.”
“Against the Princess, I allow he was,” said Lord Holland; “but did
not contribute to draw the King into that cruel step.” This exception
appeared so strange to me, that I almost thought there was truth in
a saying of that time--that Grenville must remain Minister, because
there was no other man in a tye-wig fit to preside at the Board of
Treasury. I found from Lord Holland, that he had been denied access to
Lord Bute, who had sent him word he could not see him, as so great a
crisis was at hand, in which he himself had no share. The very message
proved the contrary. If the message was true, and not concerted between
them, it must have been a silly evasion prepared by Bute, that he might
assure Pitt he had not seen Lord Holland; or to disguise to the latter
the treaty with the former. It is not even improbable that Lord Bute
had tasted so much vexation from the Regency-bill, which Lord Holland
had earnestly pressed upon him, that he might not be inclined to have
recourse to the same councils again. Lord Holland, however, let me
discover how anxiously he wished to overturn the Ministers, be the
means what they would. He dropped to me these remarkable words--“What
an artful man might do with these mobs!” But I was not a man to dip my
hand in such resources.[132]
On the day that the Duke of Cumberland went to Hayes, a committee of
the House of Lords sat on the Riots. Lord Sandwich said, he hoped
their Lordships would adjourn till the Duke of Bedford could come
in safety to the House. Lord Halifax said, there were rumours of a
change of Ministers; but it was impossible the King could give up
so faithful a servant as the Duke of Bedford to the mob; and threw
out many insinuations of the mob being stirred up by Lord Bute. Lord
Pomfret took this up with great warmth; but during the altercation the
Lords were informed that the Sheriffs of London (probably by concert
with the Ministers) attended with material information. Lord Halifax
went out to them; and returning, said, there was a diabolic plot. Being
called in, the Sheriffs said they had received certain information
that the weavers were to rise in arms at five in the morning, were to
be joined by the butchers and watermen, and destroy Bedford House. The
Chancellor said the notice ought to be laid before both Houses; but the
Lords contented themselves with voting an address to the King for a
proclamation against the rioters, with giving directions to the civil
magistrates to secure the peace, and with granting an additional guard
of one hundred men for Bedford House, as the Duke had desired.
The next day Mr. Conway brought me intelligence that gave me
inexpressible concern, and struck me with more alarm than any public
measure I ever knew. It was, that Lord Halifax had written to the
King that his Ministers advised his Majesty to employ Lord Granby as
the most popular man in England, and the Duke of Richmond and Lord
Waldegrave as generals under him, to suppress the riot--advice that
breathed the desperate ambition of the ministerial faction, and showed
their intention of usurping the government by force: Lord Granby having
assured them at a council of their friends, that he would firmly adhere
to them. But this was not the part of the intelligence that most
alarmed me: it was the consequence of this letter, the King on the
receipt of it having written to his uncle that he would immediately
name his Royal Highness Captain-General. This was at once firing the
signal of civil war: the generals were named on either side. I implored
Mr. Conway to hasten to the Duke, and prevent, if possible, before
it was too late, so rash and fatal a step: it would be sufficient
for the King to refuse delegating Lord Granby. The Duke begged the
King to suspend his resolution, and told him, that if he accepted the
nomination, it should only be for the present, and he would appoint
Lord Albemarle to act under him. And he sent to Lord Granby, that he
should accept the charge but for the purpose of suppressing the riots,
and that he should not in any other point interfere with his Lordship.
This, though it showed temper, discovered but too great alacrity to
undertake the commission. To Hayes, too, his Royal Highness despatched
Lord Frederick Cavendish, to acquaint Mr. Pitt with the intended
measure. Mr. Pitt with his wonted elevation treated the matter lightly,
and said the riots were of no consequence. The dismission of the
Ministers he approved of, in consequence of their actions: if only as
enemies of Lord Bute, the case was different. He had no objection to
Lord Bute as Favourite, but as he disagreed with him on measures.
The Ministers determined to push their blow, prevailed on the Duke of
York, who they meant should balance his uncle, to go to Richmond, and
in their names to advise his Majesty to come and stay in town. Many
of the Tories, dreading the power of the Duke of Cumberland, declared
they would abandon Bute and adhere to Grenville. Fortunately the Duke
himself told the King that the riots were not of consequence enough
for him to be appointed Captain-General. The Favourite, too, had taken
alarm, and apprehending a parliamentary motion against himself, had
summoned all the Scotch to attend the House. Thus blew over a cloud
that might have been productive of such fatal events!
The negotiation in the mean time with Mr. Pitt continued, but made
no advance. The Duke of Cumberland understood that he refused to
come into place, and proposed to the King to form an Administration
without him. The Duke of Newcastle, though he would not venture to
take any responsible place himself, was eager for the same measure;
and the Cavendishes were not less ready to join such a system. It
was proposed to place Lord Lyttelton at the head of the Treasury,
with Charles Townshend as Chancellor of the Exchequer, and General
Conway Secretary at War. The latter and I saw the inefficacy of this
expedient, and protested against it. Such an Administration we agreed
could not last six months. The Opposition would be said to join Lord
Bute, and would suffer in their reputation. Finding so few facilities,
the Duke determined to make one more essay, and desired Lord Lyttelton
to go to Hayes, and know the last resolution of Mr. Pitt. What words
can paint the astonishment of Lord Lyttelton, or indeed of mankind,
when that Lord, who was to carry Lord Temple to Hayes with him, was
informed at Lord Temple’s door, that Mr. George Grenville was alone
with his brother? Lord Lyttelton waited two hours with Lady Temple.
It was by that time too late to go to Hayes till after dinner. Lord
Temple vouchsafed to make no explanation to Lord Lyttelton, but said
it was only a private reconciliation. He said the same the next day
when, with Lord Lyttelton, he waited on the Duke of Cumberland; adding,
that their reconciliation did not extend to political connection.
“But that, I suppose, my Lord,” said that sensible Prince, “will soon
follow.” Lord Lyttelton had previously waited on his Royal Highness at
his return from Hayes, and owned that he could not say Mr. Pitt and
Lord Temple were agreed, though still they were open to treat. Lord
Temple complained to the Duke that the King had been advised to take
his old Ministers again; and wondered who had advised it. “I did, my
Lord,” said the Duke firmly, “thinking Mr. Pitt’s a flat refusal, and
finding nobody else would engage without him.” Before they parted, the
Duke made Lord Temple own, that _carte blanche_ had been offered to Mr.
Pitt; yet that point Mr. Pitt and his friends never allowed.[133]
What the Duke had said, was true. He no sooner heard of the
reconciliation in the family of Grenville, than he advised the King
to submit, and take up with his old Ministers. The reconciliation
explained Mr. Pitt’s conduct, and the seeming variations in it; for
though in terms he never consented to accept, the Duke owned to Mr.
Conway, that he had talked as if actually in place. He had said,
“Pratt will be at the head of the law.”--“I said no such thing,”
said the Duke; “the King may be engaged to Mr. Yorke; I know nothing
of it.” Pitt replied, if he did come in, he could not depend on the
faith of the Court, and on influence in the Cabinet; “I do not know,
Sir,” continued he, “if I can even depend on your Royal Highness’s
influence.” “No, indeed,” replied the Duke, “for I shall have no
influence there myself. The King called me to this business, and the
moment it is over, I shall retire to Windsor.” But these irregularities
had all flowed from the conduct of Lord Temple, who had thrown every
obstruction in the way of the negotiation, and had affected even to
complain of the Duke of Newcastle, for proposing Lord Lyttelton for the
head of the Treasury, though he himself could not be persuaded by Mr.
Pitt to accept it. It may be remembered, that in my visit to Stowe,
I had discovered how little cordiality subsisted between Lord Temple
and Mr. Pitt. From that time, the former had certainly leaned towards
his brother George; and, as if the love of confusion predominated even
over his ambition, he had selected this important moment to clog Mr.
Pitt’s measures by openly rushing into connection with his brother
George. Lord Bristol,[134] and Augustus Hervey,[135] had, at Lord
Temple’s desire, negotiated the reconciliation; and besides the very
lucrative interest that Grenville had in accepting the offer, it was
doubly sweetened now by the defeat it gave to Mr. Pitt, who in honour
would not, or in prudence could not, enter upon Administration by a
breach with his brother-in-law, his benefactor, and popular associate,
Temple, and only for being reconciled to their common brother, George
Grenville.[136] The reversion of Lord Temple’s estate[137] could make
even the inflexible Grenville stoop; and if his acrimonious heart
was obliged to pardon his brother, it was indemnified by revenge on
his sister’s husband. Mr. Pitt, when Lord Temple and he parted, said
pathetically,
Extinxti me teque, soror; populumque Patresque
Sidonios, urbemque tuam!
The Ministers, who no doubt had learnt from Lord Temple the King’s
distress, went to his Majesty on the 22nd, and being acquainted that
it was his purpose to retain them in his service, insolently told him
that they must ask three things. First, Would his Majesty promise, on
his royal word, not to consult Lord Bute any more, nor suffer him to
interfere in business? Secondly, Would he dismiss Mr. Mackenzie[138]
from the direction of Scottish affairs? Thirdly, Would he immediately
declare Lord Granby Captain-General? The King said the last would
be the greatest affront imaginable to his uncle, after he had been
thought of for Captain-General. Grenville replied insolently, he did
not understand why his Royal Highness was so often at Court. “But,”
continued the King, “are these questions, or terms?” They said,
“Questions.” “But do you mean,” said the King, “to adhere to them as
_sine quâ non_?”--“We do,” replied they. The King said, he would give
them an answer at night.
In the evening, the King, instead of seeing them, sent for the
Chancellor, and ordered him to carry his answer to the Ministers.
It was: that there was no longer any question about Lord Bute: but
his Majesty would give his word not to see him. He would dismiss
Mr. Mackenzie,[139] but would by no means yield to make Lord Granby
Captain-General. But though the stand-out of prudence was made on the
last article, the indignity offered personally to the King on the
second was the most crying. Mr. Mackenzie had possessed a place of
2000_l._ a year for life. To accommodate some arrangement in Scotland,
he had given it up, and the King had given him another of 3000_l._ a
year; but it not being a patent place for life, the King had promised
him, upon his honour, that it should never be taken away during his
reign. This severe sacrifice the insolent faction now extorted; the
Court, in its present distress, not daring to venture a rupture, of
which any part of Lord Bute’s family should be the cause.
The Ministers did not hesitate long; though Rigby tried to
enforce[140] their adherence to all the three demands. They waited
on the King the next day, declaring their acceptance of the two
conditions, but annexing a third, the dismission of Lord Holland from
the Pay-office, which was granted without a murmur; though, when Lord
Holland had undertaken to carry through the Peace, the King said to
his wife, he should never forget the obligation.[141] The King ordered
Lord Sandwich to write the letter of his dismission, but Sandwich had
the decency to excuse himself, having lived even till now on friendly
terms with Lord Holland, and then actually inhabiting the Pay-office,
which Lord Holland had lent him the two last years. Charles Townshend
succeeded Lord Holland, though he had been designed Chancellor of the
Exchequer by the Opposition, and acted with them when they came into
power; and to complete the disgrace of Lord Bute’s family, and as
if wantonly to mark their disregard to all propriety, the Ministers
removed Lord Northumberland from the government of Ireland, and named
for his successor the Viscount Weymouth,[142] an inconsiderable,
debauched young man, attached to the Bedfords, but so ruined by
gaming, that the moment before his exaltation, he was setting out for
France, to avoid his creditors. The Duke of Cumberland retired to
Windsor, declaring he had done with Opposition. His whole conduct,
indeed, in this transaction, had been noble, and becoming the relation
in which he stood to the Crown. He had forgiven all the slights he had
experienced from the Court, had handsomely taken up the cause of his
nephew, and had even submitted to act as messenger to Mr. Pitt. The
Dukes of Richmond and Manchester[143] had offered his Royal Highness
their assistance against the Ministers. The former, enraged at the
disgrace of his brother-in-law Lord Holland, wished to reconcile him to
the Duke, but the Prince would lend no ear to it. Nor, unsuccessful and
baffled as our party had been, did they grow at all more reasonable.
Lord Frederick Cavendish, probably from knowing the inclinations of the
Duke of Cumberland, was desirous his brothers should soften towards
Lord Bute. I, too, saw the necessity of that step; as, added to our
own numbers, we should have the favour of the Crown, and the support
of Lord Bute, Lord Northumberland, Lord Holland, and their friends.
“It is true, we should,” said Lord Frederick, when I mentioned this;
“but then, we should have Mr. Pitt against us.” “I doubt it: Mr. Pitt
was not disposed to offend the King: he never was heartily a friend
to _us_;” and his subsequent conduct proved how much he preferred any
connection to union with George Grenville.
The privy seal of Scotland thus wrenched from Mackenzie, was offered to
Lord Lorn:[144] he declining it, it was bestowed on his brother Lord
Frederick Campbell, who, with unparalleled ingratitude and indecency,
accepted it. He was nearly related to Mackenzie, had lived in the
strictest intimacy with him, and had received from Lord Bute a place
in Scotland of above 400_l._ a year for life, by a preference that had
made two considerable chiefs in that country the mortal enemies of the
Favourite. Thurlow,[145] an able lawyer, was named secretary to Lord
Weymouth; and Lord Warkworth, the Earl of Northumberland’s son, was
set aside from being Master of the Horse to the Queen, to which he was
destined by the Court, in the room of Lord Weymouth.
To complete their vengeance even on inferior offenders, the Ministers
caused the House of Lords to inflict severe penalties on several
printers, and to reprimand Justice Fielding, the blind, but only useful
magistrate, for having been negligent during the late riots. Yet as
so much persecution and arrogance could not but excite much ill-will
and mutual hostilities, it now came out that, before the loss of
their bill, the weavers, suspecting that Lord Hilsborough was against
them, had waited on him to implore his protection. To convince them
he was not their enemy, he showed them a letter from Lord Halifax, in
which the latter had begged him not to oppose the bill, Lord Halifax
having an estate in Spitalfields, which would be greatly benefited
by the success of the bill. To this the weavers had trusted; and the
disappointment had blown up their fury. How Lord Halifax came not to
support his own interest, or how it was compensated to him, did not
appear. But with this triumph over all their foes, the Ministers put
an end to the session by proroguing the Parliament, May 25th. Ten days
more crowded with events scarce ever passed; for the Regency-bill was
finished on the 14th, and between that and the 25th had happened the
riot, the King’s declaration of his intention to dismiss the Ministers,
the several journeys to Hayes, the reconciliation of Lord Temple and
Grenville, the various attempts to form another Administration, the
recall of the Ministers, and the several instances of their revenge
and insolence. The King was left a prisoner to the Cabal, Lord Bute
punished by the very instruments of all his bad acts, and Lord Holland
disgraced by his once dear allies, the Bedfords and Rigby. The only
joy the nation could feel was in seeing such poetic justice, for if
they pitied not the sufferers, they could but abhor the executioners.
If Lord Bute had advised the Peace, the Duke of Bedford had negotiated
it. If General Warrants were employed for his service, Lord Halifax
had issued them. If he had had any hand in the dismission of officers,
Grenville had executed it. And if he had authorized the severe
proscription of opponents, Lord Holland had marked the victims. Ampler
atonement was still due; and it was not long delayed.
Defeated as the King’s attempts had been to deliver himself from
the thrall of his Ministers, he could not sit patient under so many
indignities. The insult offered to his mother, and the breach of his
own royal promise imposed on him, were injuries not to be pardoned.
His resentment broke out on every occasion, and the Parliament was no
sooner prorogued than he took all opportunities of frowning on his
tyrants and thwarting their desires. The Ministers proposed to make
Lord Waldegrave or Lord Suffolk Master of the Horse to the Queen. Her
Majesty said no Minister should interfere in _her_ family, and named
the Duke of Ancaster.[146] The first regiment that became vacant, the
King bestowed on Lord Albemarle’s brother, General Keppel. The young
Duke of Devonshire, by the King’s desire, was carried to Court by his
uncles; and the Duke of Cumberland was still ready, as the King knew,
to protect him against the Cabal. His Royal Highness said to Lord John
Cavendish, “I can oppose the Crown when Ministers do wrong, but will
now support it when it is insulted.”