CHAPTER VI

CROMER’S HEAVY HAND

On my return to England after this eventful winter I found myself, a

rare thing in my public life, almost popular. I was considered to have

got the better of Cromer in our Egyptian battle, and that Cromer had

blundered badly in his diplomacy. Labouchere, whom I called on first,

promised help about getting up an Egyptian Committee, and that he would

consult Dilke about it. “As to Gladstone,” he told me, “the question of

evacuating Egypt is one merely of his parliamentary majority. ‘Can you

show me a majority?’ the old man says, when questioned about it; he

cares nothing any longer for any political question, even Ireland, only

to stay in power. His answer to Dilke about Egypt was a mere juggling

with words and meant nothing.”

I write the same day, _May 9_, “I found George Wyndham, with Henley, the

hospital poet (a bitter talker, but a sayer of good things), much

pleased with his own parliamentary success, now he is in opposition and

free to talk as he pleases. He expressed only a modified disapproval of

my doings in Egypt. I gather from him that even the Conservatives think

Baring has made a mess of things.”

“_11th May._—To Downing Street, where Harcourt received me with a slight

show of severity at first. ‘I hear,’ he said, ‘you have been raising up

no end of trouble in Egypt. Cromer says you have been combining against

him with Mukhtar Pasha and the Sultan, and the Khedive, to bring back

Arabi, and that you are the instigator of all that happened four months

ago.’ I said, ‘I was an accomplice after the fact, not its instigator,’

and gave him in brief what had happened. ‘Well,’ he said, laughing, ‘I

suppose we shall have to put in force the old statute, _Ne exeat regno_,

to keep you from mischief.’ While we were talking, Eddy Hamilton came

in, but this did not interrupt the conversation. ‘The worst of it is,’

said Sir William, ‘that it puts your friends into a difficult position.

Mr. Gladstone, Morley, and I, are strongly for evacuation, but while

there is trouble in Egypt this is impossible.’ I asked him, ‘Can you

really tell me that you would have negotiated for an evacuation if

nothing of this had happened? Would you not have argued that while

things are going on so well, and we were doing so much good in Egypt, it

would be better to let well alone?’ ‘We should certainly have begun

negotiations,’ he said. He then asked about the influence of the French

in Egypt, and said that if the French were willing to negotiate on the

basis of the Drummond Wolff Convention there would be no difficulty, but

he had lately asked Waddington (the French Ambassador), and Waddington

had answered that the French Government could hardly approve now what it

had so strenuously opposed six years ago. Waddington had also maintained

that France had been given definite rights in Egypt by England at the

Congress of Berlin. Sir William wanted to know about this, and I told

him of the terms made between Salisbury and Waddington for the seizure

of Tunis, equal rights in Egypt and privileges in Syria. I told him,

too, of my conversation with d’Estournelles whom I had met as I crossed

over to England on the 5th, and had been introduced to by Alfred Lyall

who happened to be on board. I had discussed the whole Egyptian question

with him till half way across the Channel, when the sea stopped us, and

had found him very sympathetic with my views. ‘Well,’ said Harcourt,

‘when you write to your friends in Egypt tell them to keep quiet, and we

will in a very short time begin negotiations. The difficulty is in the

country and in the House of Commons, where we should not have a majority

in favour of evacuation, and also with the French Government.’ I

repeated to him my talk with d’Estournelles, and that I was sure the

French Government would agree easily enough after the General Elections.

‘Do you authorize me,’ I asked, ‘to say to my friends at Cairo that if

they will work harmoniously with Cromer, we will enter on negotiations

for a withdrawal of the troops, say in the autumn?’ He said, ‘Yes,’ But

at this Eddy Hamilton made a grimace of dissent and he corrected

himself. ‘I can authorize you to say what Mr. Gladstone said in the

House of Commons the other day.’ We parted in all amity, he joking about

the possibility of my having been seen in Downing Street at his door.

‘Rosebery,’ he said, ‘has doubtless got his touts on the look out for

you, and I must beg you, when you come again, to put on a false nose. I

will let you out through the garden gate.’ Eddy will, I feel sure,

repeat all this to Rosebery, but I do not care if he does.

“Coming home to Wentworth House (where we were staying for the season),

I found Lady Lytton, and took a walk with her. She tells me that Lord

Salisbury is so angry with Cromer for his mismanagement of affairs at

Cairo that he says he is unfit to succeed Lord Lansdowne in India, so no

wonder Cromer is angry with me. I am quite satisfied with the way my

action has been taken in the official world, and I think Lady Lytton

sees that after all I was right.

“_12th May._—Lunched with George Wyndham, and again found Henley there,

and with them a clever young man, Whibley, who writes for him in the

‘National Observer.’ George gave us some admirable descriptions of

battle scenes he had been present at in the Soudan, and set before us

the things he had seen and felt as one reads them in Kipling.

“_14th May (Sunday)._—Spent the morning writing to the Sheykh el Bekri.

Then to see Loulou Harcourt who is in bed at a private hospital for some

slight operation, but is able to receive friends. He says he expects the

Government to win at the General Elections next year, as they will take

other bills besides the Home Rule Bill and appeal to the country against

the Lords.

“_21st May._—Lunched with d’Estournelles. He professes the greatest

admiration for my politics, but that I suspect is because I oppose

English policy in Egypt.

“_1st June._—Dined at Lady Galloway’s in Upper Grosvenor Street, Philip

Currie being there with others. She is by birth a Cecil, half sister to

Lord Salisbury, an altogether noble soul.”

This marks the beginning of a friendship which put me in connection with

the Cecil section of the Conservative party and their ideas of foreign

policy. Lady Galloway who spent much of her time travelling, was of

considerable use to her brother in regard to what was passing on the

Continent.

“_5th June._—Gave a dinner in Mount Street to Margot and Betty Balfour,

Harry Cust and d’Estournelles; the latter, who came in full uniform on

his way to a State Concert, was very amusing, giving us his ideas about

English women and English men.

“_12th June._—I hear from Lefevre that the despatches exchanged between

Rosebery and Cromer are ‘most curious.’ Cromer was for the wildest

violence against the Khedive, but he was given a douche which has

brought him to his senses. He is, however, quite out of favour.

“_17th June._—With Judith and Anne to a garden party at Kew, given by

George Lefevre in his official capacity (as Commissioner of the Board of

Works). The party was to meet at the pier of the House of Commons, and

go up the river in two steamers. As we did not know precisely where the

pier was we stopped outside the House of Lords to ask a policeman.

“Dialogue:

“_I._ ‘Can you tell me where I shall find the pier of the House of

Commons?’

“_Policeman._ ‘What peer did you say?’

“_I._ ‘The pier of the House of Commons.’

“_Policeman._ ‘No, sir, indeed, we have plenty of peers of the House of

Lords, but I never yet heard of a peer of the House of Commons.”

On the boat with us were old Maud Stanley, Carlisle, Maisie Stanley and

her daughter, Lord and Lady Denbigh, T. P. O’Connor and his wife and the

Mathew family, Justin McCarthy, Lord Acton and Lady Harcourt, a very

pleasant party, and a day of tropical heat. The party had been invited

to meet the Teck family, who arrived for tea, with the Duke of York and

Princess May.

“_21st June._—To a party at Lady Salisbury’s, where I again met Prince

George and Princess May.

“_27th June._—Lunched with Lady Galloway, where I met Mackenzie Wallace;

then on to Grosvenor Square, where Margot was entertaining Princess

Hélène and a dozen more ladies to see the performance of a Spanish

dancer, Candida Lopez.

“_28th June._—To an open air play at Pope’s Villa at Twickenham, where

Labouchere was our entertainer, a queer _omnium gatherum_, conspicuous

among the guests being Sir William Harcourt, Monty Corry, and numerous

Irish members. Most of these last I had not seen since my retirement

from Home Rule politics. They were very cordial. ‘We treated you very

badly,’ Healy said, ‘in not giving you an Irish seat, we ought to have

made an exception in your favour.’ ‘Indeed,’ I said, ‘I am very glad you

did not.’ Dr. Kenny and John Redmond spoke to me in the same sense. I

was especially glad to meet Dillon, and had some talk with him about

Egypt. He told me the last two years had been the hardest and most

thankless work he had ever had to do.

“The play was ‘The Tempest,’ done with Sullivan’s music, pretty but

quite inept. Certainly Shakespeare was here at his very worst. What can

be stupider than Caliban and the drunken sailors? The other characters

pompous and flat. But beautiful songs. Ariel was wonderfully well acted

by Dora Labouchere, a child of ten.

“_30th June._—With Judith to lunch with Burne-Jones, where he had asked

her to sit to him. His wife and son, and sister-in-law, Mrs. Kipling,

were there. During the two hours’ sitting he had of Judith he was most

entertaining, telling us stories of William Morris’s oddities. One of

the chairs in the studio we observed was rickety. ‘Yes,’ he said,

‘Morris has sat in them all, and he has a muscular movement in his back

peculiar to himself, which makes the rungs fly out.’ He and Morris are

devoted friends, and Morris comes every Sunday to spend the morning with

him, and has done so for, I think he said, thirty years. ‘I have never

taken a fortnight’s holiday away from London,’ he went on, ‘for twenty-

three years. That is because I am constitutionally idle. Millais used to

say of me, when we were young men, that I was so lazy that when I began

to work, I was too lazy to stop. And so it has always been. I have

constantly wished to get away to Egypt and to Mount Sinai and to

Jerusalem, but I am deterred by the thought that I can get to any of

these places in a week. I should like it to take at least six months,

travelling slowly through France and Italy, and arriving gradually, so

as to be two years away. As this is impossible I stay on in North End

Grove. The garden here is a constant pleasure to me, because I say to

myself, my neighbours are calculating how much it is worth a foot for

building.’ And so on and so on, always with a delightful humour and a

voice of sweetest calibre. The drawing meanwhile got rapidly finished,

though it seemed as if he had done nothing but talk. It was a lovely

sketch in red chalk. [This drawing was to have been given to Judith, but

somehow it never reached her, and must have been sold, we think, with

the rest of his drawings after his death. We have been unable to trace

it.] He was very complimentary about Judith, and was quite affectionate

to me at parting. This put us in good spirits, and we rushed away down

to Crabbet, Judith’s London season being over. She tells me she has

enjoyed it immensely.

“_1st July._—Crabbet. Annual meeting of the Crabbet Club. We sat down

over twenty to dinner, and did not leave the table till half-past one.

The members present were:

George Curzon.

George Leveson Gore.

George Wyndham.

George Peel (the 4 Georges)

Morpeth.

Mark Napier.

Harry Cust.

Charles Gatty.

Hubert Howard.

Godfrey Webb.

Percy Wyndham.

Loulou Harcourt.

Theodore Fry.

Theobald Mathew.

Charles Laprimaudaye,

and Laurence Currie.

“St. George Lane Fox, and two new men, Esmé Howard and Eddy Tennant.

“George Curzon was, as usual, the most brilliant, he never flags for an

instant either in speech or repartee; after him George Wyndham, Mark

Napier, and Webber. The next day, Sunday, Harry Cust won the Tennis Cup,

and the Laureateship was adjudged to Curzon.

“_16th July._—The French have been attacking Siam in a way dangerous to

the general peace. We were giving a Saturday to Monday party at Crabbet,

and George Curzon arrived full of the case. He was to have adjourned the

House yesterday, but Rosebery begged him not, as Develle, the French

Prime Minister, had explained that he was isolated in his Cabinet in

favour of conciliatory measures, all the other Ministers backing up the

French Admiral. George asked Rosebery point blank whether he could say

that the English Government would resist all attempt on the part of the

French to violate the independence of Siam west of the river Mekong, and

Rosebery assured him that they would do so. I had some talk also with

Philip Currie who is here, about it and about Egypt. He condemned

Baring’s policy of the last few years, especially as to judicial

reforms, and agreed with many of my own views on other points. He said

of Dufferin that he had been a failure in Paris. Dufferin had left Paris

in a huff at the continued attacks made on him in the French press.

George Curzon was very amusing.

“_2nd Aug._—My news from Paris is (from a source within the Embassy)

that Dufferin has been undoubtedly a failure there; he is too fond of

paying little insincere compliments, and his wife is too ungenial. There

is a very bitter feeling in all classes now against England, and just at

this moment it is at fever heat about Siam. After a deal of swagger

Rosebery has knuckled down. It is a robbers’ quarrel over their spoils.

“_17th Aug._—Osman Bey Ghaleb was here at luncheon, a very intelligent

man. He left Egypt in the middle of June, and stayed a month or more at

Constantinople, being there when the Khedive came to do homage. He tells

me that great preparations had been made to receive Abbas, but at the

last moment the Sultan was frightened and counterordered everything, so

that Abbas was received meanly by half-a-dozen inferior officials, none

above the rank of Bey. In public this attitude was maintained throughout

towards him, but privately, Osman says, it was different, and the Sultan

received the Khedive four or five times quite alone and had long talks

with him. On going away Abbas declared openly to his suite that his

journey had been a failure, but this he thinks was merely to throw dust

in English eyes, for he said, ‘Abbas is a proud young man, and if he had

really been ill received by the Sultan he would never have returned to

Cairo, he would have thrown himself overboard first.’ It is difficult to

understand the Sultan’s object in all this. Osman lays it entirely on

his timidity. The English Ambassador, he says, bullied him (poor Ford!)

on the Armenian question, and frightened him with threats of

intervention, but what folly! Even Gladstone could hardly bombard

Constantinople or seize the ports of the Hedjaz.[10]

“_23rd Aug._—We had a private performance this evening of my play, ‘The

Bride of the Nile,’ the Lytton girls acting it, and Lady Clare Feilding

and Judith.” [N.B. I had written this extravaganza while in Egypt as a

relief to my feelings, and to make fun of Baring and the British

Occupation, taking as my text an incident narrated by Abulfeda as having

happened at the time of the Arab invasion by Amru, when the relations

between Egypt and the Roman Empire were not unlike those now existing

with the British Empire. The play with our home circle at Crabbet had a

considerable success.]

I spent the month of September in Scotland making a family tour of

visits; to the Glen, Lochnaw, and Cumloden, but there is nothing in my

diary of any public interest. On our way back, I find:

“_10th Oct._—At Saighton. Spencer Lyttleton came to-day from Hawarden to

luncheon and we had a great discussion about the Poet Laureateship. He

declares that Gladstone will in all probability not make any appointment

to the office. The general sense of the Government is in favour of

Swinburne, and it has been ascertained that Swinburne would like to be

appointed, but the Queen is opposed on account of the immorality of his

early songs, and also on account of his having written against the

Russian Emperor (he had suggested his assassination many years before,

and the Queen, who regarded the Laureateship as an office in her

personal household, considered that this made him absolutely impossible

as a candidate). ‘The one thing we are afraid of,’ Lyttleton said, ‘is

having Lewis Morris thrust on us. William Morris will not take it, and

so no appointment will be made.”

“_23rd Oct._—Once more at Crabbet. Yesterday we had a visit from Baron

de Nölde, a Russian traveller, who has just come back from Nejd, where

he has seen Ibn Rashid. He carried a letter of introduction with him

from the Sultan Abdul Hamid who, he said, made use of him as an informal

envoy to bring him word of the exact state of affairs in Arabia.

Mohammed Ibn Aruk (our old travelling companion in 1878) went with him,

and they followed the same route as we did from Damascus to Haïl except

that they crossed the Nefud at a point farther to the east. At Haïl

Nölde found Hamoud Ibn Rashid acting as Regent, and was forwarded on by

him to the Emir Ibn Rashid by way of Bereyda and Shaggra to his camp

near Riad. The Emir entertained him there for ten days, then sent him

back with a present of a mare and two deluls to Meshed Ali. Nölde says

his journey cost him £6,000, ours cost us about £200. He is a very

clever man with a very forbidding face, not unlike Burton’s. He stayed

the whole day with us and showed some knowledge of Arab horses.

“_4th Nov._—I have been much occupied during this week about the

Matabele War, which has at last come to fighting and much slaughter of

black men by white. I took counsel on the subject with the good Evelyn,

who was for two nights at Crabbet, and we agreed to make some

demonstration of our disapproval. In the meanwhile I have written

strongly to T. P. O’Connor on the subject, upbraiding him and the other

Irish members for their silence.

“_5th Nov._—To London early, and called upon Lady Harcourt, with whom

was Lord Spencer, a worthy, ponderous man, who complained of the calls

made on him at the Admiralty from all parts of the Empire.

“Lady Lytton sends me a letter she received two months ago from Sir

Henry Loch (the High Commissioner at the Cape) giving his view of the

coming Matabele difficulty. ‘It began,’ he said, ‘by Lobengula, who has

not abandoned his rights over the Mashonas, sending a regiment to

collect taxes, kill the people, and take cattle.’ They did so to some

extent in Fort Victoria; then Dr. Jameson ordered a small mounted force

to charge—when two chiefs and thirty Matabeles were killed. ‘The

situation,’ he says, ‘is somewhat complicated, for while the Company

have administrative authority over Mashonaland, they are still, as

regards political matters, under my control, and, moreover, the country

under my direct administration must be affected by what the Company may

do. Probably the Protectorate would be the first to be attacked by

Lobengula, should there be war. I have some strong positions and a

powerful police force supported, if necessary, by native levies, but

still not strong enough to carry the war into the enemy’s country and

force a battle away from supports. The danger is the Company, as soon as

they are a little better prepared, may bring about fighting, as they

can’t stand long armed and waiting for events with the possible view of

committing H.M.’s Government in their quarrel. So I am obliged to watch

both friend and enemy, and if fighting once begins, the conduct of it

will fall entirely upon me, while if I do anything the Company can lay

hold of as causing them commercial loss, either by checking their

fighting or by encouraging them to do so, that will enable them to say

to Her Majesty’s Government: “If it had not been for the action of the

High Commissioner we should not have incurred these losses, and they

might in consequence endeavour to obtain compensation for these alleged

losses out of the Government.’”

“This is a good example of the way in which these Colonial wars are

begun.

“_9th Nov._—To Westminster with intent to see Labouchere, who is

bringing on the Matabele case in Parliament to-day, but he was out.

“Then to lunch by invitation of Loulou at 11, Downing Street. Sir

William was there looking, I thought, older and less healthy than when I

saw him last, in less good spirits, too, than is his wont, but he told

us some good stories as the meal went on, the other guests being Mildmay

and his wife, a sister of Lady Harcourt. When alone with me afterwards

in his official room he began complaining of the brutality of the

British public, which insisted upon the slaughter of the Matabeles to

procure itself markets for its goods. ‘It used,’ he said, ‘to be

slaughter for the glory of the thing, but they have given that up now,

now it is slaughter for trade.’ I asked: ‘But why do you do it?’ ‘Oh,’

he said, ‘we are all burglars now.’ I said: ‘If you will allow me to say

it, you are in the position of a bishop who burgles a church. Why do you

not disapprove?’ ‘Bishops,’ he said, ‘are always the first to lay their

hands on property when they can do it. I remember Bright telling me that

he never knew a bishop express disapproval of a war but once, and that

was a war to put down the slave trade.’ _I._—‘You complain of public

opinion, but you let the official press, “The Daily News” and the rest,

either preach up these wars or sit on silent till it is too late.’

_He._—‘The papers are in the hands of the financiers.’ I fancy he has

done what he could to stop the raid on the Matabeles, but that Rosebery

and the commercial Jingoes in the Cabinet have been too strong for him.

I asked him whether they were going to do anything in the direction of

evacuating Egypt. He said: ‘No, nothing at all. The young Khedive has

behaved like an ass. He insisted upon going to Constantinople, to get

the Sultan to take up his case against us, and the French Government,

too, has been absurd. We shall do nothing.’ I said, ‘I do not see that

these are reasons. I hold to my opinion that we shall get into trouble

yet about Egypt.’ I asked him finally whether Cromer was going to stay

on at Cairo. He said, ‘Yes, for anything I know to the contrary.’ Then

he relapsed into his cigar and I went into the inner room to talk with

Loulou about Harry Cust’s marriage.

“_10th Nov._—There has been a better debate upon the Matabele case in

Parliament than I expected, though the Irish were dumb and the

Government justified their Matabele slaughter. Gladstone surpassed

himself in the use of his double tongue. He is a shameless old hypocrite

as the world has ever seen. I have determined to oppose him what little

I can at the next elections. The spectacle of Gladstone, Morley, and the

Irish members supporting this anti-human policy in Africa is enough to

make dynamiters of us all.

“Baron de Nölde came again in the evening with his cousin, Count de

Kreutz. They are projecting a new journey in Central Africa, to start

from Zanzibar and go to Khartoum. On their last journey (in Arabia) they

took with them 300 bottles of Champagne, 100 of Madeira, and 100 of

brandy, and drank them all their two selves.

“I have written to Labouchere offering to help him, if I can, about

South Africa.

“_15th Nov._—Drove over to see Fred’k Locker at Rowfant, and wish him

good-bye. He and Evelyn are the only two friends left me in Sussex. Our

leave-taking was not a little pathetic for this reason.

“_16th Nov._—To London, and lunched at Hammersmith. Morris full of the

coal war, and the proposed settlement of it by Rosebery. He said the

miners had gone the wrong way to work by throwing themselves out of

employment and starving. They ought to have refused to work and gone to

the workhouse. This would have thrown the whole cost of the war on the

masters, ‘but,’ he said, ‘they have an idea of honour in the matter,

which I suppose had to be reckoned with.’ All I see in it is the

strengthening of Rosebery’s position, and with it the final

disappearance of the ideas of 1880. Evelyn has written to the Committee

of the Irish National League at Deptford, to say that he can no longer

support Gladstone at the elections. I have been writing to Redmond, but

doubt if I shall send my letter. Dined with Lady Gregory.”

It was, I think, about this time that I severed my connection with the

Arbitration and Peace Society, stating as my reason for doing so that I

found the ideas of the Society would be of no profit if realized to the

backward races of mankind, or to prevent wars by white men against them,

whereas a general war in Europe might possibly give them a time of peace

on the principle that when thieves fall out honest men come by their

own. “There is talk of Philip Currie going as Ambassador to

Constantinople.”

“_24th Nov._—My last visit before leaving London for the winter was to

Frederic Harrison, whom I found preparing a lecture he is to deliver to-

night. He was glad, however, to see me, and I had half an hour’s talk

with him. We discussed the Matabele case, on which we are in accord,

though neither of us having special knowledge we are unable to take

action, nor does he propose to do so, considering that Labouchere has

dealt with it as well as it can be dealt with. ‘The Government is afraid

of Rhodes,’ is the whole history of the case. We then talked about

Egypt, and I told him of my two conversations with Harcourt in May and

again the other day. He told me that as late as June, Morley had told

him that he and Gladstone and Asquith and Mundella, and Lefevre were of

one mind for evacuation, and that he, Morley, had declared that he

intended to have it out with Rosebery, and that if a contrary policy was

persisted in one or other would have to leave the Cabinet. I gave him my

opinion of the gravity of the Franco-Russian Alliance, of the ferment

there was in India shown by the Anti Cow-killing league, and of the

position at Cairo.

“He asked me if I knew anything of the reasons why Sir Henry Norman had

refused the Viceroyalty of India after accepting it, and he told me a

curious story of how Norman had come to him during the Afghan campaign,

and while he was a member of the Indian Council, and had given him the

most intimate and full information of all that was going on, and how he

had come over and over again with details and documents avowedly to help

him, Harrison, in his attack on the Indian Government. Norman’s

appointment to the Viceroyalty would seem to be a late reward by

Gladstone for the political service which was no doubt largely

instrumental in bringing about Disraeli’s overthrow at the elections of

1880. I have agreed to let Harrison know how things stand in Egypt when

I get there. I shall also write an article for the ‘Nineteenth Century.’

“We left in the evening for Brindisi.”

My winter in Egypt of 1893-94 was made noteworthy by a new political

crisis, and a new battle between the Khedive and Lord Cromer, in which

Kitchener played a first prominent part, what is known as the “Frontier

Incident.” Here again, as in the former instance, though an accessory

after the fact I was not an accomplice, my advice being taken about it

by the Khedive when it was no longer of any use to him. The entries in

my diary show how greatly the facts of the case differ from those

recorded in the Blue Books, and are therefore of interest.

“_28th Nov._—On board the _Hydaspes_. The only fellow passengers I have

made acquaintance with are Lady Waterford and Sir John Stokes, the

latter on his way to the Suez Canal of which he is Director, to open a

new railroad from Port Said to Ismaïlia. With Stokes I have had much

talk about the Suez Canal, British trade and the Mediterranean route in

time of war. He tells me three-quarters of the tonnage passing through

the Canal is British, of which perhaps half is for English ports, the

rest for other ports in Europe. In time of war with France, this could

not continue. The Red Sea was quite safe, but the whole line of the

Mediterranean would be blocked, and this would continue until the

British had broken up the enemy’s forces and confined them to their

ports, then convoys could be arranged and trade resumed. He considers

that it would require sixty or seventy more men-of-war than we have at

present to effect this as against the French navy. He is for making the

increase, not for abandoning the control of the Mediterranean. He

considers that the Canal will eventually be internationalized, though by

the terms of the concession it will revert to Egypt in 1959, but ‘nobody

looks so far as that ahead.’ Stokes reminded me that our first

acquaintance dates from the time of Cave’s Mission in 1875, of which he

was a member. He is a stolid old fellow of the out-of-date military

type, being a General in the army.

“_5th Dec._—My first twenty-four hours at Sheykh Obeyd were a dream of

light-hearted happiness, such as I do not remember since a child; it was

a physical feeling of perfect pleasure, perfect health, and perfect

powers of enjoyment without the least shadow of annoyance. We arrived at

Alexandria on the 1st of December in time to catch the 9 o’clock train

to Cairo, and then straight on home in brilliant sparkling weather with

just a little freshness in the North wind, the thermometer at 72.

Everything on the way was a pleasure, even the new houses built at

Koubbah, and our little railway station at Ezbet el Nakl, lovely and

familiar in its palm grove. Inside the garden all was paradise. No

misadventure this year of any kind, but a blooming look of extravagant

growth, trees, crops, and flowers, the house so shut in with green we

can hardly any longer get a glimpse out into the desert, hardly even

from the house top. Cows prosperous, mares in foal, every servant happy.

Each year decides me more to spend the remnant of my days in the East,

where old age is respected, and its repose respectable. Of news we have

as yet heard little; poor Ahmed Bey Sennari (a neighbour) is dead; old

Eid Diab, too, gathered to his fathers, and Prince Ibrahim, our

neighbour on the other side, gone in an apoplectic fit, or as the

fellahin round here say, ‘poisoned’ by his uncle Ismaïl, whose daughter

he recently married, but left behind at Constantinople. ‘Ismaïl, I

suppose, was angry,’ I suggested. ‘Oh no,’ they said, ‘it was on account

of the inheritance, three twenty-fourths of which will have come to her.

Ismaïl has poisoned very many people for their money’—such is the talk.

“_8th Dec._—_Visitors._ Mahmud Bey from Menoufieh, an old fox, formerly

Arabist, his object to borrow £30, which he did not get. He tells me

Riaz and Mukhtar are now working harmoniously with Cromer. Selim Bey

Faraj, another neighbour, who has let his land at £5 the feddan, etc.,

etc.

“_9th Dec._—Mohammed Moelhi called. He tells me the Khedive’s reception

at Constantinople was as bad as could be. He is now angry with the

Sultan, and angry with Mukhtar, who persuaded him to go there; has

quarrelled with Tigrane on a personal matter; cannot get Riaz to go

fairly with him. Riaz lets things slide as when last in office, giving

in to Cromer in all important matters, only from time to time making

show of opposition. Nevertheless the English don’t like him, and want to

get rid of him; so, he says, would the Khedive, too, but he has nobody

but Mazlum to put in his place. The Khedive wished the Legislative

Council to oppose the estimate for the extra regiments of Occupation

this year, but Riaz has yielded the point and nothing will be done. Thus

Abbas every day is losing prestige in the country, and the trimmers are

making their peace with Cromer.

“The journey to Constantinople was a fatal move. Some strong influence

must have been brought to bear on the Sultan, German probably, and Abdul

Hamid was partly frightened, partly bought, Mohammed thinks, by

financial promises. Edgar Vincent was probably the medium of these. The

Khedive has no option now but to keep quiet, maintaining himself as he

can at the head of the National party and waiting his opportunity. It

would be rash for him to take up the strong position he held in the

spring now that he can no longer count on the Sultan. The Sultan was

always the dangerous card in his hand.

“_15th Dec._—Osman Ghaleb and Mohammed Moelhi to breakfast. Osman had an

interview with Gladstone in England this autumn or summer. Gladstone

asked him two questions: whether the English officials in Egypt were

working hard and whether the late Khedive Tewfik was regretted. Osman’s

answer to the second question was that ‘Death was always regretted, but

the Egyptians were consoled by having his son Abbas.’ Gladstone hoped

that Abbas would become friendly to England as his father had been.

Gladstone did not ask whether the Egyptians wished the Occupation to be

discontinued.

“Colbeck, director of the Bank of Egypt, on whom I called, 15th

December, was quite as pessimistic on the English side. He said our

position at Cairo was becoming daily more ridiculous. Cromer could get

none of his reforms carried through; he was opposed constantly by the

Ministry; the Khedive was irreconcilable. Much as he admired Cromer he

thought a change was necessary, as Cromer was without power. Cromer was

willing to take an Embassy, and wanted Portal named in his place, but

Portal was not clever enough, etc., etc. He had heard nothing of a split

between Tigrane and the Khedive or with Riaz.

“_17th Dec._—With Anne and Judith to call on Princesse Hélène and her

brother, the Duc d’Orleans, at Shepherd’s. The Duke is a fresh-faced,

blond young man, good humoured, and good mannered. He has travelled over

much wild country, and I talked to him of his experiences, especially in

Somaliland, finding him sympathetic as to the advantages of uncivilized

life and a contempt of Europe. He and his sister are on very pleasant

terms together. On their return from up the Nile in March they will come

and see us at Sheykh Obeyd.

“_22nd Dec._—To Cairo and lunched with Tigrane. I found him very

outspoken. He assured me that neither the Khedive nor anyone else at

Cairo held me responsible for the use made of the Khedive’s name in

connection with my ‘Nineteenth Century’ article of last summer, and he

hoped I would write another. As to the Khedive’s visit to

Constantinople, he declared it had not been otherwise than a success,

that precisely the same ceremonial had been observed towards Abbas as

formerly towards Ismaïl, that the Khedive had dined several times with

the Sultan, who had been most kind to him. I asked him about the

Khedive’s proposed visit to England, but he told me nothing was yet

settled, and I strongly advised that the Khedive should not go, at least

as long as Cromer was here, for he would only be paraded as a tame bear,

and the thing be counted as a triumph for English policy. If he insisted

upon going he should at least go straight from Paris, where he would be

fêted, then possibly English people would be polite to him, but it was a

risk. He denied there having been any split between him and the Khedive;

Riaz and he were on the best of terms. We talked very openly about the

prospects of evacuation, and I told him that in my opinion it had been

mainly determined by the larger question of peace and war with France,

and the military advisability or otherwise of having a garrison in a

disaffected Egypt. Tigrane is a clever man and a good talker, modest

withal.

“_26th Dec._—One Ibrahim Shafeï came with a complaint arising out of the

Greek drink-shop established in the village of Merj. He was watering his

land near the railway station, and had to construct a raised channel for

the water across the footpath and the Greek objected to this, as

hindering access to his shop, though the land did not belong to him and

the fellah had a right to the waterway. The Greek cut the channel, the

fellah protested, the Greek struck the fellah with a stick, the fellah

took the stick from the Greek, then the Greek ran into his shop and got

out a gun which he pointed at the fellah, and the fellah ran away but

came back ten minutes later to reconstruct his channel, then the Greek

fired at him, fired and struck him, the fellah showed me his legs and I

found twenty-two shot marks in them, he had been three weeks in hospital

and was still weak. The Greek, when arrested, avowed the deed, but

nevertheless, after four days’ detention, was let out on bail, and is

back at his shop.

“Nearly every day this month I have seen foxes in the garden when I have

ridden out before sunrise. There are three which I know by sight, an

old dog-fox, a vixen, and a year-old cub. They are very tame, and I have

watched them sometimes within a few yards of me for ten minutes at a

time. It is pretty to see them play and roll each other over. This month

is the breeding season and they are barking very constantly in the

garden (it is a peculiarity of a fox’s bark that whereas nearly all

other wild cries seem to be nearer than they really are, that of the fox

sounds at a distance even when close by). I have also seen one of the

large cats called by Hassan Hashem, _kutt berri_ (desert cat). It is

exactly like a small lioness, but higher on the leg, the ears tipped

with black and the tail with three black rings, the quarters rather

drooping. It is very powerfully built. The Arabs eat these cats when

they can catch them and say they are very fat and good meat.

“_27th Dec._—To Cairo to see Riaz, who had asked me to come to him. I

found the old man very affectionate and pleased to see me. He talked in

just the same strain as last year about Cromer and the ill faith of the

English government and Mr. Gladstone.

“About the Khedive’s visit to Constantinople, he told me most positively

first that it had been decided before His Highness went, between him and

his ministers, that he should not make any political proposals to the

Sultan—he said, ‘I will swear this to you on the Koran.’ Secondly, that

in fact His Highness had not made any, and that his talk with the palace

officials had been confined to his personal complaint of Lord Cromer’s

rudeness. Lastly, that the Sultan had been more than kind to him and had

treated him more honourably than a Viceroy of Egypt had ever been

treated, so that the Khedive was perfectly satisfied with all. I asked

him whether the Sultan might not have been won over to the English

policy in Egypt, and his face put on the most expressively incredulous

smile. ‘You know,’ he said, ‘as well as I do that even if in his heart

he had such a thought he would not dare express it.’ He told me, too, of

an attempt Cromer had made to impose an English doctor on the Khedive’s

party, which they had refused.

“We talked next about the action of the Legislative Council at Cairo

which has refused to approve the expenses this year of the English

Occupation, besides making a number of other objections, almost all to

my mind very sensible ones. Riaz is clearly in sympathy with them, but

he has rather weakly followed English dictation in rejecting most of

them. He is doing, however, perhaps as much as is prudent in his

opposition to Cromer. ‘At least,’ he said, ‘we have lost no ground this

year, if we have not gained as much as we wished.’

“About the Merj case, which I set before him, he amused me immensely by

saying in answer to my remark that the Greek would end by killing

someone outright, ‘Would it not be better if _they_ killed _him_?’ He

promised me to see justice done, and I am sure it will not be for want

of his goodwill if nothing results, but Riaz is too old not to be timid

in action. He introduced his son Mahmud to me, a little round Circassian

whom he has made his under secretary of state [a piece of nepotism which

was taken hold of effectively by Cromer, as the young man was quite

incapable and was guilty of many stupidities]. He was most cordial in

wanting to see me again. Riaz has a wonderful charm of manner, inspiring

one with affection as well as respect, badly as he behaved in 1882. For

this he is contrite now.

“_31st Dec._—In answer to a question by Labouchere, Gladstone has said

in Parliament that negotiations for evacuating Egypt must be entered

into, if at all, with the Sultan, not with the Khedive.

“Mohammed Abdu lunched with us on Friday. He is very well satisfied with

the way things are going here; says that Riaz is working well with the

Khedive, highly approves the action of the Legislative Council, but as

to Constantinople, says the Sultan is mad and there is no doing anything

with him. Talking about the Azhar University he tells me there is only

one of the Sheykhs there fit to be made Sheykh El Azhar on a Liberal

footing, namely, Hassan el Naawi.

“_2nd Jan._ 1894.—My audience of the Khedive. He received me with great

cordiality, excusing himself for the mistake about last week’s audience,

and assuring me that he was not in the smallest degree displeased at

what had happened last year, when Knowles announced my article as

authorized by him. I said, ‘After all it did good’; and he chuckled at

the recollection. I found him just as frank and plain-spoken as last

year, but more of a man. He is much sunburnt and looks in perfect

health. He answered all my questions freely and without hesitation.

“The first was about Constantinople. I asked him whether it was true

that he had gone there with the intention of starting an active anti-

English campaign? _Abbas._ ‘There is no truth in it. I was obliged to

go, as it was my duty to the Sultan, but from first to last we did not

speak a word of politics.’ _I._ ‘Then it is not true that Your Highness

asked for Turkish troops?’ _Abbas._ ‘The whole thing is nonsense. It was

agreed beforehand that I should say nothing of these things, and nothing

at all was said.’ _I._ ‘But Your Highness was satisfied with the general

reception?’ _Abbas._ ‘Most satisfied. The Sultan showed me all possible

kindness. But the question of evacuation was not touched on, nor,

indeed, any international politics. I authorize you to repeat this on my

part.’

“I told him that I had seen Sir William Harcourt, and what he had said

to me about the Khedive’s having gone to Constantinople to raise up the

Sultan against us. He begged me to contradict this, as nothing of the

sort had taken place. I then asked about his intended visit to England.

He said he was thinking of it in June. I urged him to decide on nothing

in a hurry, as I should be sorry to see him go there without being

certain of being received with all the honour due to his position. I

feared the visit might be misinterpreted and made use of against him in

the Press. He promised to think it over well before deciding. About Riaz

he said he was on the best of terms with him, that he was quite

satisfied of the sincerity of his opposition to Lord Cromer and that all

was going on capitally. He was immensely pleased at the conduct of the

Legislative Council, but told me he had had great difficulty in keeping

up their courage. They were so timid. One member, Gait Bey Mustafa, had

come one day to the Council in a great state of mind because he had been

the day before to Kitchener to ask that his son might be received into

the military school, and Kitchener had been very rude to him, asking him

whether he was not one of those who were wanting to cut down the army

estimates, and had shown him the door. This had frightened others, and

they had all come to him, and he had made them a little speech on their

duty as independent patriots, which had given them heart again.

“He then told me the story of the Sheykh el Bekri. He and the Sheykh had

been great friends as boys, and he had had a high opinion of him, but

latterly the Sheykh had had his head turned by the desire to play a

great political part. He had gone about among the foreign consuls

repeating this thing and that. On one occasion Lord Cromer had quoted

something the Sheykh had told him which should not have been told, and

he had sent for him and asked explanations, and advised him to keep

quiet, but he would not be advised. Complaints had also been made to him

as to the Sheykh having withheld the payment of certain sums passing

through his hands, so that he had sent for the Azhar Sheykhs and warned

them to be cautious with Sheykh el Bekri, and the Sheykhs had told

Sheykh el Bekri what he had recommended. This had made further mischief.

Finally, on the publication in the ‘Bosphore’ about the two members of

the Council having been to Lord Cromer, the Sheykh had gone to

Reverseaux, French Minister Resident at Cairo. I had insisted upon its

being contradicted, or otherwise ‘he would go over to the English.’ This

Reverseaux had repeated to him, the Khedive—and he had given Bekri a

strong piece of his mind about his lack of patriotism. I told the

Khedive that I regretted the disagreement, as I had had a high opinion

of Sheykh el Bekri’s value both for intelligence and courage. But he

said he himself was disappointed in him, and things were so.

“Of Lord Cromer he spoke with the same sort of boyish fun as last year.

‘When Lord Cromer came back from England,’ he said, ‘he began to talk to

me once more about the details of Government, but I reminded him that

last time we had talked of these things it was I who wanted to go into

details, and he who found that “it was not my business to trouble myself

about them.” Since then we only talk about the rain and the fine

weather. He comes to see me, but we never talk politics.’ He asked me

whether I had been to see Cromer, and I told him ‘No,’ as I did not

think he had behaved well to His Highness, and I was unwilling, being

opposed to him, to frequent his house. This pleased him very much. He

came with me to the door, and on going out I asked him whether I might

publish what he had told me, and he said ‘Certainly—these are the facts

and my opinion, and there is no reason why they should not be made

known.’ I am immensely impressed with the keenness of his intelligence,

and his ready power of expressing himself, also with his frankness and

directness. There was no beating at all about the bush, nor use of those

vague generalities so common with Eastern statesmen.

“The same day I went to the Sheykh el Bekri, who gave me his own account

of what had happened, and on 9th January to Tigrane, who told me more

details of the Khedive’s reception at Constantinople. It had been most

cordial, he said. He was himself in the Khedive’s suite on the occasion,

as he had been many years before with Ismaïl, and the ceremonial was

greater this time, greater than for Mohammed Ali or any of the Viceroys.

The Sultan saw Abbas frequently alone. He does not think they talked

politics except perhaps, the first time, all that was done by Mukhtar. I

asked him if he had any doubt of the Sultan’s support if things came to

a pinch. He said he had not, the only thing that could tempt the Sultan

to intervene against Abbas would be if it were proposed to turn Egypt

into a Vilayet of the Empire, but this the Powers would never consent

to. His apprehension was not from that side; what he fears is that

perhaps the British Government may intervene against the Ministry and

appoint men of their own choice without reference to the Khedive. We

talked also about the Legislative Council and its discussion of the

Budget, and he told me amongst other things that both Havas and Reuter’s

Telegraph Agencies get £1,000 a year each from the Egyptian Government.

“In a letter I wrote at this time to Sir William Harcourt, I gave him an

account of how things were going in Egypt. ‘The ideas of the day,’ I

wrote, ‘are Liberal and modern. The action of the Legislative Council

(in discussing the Budget) is most useful, but everything that is done

here is turned to the native disadvantage by the English officials, who

are angry at having lost much of their power since last year. It is

impossible that the country could be in a more favourable state for

evacuation, but I suppose you will not do it.’ And so in truth it was,

it needed a new quarrel and a new crisis at Cairo to prevent what these

considered the danger of its taking place. Lady Gregory, writing to me

on the 16th of January, said: ‘From what I hear the Government in

England are most anxious to get out of Egypt, and might make a _volte

face_ at any moment.’ This was the danger Cromer and the English

officials at Cairo foresaw. Gladstone might at any moment take the bit

between his teeth and keep his word. It will here be seen how the crisis

was engineered, and Cromer got his way.”

I was absent from Cairo on a desert tour when the clash between Cromer

and the Khedive took place. That a new _coup d’état_ was in

contemplation by the former had already begun to be rumoured is shown by

an entry in my journal of _January 21_. “Mohammed Abdu and Mohammed

Moelhi called. Moelhi declares that Riaz’ Ministry will not last, that

Cromer and Reverseaux have come together, and that they mean to appoint

Nubar in his place. He thinks the Khedive will consent to this. Tigrane

is on bad terms with Nubar and will not join. It will be practically a

renewal of the Dual Control. I think there is probably something in

this, though I doubt the Khedive’s consenting.” Two days later, 23rd

January, we started on our journey, one of those purely desert journeys

on camels in the Western Desert, where one is absolutely cut off from

all communication with the civilized world, as much so as if one were in

a different planet, nor did we return till the 4th of February. It was a

pleasant and interesting tour among the then isolated monasteries of the

Natron Valley, and in the great uninhabited wilderness beyond it. It was

Judith’s first experience of a long camel ride, and we had with us

Everard Fielding who was spending the winter in Egypt, and the weather

was beautiful, and all went well, but this is not the place for these

out of the world adventures, and I reserve my description of it for

another occasion. My first informant about what had happened was my

friend Osman Bey Ghaleb who looked in the following day, and gave the

exciting news of what is known in official Egyptian history as “The

Frontier Incident.”

To make this understandable it must be explained that Kitchener, who

held the position of Sirdar of the Egyptian army, was already busying

himself with preparing things on the Soudanese frontier for the advance

he had in contemplation beyond Wady Halfa against the Khalifa (who had

succeeded on the Mahdi’s death to his power at Omdurman), by

endeavouring to obtain the alliance of the various tribal Sheykhs in

Nubia and Upper Egypt. These proceedings were veiled in extreme military

secrecy, the details being carefully withheld from the Khedive,

notwithstanding the fact that Abbas was nominally Commander in Chief of

his own Egyptian army. This the young man resented, among other British

encroachments on his Vice-regal power, and it was a matter that was much

discussed between him and his intimates, some of whom were young

officers who encouraged him to assert himself as a reply to Cromer’s

call a year before for British reinforcements. Cromer on his side, as

has been seen, though unwilling for financial reasons to make any new

move in the direction of a Soudan campaign, kept the necessity of such a

campaign in reserve as a useful argument for deferring the evacuation

among those which he brought forward when the possibility of withdrawing

our troops was under discussion with the home Government. It will be

understood by this, how in the present instance he had a double reason

for supporting Kitchener in his not originally serious dispute with the

Khedive, and making it the occasion of a new trial of strength with

Abbas, and a new change of Ministers.

“_5th Feb._—Osman Ghaleb came and stopped to luncheon, and gave me the

whole history of what had happened in my absence. According to him the

Khedive, while making a tour on the Upper Nile, was determined to find

out exactly the state of affairs in regard to the Soudan, and insisted

upon being shown everything and seeing everybody. Kitchener, who was

with him, and had heard of this intention, tried to prevent it, and to

keep him especially away from visiting the prisons, where a number of

political persons were detained, Sheykhs of tribes and others connected

with the Soudanese hostilities. But the Khedive insisted, and the

prisoners appealed to him, and told him their grievances, and he ordered

a number of them to be released. It has been a system on the frontier to

pay subsidies to certain Sheykhs of tribes (friendlies), who are allowed

to harry the others, and complaints on this head were made to Abbas.

Kitchener, who does everything up there in the name of England, being

unable to contest the Khedive’s right to pardon, ordered the pardoned

prisoners to be released, but in Queen Victoria’s name. There was also

some trouble about a hospital which Kitchener did not wish his Highness

to see, saying there were seventy cases of smallpox in it, but the

Khedive went and found there were but sixty patients in all, and no

smallpox case.

“Again on the frontier, Abbas insisted on receiving certain Sheykhs who

assured him he could travel in safety anywhere with them, even to

Khartoum, while Kitchener objected to his going outside the lines,

saying there was danger. But the Khedive rode out with the Sheykhs

notwithstanding,—Kitchener remaining behind. Lastly, at a review the 2nd

battalion of a black regiment officered by Englishmen got into disorder

while marching past. Kitchener said it was through the fault of the

band, but the Khedive said they had marched disgracefully. At this

Kitchener took offence, and offered to resign, but the Khedive refused

to accept his resignation, and the thing was explained and settled, and

it was agreed that nothing further should be said about it. Kitchener,

however, made use of the incident later as a pretext to get the Khedive

recalled from the frontier, and telegraphed to Cromer, who telegraphed

to Rosebery, who telegraphed to Paris and St. Petersburg to say that he

must deal separately with the case (independently of the other Consuls

General). The French and Russian Governments agreed to this. Pressure

was then put on Riaz, who telegraphed to the Khedive to return.

“The conditions imposed by Cromer were a commendatory order by the

Khedive to the troops; the dismissal of Maher Pasha, whom Kitchener

accused of having instigated the Khedive’s conduct, and as third

condition that the English officers in the Khedive’s army should have

the right to be tried by court martial in England. Abbas is said to have

accepted all these conditions. If it is true that he was unsupported by

France or the Sultan, he was probably right to do so, but he has

reserved to himself the right of explaining the matter in his own way,

through Tigrane.

“Osman Bey is far from friendly to Abbas, being a partisan of Prince

Halim, and having a grudge against Ismaïl and all his house, because

Ismaïl had his brother strangled at Senaar in 1878. He gave us a tragic

history of this. He says the Sultan has been bought over to English

interests, that he communicated everything that passed at Constantinople

between him and Abbas to the English Embassy, and that he has

£20,000,000 sterling invested in English securities, especially with the

Ottoman Bank.

“_6th Feb._—Captain Broadwood (afterwards General Broadwood) came. He

told me the story of the Khedive’s quarrel with Kitchener as he had

heard it from Colonel Settle, a good authority. According to this, the

Khedive when receiving the officers, native and English, after the

review expressed his satisfaction with all, except the infantry, under

Colonel Lloyd’s command. Kitchener was not present, and coming back a

few moments afterwards said to Lloyd, ‘Go and tell the men the Khedive

is pleased with them,’ taking for granted that it had been so. ‘I am

afraid I can’t quite do that,’ said Lloyd, ‘for His Highness has just

expressed disapproval of my part of it.’ Thereupon Kitchener went after

the Khedive, and no one knows exactly what took place between them as

they were alone. ‘It is all the more curious,’ said Broadwood, ‘because

just before the Khedive left for the south, he received us at Abbassieh

and spoke in quite a friendly tone.’ I have no doubt Kitchener made a

quarrel of it purposely to get the Khedive back from the frontier, and

that Cromer still further exaggerated it for political reasons. The

‘Daily News’ has an article anything but unfavourable to my article,

though in common with all the English papers it has been full of violent

words lately against the Khedive.

“Gerald Portal is dead in England. I am sorry for this on Lady Edmund

Talbot’s account, as she and her sister had reckoned on his succeeding

Cromer here. I see the newspapers make great count of him, but he was a

man of very ordinary abilities, pushed on by Cromer, whose faithful

pupil and understudy he was. I don’t know that he is any loss to us

politically here.

“_7th Feb._—Spent the day wading through nearly a hundred newspapers

from England, the arrears of the last fortnight. It is quite astonishing

the lies and false arguments they contain about everything Egyptian,

only another proof of the fact that the Press is in reality an engine

for the concealment of historic truth, the most complete ever invented.

There is not a single English paper that treats the recent incident here

with even a semblance of fair dealing. Lying hypocrisy and violence are

everywhere the order of the day. The French have pushed a military

column forward and have occupied Timbuctoo! I am curious to know the

exact position here of the Egyptian Government towards the French, and

have written to Tigrane proposing a visit.

“_8th Feb._—Lunched with Tigrane and discussed the ‘Frontier incident’

with him at length. It would seem that the Khedive did several things

while on his journey that were irregular. Maher Pasha, who travelled

with him, was formerly Governor of the Frontier Province, and put him

into communication with everybody Kitchener least wished him to see. At

Luxor he found Minshatti, the Sheykh of the Abdabdeh, who was condemned

to death five years ago, but whose sentence had been commuted, and who

was made to reside at Luxor. Him Abbas made much of, took on board his

_dahabiyah_ with him and released. This is the same Minshatti who

appealed on one occasion to me, and about whom I wrote to Grenfell. He

was at that time specially obnoxious to Kitchener, then head of the

Intelligence department on the Upper Nile.

“Again, it is true that His Highness insisted upon making a desert

expedition farther than Kitchener approved; and again, that Kitchener

had had some Soudanese soldiers, five of them, shot on the plea of

desertion without the Khedive’s sanction. Tigrane, however, is not very

certain of details, and urged my seeing the Khedive.

“As to the final quarrel with Kitchener he says it was a small affair,

and the story given me by Ghaleb Bey substantially correct. Kitchener,

after resigning and then withdrawing his resignation, had assured the

Khedive that it should go no further. Cromer, however, had taken it up

beyond all measure, had insisted on Riaz, and then the Ministry,

accepting his terms without waiting to hear the Khedive’s story, and had

threatened consequences which they dared not face. I asked him what

these were, but this he said he could not tell me, but it was not merely

their own dismissal as Ministers, I fancy it was that the Khedive’s army

should be put under the English Commander-in-Chief. They had no option

but to get the Khedive out of the scrape as they best could. The French

Agency had gone entirely against them, owing, he said to _des

circonstances personelles_ on the part of Reverseaux. This being so, the

position is of course a very dangerous one. Tigrane thinks that, if the

English Government were to ask the French Government’s leave to depose

Abbas, the French Government would consider it so distinct a diplomatic

gain that it would consent.

“Tigrane told me that the idea of addressing a circular letter

explaining the ‘Incident’ to the Powers had been abandoned, and even

that of addressing such a letter to Cromer, though he, Tigrane, was in

favour of it. There was danger of a new publication of Blue Books.

Cromer has been compiling things against the Khedive all the last year.

I asked him if these were things affecting the Khedive’s moral character

and he said: ‘Oh no. But the Khedive has once or twice made complaints

against English officers which he had been unable to substantiate, of

drunkenness and the like, and it would be sought to prove that he was

mendacious and was animated by ill-will.’ He thought I might publish an

explanation without committing the Khedive. But I cannot do this unless

I see him, nor do I think it would be as good a way as officially

through the Foreign Office. He assured me there was no truth in the

report of a quarrel between the Khedive and his Ministers. ‘We got him

out of his scrape,’ Tigrane said, ‘as we best could, and the Khedive

knows it.’

“_9th Feb._—The London papers are really too monstrous. It is evident to

me that Cromer and his partisans have determined upon Abbas’ removal by

fair means or foul, and that do he what he will, nothing now will

satisfy them. I am anxious all the same that he should at least put his

true conduct on record, and I have written to suggest my seeing him.

“Yesterday coming home I met young Gordon, General Gordon’s nephew, who

gave me yet another account of the frontier incident. He says that there

are eight battalions of native troops on the frontier under Lloyd, who

has local rank as Pasha, and that there is great dislike and jealousy

between the black troops and the Egyptian troops. The blacks, he says,

would like nothing better than to have a go in at the Egyptians, whom

they hate and despise. He himself inspected the troops on the frontier a

few weeks ago as head of the Store department, and found the Egyptian

battalions, the 6th and 7th, in a very slovenly condition. It was just

these that the Khedive picked out to praise, and not the others, of

which he said they were a disgrace to the army. Lloyd, he tells me, has

been a great upholder of the Egyptian soldiers, maintaining, contrary to

all other opinion, that they are as good as the Soudanese, ‘but I

fancy,’ he added, ‘he has changed his opinion now.’ Gordon is very

severe on the Khedive, but his post, if I mistake not, is one of those

newly-made ones as to which there was an objection raised (by the

Legislative Council).

“_11th Feb._—Brewster Bey called on me this afternoon, having been sent

by the Khedive to thank me for my article in the ‘Nineteenth Century,’

and to talk over the situation. He is a little man of about thirty-five

or perhaps more, an Englishman, he told me, born in Devonshire, but who

has contracted a slightly foreign accent. He came to Egypt the same year

we did, in 1876, first as a clerk in the customs at Alexandria, and then

at the time of the Suakim campaign for three years at Suakim, where he

served under Kitchener, when Kitchener was Military Governor there. He

did not tell me how he happened to get the post of private secretary to

the Khedive, but he is clearly an honest man, who, from his sympathy

with native Egypt, has fallen into disfavour with our people. ‘I am on

the black list,’ he said, ‘at the Agency, and beyond leaving cards once

a year, I see nothing of any of them.’

“He spoke in the warmest way of his young master, Abbas, and was

indignant at the treatment he had received in the affair of the

frontier. ‘Will you believe it,’ he said, ‘but to the present moment the

Khedive does not know precisely what he has been accused of saying? He

has never been informed.’ I urged him very strongly to get the Khedive

to put his own story on paper, and not by word of mouth, to Lord Cromer,

who would repeat it to our Government after his own fashion. It ought to

be done officially through Tigrane and at once. I asked him exactly what

the true story was, and he told me that what the Khedive had told him

was that after the review at Wady Halfa, the second battalion, which is

an Egyptian, not a black one, under English command, had got out of

order in the manœuvres; that when alone with Kitchener he had expressed

himself strongly about it, saying that it was a disgrace to see good

troops so badly handled; that Kitchener had resigned and then withdrawn

his resignation, and had told the Khedive the matter should remain a

secret between them, and that they travelled back together amicably to

Assouan; but that there Kitchener, who seems in the meantime to have

telegraphed to Cairo, represented to His Highness that before leaving

Upper Egypt he should issue an order declaring his satisfaction with the

frontier force; that the Khedive had demurred to this, and on being

further pressed His Highness had said, ‘You mean, then, to make it a

political matter? I consider this is a question within my limits to

decide.’ Whereupon Kitchener replied, ‘I am not sure what Your Highness’

limits are.’ What more happened Brewster does not know. But he says

that, knowing Kitchener well and knowing the Khedive, he would

infinitely sooner take the latter’s word than the former’s. I asked him

what sort of man Kitchener was, and he told me he was of no particular

ability, and that he was especially ignorant, for a man who had seen so

much employment here, of native character and native ideas. At Suakim he

had committed the grossest blunders in this way. Kitchener’s original

quarrel with Maher (this was told me by Kennedy) was about a large sum

of secret service money, as to which Kitchener refused—Maher being Under

Secretary at the War Office—to give any account. This was the beginning

of the trouble, as far as Kitchener was concerned.

“Brewster spoke bitterly of the French and Russian Agents, who had

turned against Abbas in this difficulty, as they had done the year

before. With regard to Constantinople, he also does not trust the

Sultan, ‘who will do whatever the English Government tells him.’ As for

Mukhtar, he had been against Abbas all through, and was now playing

entirely into Cromer’s hands. ‘He has not forgotten,’ he said, ‘the

Khedive’s telegram to Constantinople at the beginning of his reign, when

he asked who was the Sultan’s representative here in Egypt, himself or

Mukhtar?’ Brewster considers the situation a very dangerous one for

Abbas—in which I agree with him. ‘If he goes,’ he said emphatically, ‘I

shall not stay a day longer in Egypt.’ Nevertheless, the Khedive is full

of courage, and Brewster promised to back up my advice about the note of

explanation addressed to our Government. He thinks I can do no good by

explaining matters to the English Press. A very honest fellow is

Brewster, of a kind one would wish to be served by, but does not often

meet.

“_17th Feb._—I have written a long private letter to the Editor of the

‘Daily News’ for his instruction, not for publication, explaining the

true state of affairs here.

“_19th Feb._—Lady Dunmore, who was here with her daughters a few days

ago, gave us a thrilling account of her life and sufferings in Kashmir,

where they were taken, she being an invalid, to spend two summers, by

her husband, but after all it seems to have done her good, and the girls

were enthusiastic about it. She told me to-day a curious story, which

shows how things are done in Russia. When her husband started from India

on his journey through the Pamir country, the Emperor of Russia—Dunmore

has Russian relations—gave him a private letter which secured him free

passage through the Russian lines. On his return the Emperor wrote to

him begging that he would come and see him at St. Petersburg and give

him an account of what he had seen, the Emperor being very anxious to

have unbiassed evidence of the state of things in Central Asia. To this

Dunmore responded, and wrote as many as three letters expressing his

willingness to come, but never any further message, until quite lately

he has learned that none of his letters were received by the Emperor. It

appears that the men about the palace exercise an absolute supervision

over all the Imperial correspondence, and even the Princess of Wales

finds difficulty in communicating with her sister. Now Dunmore has asked

at the Foreign Office that his letter of explanation should be presented

by the Ambassador, or rather the Chargé d’Affaires, in private audience.

The Emperor it appears has been furious at getting no answer, and Lady

Dunmore says: ‘When he finds out the truth there will be journeys to

Siberia for some of those concerned.’

“_22nd Feb._—Dormer called. He gave us the alarming intelligence that

there is a scheme on foot for bringing the Cairo sewage into this

neighbourhood. It is indeed the abomination of civilization standing in

the Holy Place. We have always looked upon the desert as the one pure,

imperishable possession, but if this is to be made a stink-pot for our

nostrils we are indeed lost.” This plan, which was already in an

advanced stage with coloured surveys on a large scale, entitled

derisively “Projets d’assainissement,” I was the means under Providence

of preventing. I wrote to Lord Cromer representing the economical folly

of the project which had chosen the only district in the neighbourhood

of Cairo suitable for building a rural suburb, seeing that it was the

only one which possessed an abundance of good water in a sandy soil, and

he yielded to my argument, with the result of what is now the populous

suburb of Heliopolis having grown up there. Dormer, who became

afterwards Lord Dormer, was at that time employed in the Egyptian

Financial Department.

“_23rd Feb._—Lady Francis Osborne came full of serious advice to me

about my ‘radical politics,’ and the stir my writings were making among

the officials here. ‘Why do you take pleasure in making your fellow men

unhappy?’

“A visit from three little journalists, Sheykh Ali Yusuf, Editor of the

‘Mowayad’ (the first Nationalist newspaper at Cairo since Tel el Kebir),

Mohammed Mesaoud, and Abderrahman Ismaïl. A worthy man is Ali Yusuf,

with nothing of civilization about him. Just a little Azhar student in a

turban, clever and sympathetic, but without knowledge of the western

world. The others with a slight veneer of Europe, but hardly deeper than

their clothes.” This is the first mention in my diary of Sheykh Ali

Yusuf, who played so important a part later in Cairo’s journalistic

history.

“_27th Feb._—Princesse Hélène and her brother the Duc d’Orléans spent

the afternoon here. They have been up the river in a _dahabiyah_ to Wady

Halfa, and enjoyed themselves immensely. He is a good young fellow,

manly and intelligent, and extremely nice to her. He tells me that in

Somaliland he has seen as many as 500 ostriches together. They go in

packs in the autumn and winter months, males and females separately, but

pair in the early spring. The buffaloes even there are almost extinct.

It was nearly dark when they left, and I rode back with them as far as

the obelisk.

“_28th Feb._—Heavy rain, enough to make the spouts on the roof run, the

first time they have done so since the house was finished more than two

years ago. There is a great deal of nonsense talked about the increase

of rain in Egypt since the Suez Canal was made—and of fogs since the

British occupation. It is pure rubbish. Reading old accounts of

travellers two and three hundred years ago, I see that they generally

remark that there is but little rain in Egypt, never that there is none,

and so it is now. All the change there has been is a certain increase of

morning fogs and dampness through the increased irrigation of the Delta,

but I am a sceptic about the increase of rain. Old West, our Consul at

Suez, told me ten years ago that in his experience there of forty years

he had remarked no change.” I tested this once later by questioning my

chief Bedouin, Suliman, whose home is the desert between Cairo and Suez,

on this head. “Do you not find, Suliman,” I said, “a great change in the

climate here in your recollection?” “Oh, yes,” he answered, “there is a

great one, and sadly for the worse. When I was a boy, we had beautiful

rains on the upper country with _eshub_ (green spring herbage) every

year for our camels, now not a single drop, all is burnt up, a sad

change certainly.”

“_4th March._—Gladstone has really retired from public life. He went to

Windsor yesterday, so the telegrams say, and gave in his resignation,

recommending Rosebery as his successor. I suppose now he is gone there

will be a general chorus of praise, but for my part I shall not join it.

He has betrayed too many good causes not to be an evil doer in my eyes,

and his one remaining cause, Ireland, he leaves in the lurch to-day by

his retirement. I am glad to see that Labouchere and twenty more members

of Parliament have protested against Rosebery’s succession.

“_6th March._—It is announced in the ‘Bosphore’ and other local papers

that the Sultan has telegraphed his entire approval of the Khedive’s

action in the late crisis, and has instructed his Ambassador in London

to protest against the accounts of it published in our newspapers. This,

if true, is most important. The Sultan has also presented Abbas with a

palace on the Bosphorus, a gift of more doubtful omen.

“_7th March._—It appears that Rosebery has carried the day and is to be

Prime Minister. He is an astute Whig of the Palmerston type, and the

Radicals have got what they deserve. The policy in Egypt can hardly long

remain unchanged, and I should not be surprised to see Rosebery entering

on a scheme for the partition of the Ottoman Empire. It cannot well,

however, be carried into effect without war, and so I hope that under

Providence it may result in the partition rather of that other Empire

for the sake of which we in England have sold our old principles of

freedom and respect for International right. The Radical jingo is the

ugliest feature of our modern politics.” Though Lord Rosebery did not

remain in office long enough to carry out this plan in person, it was

put in practice later by his Under Secretary at the Foreign Office, and

understudy, Sir Edward Grey, with the result we have all witnessed.

“_13th March._—Young Aldridge called. He tells me he was at the

celebrated review at Halfa when the Khedive was supposed to have

insulted the officers. He was staying with these officers, and none of

them were aware of anything in the way of a crisis having occurred till

three days after it. He says the opinion of the officers of the Egyptian

army on the spot was that the Khedive had said nothing but what he had a

right to. He had praised the Camel Corps and the artillery and the

cavalry, but had criticized the infantry, which in fact had been a bit

in disorder. The remarks, whatever they were, had been made half a mile

away from the men, and the men knew nothing about them, nor ever would

have known except for the newspapers. ‘What,’ says Aldridge, ‘was the

Khedive there for if not to make remarks?’ This doubtless reflects the

view of the English officers concerned, as Aldridge is Broadwood’s half-

brother.

“_15th March._—Frank Lascelles is made Ambassador at St. Petersburg. It

seems but the other day that we were _attachés_ together at Madrid,

sharing all things in common; he deserves his promotion, for he has

worked hard for it in many a dull, forgotten post. Another promotion is

Rendell’s to the House of Lords. He also deserves it for his great

humility.

“_20th March._—Kitchener has just come back from Suakim from a military

promenade in the neighbourhood of Tokar, where the country was found

green and well watered with streams running and full of wild creatures,

ariels and gazelles. All this because for five years the abominable

animal, man, has been excluded. All the world would be a paradise in

twenty years if man could be shut out.

“_14th April._—To Cairo with Anne and Judith, and had luncheon with Riaz

Pasha and his son Mahmud. The old man was gay at luncheon, and talked

history and poetry apparently without a care on his mind, but when the

ladies were gone to pay a visit to his Harem and we were left alone, he

suddenly told me that he had just that morning, that very morning, sent

in his resignation and that of his fellow ministers to the Khedive. I

asked him, ‘And did the Khedive accept it?’ He answered, ‘_A peu près_.’

Then he told me that ever since the affair of the frontier there had

been a lack of confidence on the Khedive’s part, that he and the

Ministers had not been supported, and that the palace paper, the

‘Journal Egyptien,’ had entered on a campaign against them. It did not

suit his dignity, and it injured the public service to remain under

those conditions. He had given many years of loyal service to his

country, and he was an old man, and he should retire now once and for

ever. A tear stood in the poor old Minister’s eye, and I grieved with

him over his fall with all sincerity. He then talked bitterly of the

change that had come over the face of the world since he began his

official life. How the English used to be trusted and believed in as the

one honest nation the whole East over. But he talked more bitterly still

of the French, and yet more of his rival, Nubar, who he thinks is to

succeed him. It is doubtless to the French that he owes his present

reverse, though Cromer will profit by it to the extent of making a split

between Abbas and the National party. Riaz said it was a little of all

their doing. He talked kindly of Rivers Wilson. Of Rosebery, he said he

had seen him twice at Cairo, once with Cromer, once alone. When alone

Rosebery had asked him whether it would not be better to have an English

Under Secretary in every department, but that, said he, ‘I told him

would be putting two captains to a ship, it would go down.’ I told him

Rosebery was a dangerous man in power as far as Egypt and the East were

concerned, that I should not wonder if he solved all difficulties by a

partition of the Ottoman Empire, a gloomy view in which the old man

shared. ‘Poor Egypt,’ he said, ‘poor Egypt!’ It is a strange chance that

has made me, in spite of 1882, the confidant of his political griefs,

but in truth our views on most things are identical. He hates Western

civilization almost as bitterly as I do myself. He sent us away with

benedictions and loaded with roses from his door.

“_15th April (Sunday)._—Mohammed Abdu spent the day with us. He says the

National party is in despair at Riaz’ resignation, and still more at

Nubar’s return to power, for Nubar means a reign of money makers and

speculators, and the government of Egypt by Europeans and Syrians,

strangers from every land.

“_17th April._—To Koubbah Palace (Abbas’ country residence, three miles

from Sheykh Obeyd). I was taken to the garden and found Abbas sitting

under some trees near the stables, looking at Arab mares which were

being paraded before him. With him was the old Soudanese Mohammed Taher,

whom the Khedive introduced to me as a loyal Shaggia. We talked first

about the horses, six of them, for which Abbas said he was offering

£800. But only two of them were good ones. These were a brown mare, like

our Queen of Sheba, and a little grey with a fine shoulder, perfectly

level back, and tail grandly carried.

“Presently the young Khedive began on politics. He went through the

whole story of the frontier incident and Riaz’ resignation, and his

appointment of Nubar. As to the first his account was much what I had

already heard. He said that it was originally a quarrel between

Kitchener and Maher Pasha—that when Maher was appointed Under Secretary

at the War Office, Kitchener had tried to persuade him to refuse, but

Maher had persisted, though his pay was reduced thereby from £120 to

£100 a month. When Abbas started for the frontier, Kitchener had tried

to prevent Maher going with him. However, all went well till the famous

review at Wady Halfa when he had found fault with the second battalion,

and had told the English officer that his battalion had done very

badly—this in the presence of Kitchener and eleven officers, some

English, some Egyptian. Afterwards he had had a private talk with

Kitchener, and had told him it was a shame good Egyptian troops should

be so badly handled, and Kitchener had tendered his resignation. But the

Khedive had begged him not to take it in so serious a way, and the

resignation was withdrawn and the thing ended.

“After this they travelled two days together on excellent terms, till on

the third they came to Assouan. There the Khedive wanted to telegraph to

Riaz, but found the wires occupied by Kitchener. Nevertheless he sent

his telegram to Riaz, telling him what had occurred and that it was of

no importance. Later, Kitchener came to him and asked him to send two

words of commendation to the officers of the frontier garrison before

leaving, as he said the officers were offended and were tendering their

resignations. The Khedive asked him whether he wished to make a

political question of it, and asserted that it was within his

prerogative to send or not to send such a message. To which Kitchener

replied that he was not sure whether it was so. Nevertheless the dispute

ended in Kitchener’s promising to say no more about it. Riaz had been

weak in allowing his hand to be forced. As to the change of Ministry,

Abbas said that when he had seen Lord Cromer he had consulted him as to

whom he should send for, and Lord Cromer had said Nubar. Abbas had

objected that he was a Christian, Lord Cromer had advised against a

Christian Prime Minister last year. Lord C. then said there was no

choice unless the Khedive would like Mustafa Fehmi. The Khedive then

proposed Fakri and Mazlum. But Lord Cromer said they were both

insignificant. In the end Abbas had given way about Nubar, and there was

a compromise about the rest of the Cabinet. Fakri goes to Public

Instruction, Mustafa Fehmi to the War Office, Mazlum to Finance, and

Butros, who, Abbas said, had betrayed the secrets of the late Cabinet

all through to Lord C., to Foreign Affairs. He asked me what I thought

of it. I said that I had no confidence in Nubar, but recommended him as

soon as he was tired of Nubar to have back a Nationalist Ministry,

strengthening it by adding some European he could trust for Foreign

Affairs. He promised to remember my advice.

“The Khedive then talked of his camel ride to Suez, and lastly consulted

me about going to England this next summer. I said I would try and find

out for him what line would be taken there about his reception, and

especially by the Prince of Wales, and let him know. He begged me to

write to him. As to publishing anything he would leave that to my

discretion. Then he made the old Soudani sit near and talked about

Zebeyr, who is evidently out of his favour, and so after about an hour

he got up and took me to see his camels, and then with a few more words

about my writing to him we said good-bye.

“Although extremely friendly and nice to me personally, I confess that

he impressed me less favourably this time than before. He has clearly

made a dreadful hash of things, and seems to attach more importance to

the getting rid of Kitchener than to the larger political questions. I

can see that he is in the hands of the intriguers that surround him, and

that he is no match for Cromer, who has won the game against him through

the Khedive’s own mistakes. Not that Nubar’s appointment is much

advantage to English policy, for Nubar is in French interests, but Lord

Cromer has certainly won a personal victory. The future to me looks very

black. The young man has lost something of his frankness, and of his

first sublime self-confidence, which was his strength, and I fear he

will degenerate into the shifty intriguer his father was before him.

Still he is more manly than that, and with honest advice may yet go

well. But who is to give it him?

“_18th April._—Our Mowled of Sheykh Obeyd. A calf was killed for the

labourers in the garden, and the girls and those who have been at work

on the new house, and a lamb for the Sheykhs, with recitations and

chauntings in the evening. [This was a religious festival held annually

in our garden at the tomb of Sheykh Obeyd.]”

The Bee Birds have been wonderful this year, three or four hundred

roosting every night in the trees near the house. I cannot quite make

out what they do in the day-time, for they all disappear from the

garden, coming back about half an hour before sunset. Most of these

birds travel north at this time of year, but a few stay on during the

summer. There are also some of the large spotted cuckoos in the garden

just now.

“_20th April._—Our last day at Sheykh Obeyd. I am grieved to leave it

this year more than any year before, and have half made up my mind that

this shall be my last visit to England. My true home is more and more in

Egypt.”

We left the following day, and here I close this chapter. With it ends

the episode as far as I was personally concerned in it of the National

movement of 1892-1894. It failed through the absence of any strong

leader to take direction of it; through the youth and inexperience of

the Khedive Abbas; through the unscrupulous determination of Lord Cromer

acting in what he considered English Imperial interests, and through the

still more unscrupulous money interests worked through Lord Rosebery

from London and Paris. Lord Rosebery’s family connection with the

Rothschilds is a sufficient explanation of this last influence. French

diplomacy at Cairo seems to me to have been very weakly managed by M. de

Reverseaux, the French Consul General there, though how much of the

vacillation between encouragement given to the Nationalists when they

made a forward move, and their abandonment when the advance had been

made, was due to the French Representative at Cairo or to the Ministers

at the Quai d’Orsay, I cannot determine. Be it as it may, the spring of

1894 saw the movement lose its force, and brought to a complete

standstill a year later by the retirement in his turn of Nubar Pasha,

and Lord Cromer’s installation as absolute despot ruling Egypt through a

dummy Minister, Mustafa Pasha Fehmi, while the Khedive Abbas, cut off

from all legitimate exercise of his viceregal rights, consoled himself

with the follies of youth, money speculations, and impotent intrigue.

It was the history repeated a hundred times over of the English

manipulation of the native States of India. To me it was a mournful

spectacle, a blank period during which, though still maintaining a deep

interest in what went on, I held a position entirely of spectator,

keeping touch with the local politics of the day during my winter visit

to Sheykh Obeyd mainly through Sheykh Mohammed Abdu, whom I established

on a corner of my property in a country house within half a mile of my

own. He had an advantage for me as historian and diarist of being

personally intimate with Mustafa Fehmi who concealed nothing from him,

while Abdu concealed nothing from me. It was as an historian only that I

followed the development of the Cromerian _régime_, until in 1906

Cromer’s astonishing blunders of that year once more gave life to

Egyptian Nationalism, and it found a voice in Mustafa Kamel. My diary in

the meagreness of its political entries corresponds with my political

abstention during this weary interval. Nevertheless there were moments

when I said my say with our politicians on Egyptian affairs, and in the

London “Times,” notably in the year of the new invasion of the Soudan

under Kitchener in 1896, of Fashoda, and of the fatal entente with

France in 1904. The entries then have a renewed importance, the rebirth

of Nationalism in 1906 having lured me once more into the field as an

active combatant for Egypt’s independence.