CHAPTER II

COMPARATIVE ANATOMY BEFORE CUVIER

For two thousand years after Aristotle little advance was made upon

his comparative anatomy. Knowledge of the human body was increased not

long after his death by Herophilus and Erasistratus, but not even

Galen more than four centuries later made any essential additions to

Aristotle's anatomy.

During the Middle Ages, particularly after the introduction to Europe

in the 13th century of the Arab texts and commentaries, Aristotle

dominated men's thoughts of Nature. The commentary of Albertus Magnus,

based upon that of Avicenna, did much to impose Aristotle upon the

learned world. Albertus seems to have contented himself with following

closely in the footsteps of his master. There are noted, however, by

Bonnier certain improvements made by Albertus on Aristotle's view of

the seriation of living things. "He is the first," writes Bonnier, "to

take the correct view that fungi are lower plants allied to the most

lowly organised animals. From this point there start, for Albertus

Magnus, two series of living creatures, and he regards the plant

series as culminating in the trees which have well-developed

flowers."[9]

Aristotle's influence is predominant also in the work of Edward Wotton

(1492-1555), who in his book _De differentiis animalium_ adopted a

classification similar to that proposed by Aristotle. He too laid

stress upon the gradation shown from the lower to the higher forms.

In the 16th century, two groups of men helped to lay foundations for a

future science of comparative anatomy--the great Italian anatomists

Vesalius, Fallopius and Fabricius, and the first systematists (though

their "systems" were little more than catalogues) Rondeletius,

Aldrovandus and Gesner.

The anatomists, however, took little interest in problems of pure

morphology; the anatomy of the human body was for them simply the

necessary preliminary of the discovery of the functions of the

parts--they were quite as much physiologists as anatomists.

One of them, Fabricius, made observations on the development of the

chick (1615). Harvey, who was a pupil of Fabricius, likewise published

an account of the embryology of the chick.[10] In his philosophy and

habit of thought Harvey was a follower of Aristotle. It is worth

noting that in his _Exercitationes anatomicae de motu cordis_ (1628)

there is a passage which dimly foreshadows the law of recapitulation

in development which later had so much vogue.[11]

A stimulating contribution to comparative anatomy was made by

Belon,[12] who published in 1555 a _Histoire de la nature des Oyseaux_,

in which he showed opposite one another a skeleton of a bird and of a

mammal, giving the same names to homologous bones. The anatomy of

animals other than man was indeed not altogether neglected at this

time. Coiter (1535-1600) studied the anatomy of Vertebrates,

discovering among other things the fibrous structure of the brain.

Carlo Ruini of Bologna wrote in 1598 a book on the anatomy of the

horse.[13] Somewhat later Severino, professor at Naples, dissected many

animals and came to the conclusion that they were built upon the same

plan as man.[14] Willis, of Oxford and London, in his _Cerebri Anatome_

(1659) recognised the necessity for comparative study of the structure

of the brain. He found out that the brain of man is very like that of

other mammals, the brain of birds, on the contrary, like that of

fishes![15] He described the anatomy of the oyster and the crayfish. He

had, however, not much feeling for morphology.

The foundation of the Jardin des Plantes at Paris in 1626 and the

subsequent addition to it of a Museum of Natural History and a

menagerie gave a great impulse to the study of comparative anatomy by

supplying a rich material for dissection. Advantage was taken of these

facilities, particularly by Claude Perrault and Duverney.[16] In a

volume entitled _De la Mecanique des Animaux_, Perrault recognises

clearly the idea of unity of type, and even pushes it too far, seeking

to prove that in plants there exists an arterial system and veins

provided with valves.[17]

The beginning of the 17th century saw the invention of the microscope,

which was to have such an enormous influence upon the development of

biological studies. It did not come into scientific use until well on

in the middle of the century. Just before it came into use Francis

Glisson (1597-1677), an Englishman, gave in the introduction to his

treatise on the liver an account of the notions then current on the

structure of organic bodies. He classifies the parts as "similar" and

"organic," the former determined by their material, the latter by the

form which they assume. The similar parts are divided into the

sanguineous or rich in blood and the spermatic. Both sets are further

subdivided according to their physical characters,[18] the latter, for

instance, into the hard, soft, and tensile tissues. The classification

resembles greatly that propounded by Aristotle, though it is notably

inferior in the details of its working out.

For Aristotle, as for all anatomists before the days of the

microscope, the tissues were not much more than inorganic substances,

differing from one another in texture, in hardness, and other physical

properties. They possessed indeed properties, such as contractility,

which were not inorganic, but as far as their visible structure was

concerned there was little to raise them above the inorganic level.

The application of the microscope changed all that, for it revealed in

the tissues an organic structure as complex in its grade as the gross

and visible structure of the whole organism. Of the four men who first

made adequate use of the new aid, Malpighi, Hooke, Leeuenhoek, and

Swammerdam, the first-named contributed the most to make current the

new conceptions of organic structure. He studied in some detail the

development of the chick. He described the minute structure of the

lungs (1661), demonstrating for the first time, by his discovery of

the capillaries, the connection of the arteries with the veins. In his

work, _De viscerum structura_ (1666), he describes the histology of

the spleen, the kidney, the liver, and the cortex of the brain,

establishing among other things the fact that the liver was really a

conglomerate gland, and discovering the Malpighian bodies in the

kidney. This work was done on a broad comparative basis. "Since in the

higher, more perfect, red-blooded animals, the simplicity of their

structure is wont to be involved by many obscurities, it is necessary

that we should approach the subject by the observation of the lower,

imperfect animals."[19] So he wrote in the _De viscerum structura_, and

accordingly he studied the liver first in the snail, then in fishes,

reptiles, mammals, and finally man. In the introduction to his

_Anatome plantarum_ (1675), in which he laid the foundations of plant

histology, he vindicates the comparative method in the following

words:--"In the enthusiasm of youth I applied myself to Anatomy, and

although I was interested in particular problems, yet I dared to pry

into them in the higher animals. But since these matters enveloped in

peculiar mystery still lie in obscurity, they require the comparison

of simpler conditions, and so the investigation of insects[20] at once

attracted me; finally, since this also has its own difficulties I

applied my mind to the study of plants, intending after prolonged

occupation with this domain, to retrace my steps by way of the

vegetable kingdom, and get back to my former studies. But perhaps not

even this will be sufficient; since the simpler world of minerals and

the elements should have been taken first. In this case, however, the

undertaking becomes enormous and far beyond my powers."[21] There is

something fine in this life of broad outlines, devoted whole-heartedly

to an idea, to a plan of research, which required a lifetime to carry

out.

An important histological discovery dating from this time is that of

the finer structure of muscle, made by Stensen (or Steno) in 1664. He

described the structure of muscle-fibres, resolving them into their

constituent fibrils.

To the microscope we owe not only histology but the comparative

anatomy of the lower animals. Throughout the 17th and 18th centuries

the discovery of structure in the lower animals went on continuously,

as may be read in any history of Zoology.[22] We content ourselves here

with mentioning only some representative names.

In the 17th century Leeuenhoek, applying the microscope almost at

random, discovered fact after fact, his most famous, discovery being

that of the "spermatic animalcules."

Swammerdam studied the metamorphoses of insects and made wonderfully

minute dissections of all sorts of animals, snails and insects

particularly. He described also the development of the frog. It is

curious to see what a grip his conception of metamorphosis had upon

him when he homologises the stages of the frog's development with the

Egg, the Worm, and the Nymph of insects (_Book of Nature_, p. 104,

Eng. trans., 1785). He even speaks of the human embryo as being at a

certain stage a Man-Vermicle.

In the 18th century, Reaumur and Bonnet continued the minute study of

insects, laying more stress, however, on their habits and physiology

than upon their anatomy. Lyonnet made a most laborious investigation

of the anatomy of the willow-caterpillar (1762). John Hunter (1728-93)

dissected all kinds of animals, from holothurians to whales. His

interest was, however, that of the physiologist, and he was not

specially interested in problems of form. It is interesting to note a

formulation in somewhat confused language of the recapitulation

theory. The passage occurs in his description of the drawings he made

to illustrate the development of the chick. It is quoted in full by

Owen (J. Hunter, _Observations on certain Parts of the Animal

OEconomy_, with Notes by Richard Owen. London, 1837. Preface, p.

xxvi). We give here the last and clearest sentence--"If we were to

take a series of animals from the more imperfect to the perfect, we

should probably find an imperfect animal corresponding with some stage

of the most perfect."

The tendency of the time was not towards morphology, but rather to

general natural history and to systematics, the latter under the

powerful influence of Linnaeus (1707-1778). The former tendency is

well represented by Reaumur (1683-1757) with his observations on

insects, the digestion of birds, the regeneration of the crayfish's

legs, and a hundred other matters. To this tendency belong also

Trembley's famous experiments on Hydra (1744), and Roesel von

Rosenhof's _Insektenbelustigungen_ (1746-1761).

Bonnet (1720-1793) deserves special mention here, since in his _Traite

d'Insectologie_ (1745), and more fully in his _Contemplation de la

Nature_ (1764), he gives the most complete expression to the idea of

the _Echelle des etres_.

This idea seems to have taken complete possession of his imagination.

He extends it to the universe. Every world has its own scale of

beings, and all the scales when joined together form but one, which

then contains all the possible orders of perfection. At the end of the

Preface to his _Traite_ _d'Insectologie_ (OEuvres, i., 1779) he

gives a long table, headed "Idee d'une Echelle des etres naturels,"

and rather resembling a ladder, on the rungs of which the following

names appear:--

MAN.

Orang-utan.

Ape.

QUADRUPEDS.

Flying squirrel.

Bat.

Ostrich.

BIRDS.

Aquatic birds.

Amphibious birds.

Flying Fish.

FISH.

Creeping fish.

Eels.

Water serpents.

SERPENTS.

Slugs.

Snails.

SHELL FISH.

Tube-worms.

Clothes-moths.

INSECTS.

Gall insects.

Taenia.

Polyps.

Sea Nettles.

Sensitive plant.

PLANTS.

Lichens.

Moulds.

Fungi, Agarics.

Truffles.

Corals, and Coralloids.

Lithophytes.

Asbestos.

Talcs, Gypsums.

Selenites, Slates.

STONES.

Figured stones.

Crystals.

SALTS.

Vitriols.

METALS.

HALF-METALS.

SULPHURS.

Bitumens.

EARTHS.

Pure earth.

WATER.

AIR.

FIRE.

More subtile matter.

The nature of the transitional forms which he inserts between his

principal classes show very clearly his entire lack of morphological

insight--the transitions are functional. The positions assigned to

clothes-moths and corals are very curious! The whole scheme, so

fantastic in its details, was largely influenced by Leibniz's

continuity philosophy, and is in no way an improvement on the older

and saner Aristotelian scheme.

Robinet, in the fifth volume of his book _De la nature_ (1761-6),

foreshadows the somewhat similar views of the German

transcendentalists. "All beings," he writes, "have been conceived and

formed on one single plan, of which they are the endlessly graduated

variations: this prototype is the human form, the metamorphoses of

which are to be considered as so many steps towards the most excellent

form of being."[23]

The idea of a gradation of beings appears also in Buffon (1707-1788),

but here it takes more definitely its true character as a functional

gradation.[24] "Since everything in Nature shades into everything

else," he says, "it is possible to establish a scale for judging of

the degrees of the intrinsic qualities of every animal."[25]

He is quite well aware that the groups of Invertebrates are different

in structural plan from the Vertebrates--"The animal kingdom includes

various animated beings, whose organisation is very different from our

own and from that of the animals whose body is similarly constructed

to ours."[26]

He limits himself to a consideration of the Vertebrates, deeming that

the economy of an oyster ought not to form part of his subject matter!

He has a clear perception of the unity of plan which reigns throughout

the vertebrate series.[27] What is new in Buffon is his interpretation

of the unity of plan. For the first time we find clearly expressed the

thought that unity of plan is to be explained by community of origin.

Buffon's utterances on this point are, as is well known, somewhat

vacillating. The famous passage, however, which occurs in his account

of the Ass shows pretty clearly that Buffon saw no theoretical

objection to the descent of all the varied species of animals from one

single form. Once admit, he argues, that within the bounds of a single

family one species may originate from the type species by

"degeneration," then one might reasonably suppose that from a single

being Nature could in time produce all the other organised beings.[28]

Elsewhere, _e.g._, in the discourse _De la Degeneration des

Animaux_,[29] Buffon expresses himself with more caution. He finds that

it is possible to reduce the two hundred species of quadrupeds which

he has described to quite a small number of families "from which it is

not impossible that all the rest are derived."[30] Within each of the

families the species branch off from a parent or type species. This we

may note is a great advance on the linear arrangement implied in the

idea of an _Echelle des etres_.[31]

It is a mistake to suppose that Buffon was par excellence a maker of

hypotheses. On the contrary he saw things very sanely and with a very

open mind. He expressly mentions the great difficulties which one

encounters in supposing that one species may arise from another by

"degeneration." How does it happen that two individuals "degenerate"

just in the right direction and to the right stage so as to be capable

of breeding together? How is it that one does not find intermediate

links between species? One is reminded of the objections, not

altogether without validity, which were made to the Darwinian theory

in its early days. I cannot agree with those who think that Buffon was

an out-and-out evolutionist, who concealed his opinions for fear of

the Church. No doubt he did trim his sails--the palpably insincere

"Mais non, il est certain, par la revelation, que tous les animaux ont

egalement participe a la grace de la creation,"[32] following hard upon

the too bold hypothesis of the origin of all species from a single

one, is proof of it. But he was too sane and matter-of-fact a thinker

to go much beyond his facts, and his evolution doctrine remained

always tentative. One thing, however, he was sure of, that evolution

would give a rational foundation to the classification which, almost

in spite of himself, he recognised in Nature. If, and only if, the

species of one family originated from a single type species, could

families, be founded rationally, _avec raison_.

Buffon was, curiously enough, rather unwilling to recognise any

systematic unit higher than the species. Strictly; speaking there are

only individuals in Nature; but there are also groups of individuals

which resemble one another from generation to generation and are able

to breed together. These are species--Buffon adheres to the genetic

definition of species--and the species is a much more definite unit

than the genus, the order, the class, which are not divisions imposed

by us upon Nature. Species are definitely discontinuous,[33] and this

is the only discontinuity which Nature shows us. Buffon put his views

into practice in his _Histoire Naturelle_, where he describes species

after species, never uniting them into larger groups. We have seen,

however, how the facts forced upon him the conception of the "family."

Buffon was no morphologist. He left to Daubenton what one might call

the "dirty work" of his book, the dissection and minute description of

the animals treated.

But Buffon was a man of genius, and accordingly his ideas on

morphology are fresh and illuminating. Few naturalists have been so

free from the prejudices and traditions of their trade. He makes in

the _Discours sur la Nature des Animaux_[34] a distinction, which

Bichat and Cuvier later developed with much profit, between the

"animal" and the "vegetative" part of animals.[35] The vegetative or

organic functions go on continuously, even in sleep, and are performed

by the internal organs, of which the heart is the central one. The

active waking life of the animal, that part of its life which

distinguishes it from the plant, involves the external parts--the

sense-organs and the extremities. An animal is, as it were, made up of

a complex of organs performing the vegetative functions, assimilation,

growth, and reproduction, surrounded by an envelope formed by the

limbs, the sense-organs, the nerves and the brain, which is the centre

of this "envelope."[36] Animals may differ from one another enormously

in the external parts, particularly in the appendicular skeleton,

without showing any great difference in the plan and arrangement of

their internal organs. Quadrupeds, Cetacea, birds, amphibians and fish

are as unlike as possible in external form and in the shape of their

limbs; but they all resemble one another in their internal organs. Let

the internal organs change, however--the external parts will change

infinitely more, and you will get another animal, an animal of a

totally different nature. Thus an insect has a most singular internal

economy, and, in consequence, you find it is in every point different

from any vertebrate animal.

In this contrast, on the whole justified, between the importance of

variations in the "vegetative" and variations in the "animal" parts,

one may see without doing violence to Buffon's thought, an indication

of the difference between homology and analogy. It is usually in the

external parts, in the organs by which the animal adapts itself to its

environment, that one meets with the greatest number of analogical

resemblances. This contrast of vegetative and animal parts and their

relative importance for the discovery of affinities was at any rate a

considerable step towards an analysis of the concept of unity of plan.

To Xavier Bichat (1771-1802) belongs the credit of working out in

detail the distinction drawn by Aristotle and Buffon between the

animal and the vegetative functions. Bichat was not a comparative

anatomist; his interest lay in human anatomy, normal and pathological.

So his views are drawn chiefly from the consideration of human

structure.

He classifies functions into those relating to the individual and

those relating to the species. The functions pertaining to the

individual may be divided into those of the animal and those of the

organic life.[37] "I call _animal life_ that order of functions which

connects us with surrounding bodies; signifying thereby that this

order belongs only to animals" (p. lxxviii.). Its organs are the

afferent and efferent nerves, the brain, the sense-organs and the

voluntary muscles; the brain is its central organ. "Digestion,

circulation, respiration, exhalation, absorption, secretion,

nutrition, calorification, or production of animal heat, compose

organic life, whose principal and central organ is the heart" (p.

lxxix.).

The contrast of the animal and the organic life runs through all

Bichat's work; it receives classical expression in his _Recherches

Physiologiques sur la Vie et la Mort_ (1800). The plant and the animal

stand for two different modes of living. The plant lives within

itself, and has with the external world only relations of nutrition;

the animal adds to this organic life a life of active relation with

surrounding things (3rd ed., 1805, p. 2). "One might almost say that

the plant is the framework, the foundation of the animal, and that to

form the animal it sufficed to cover this foundation with a system of

organs fitted to establish relations with the world outside. It

follows that the functions of the animal form two quite distinct

classes. One class consists in a continual succession of assimilation

and excretion; through these functions the animal incessantly

transforms into its own substance the molecules of surrounding bodies,

later to reject these molecules when they have become heterogeneous to

it. Through this first class of functions the animal exists only

within itself; through the other class it exists outside; it is an

inhabitant of the world, and not, like the plant, of the place which

saw its birth. The animal feels and perceives its surroundings,

reflects its sensations, moves of its own will under their influence,

and, as a rule, can communicate by its voice its desires and its

fears, its pleasures or its pains. I call organic life the sum of the

functions of the former class, for all organised creatures, plants or

animals, possess them to a more or less marked degree, and organised

structure is the sole condition necessary to their exercise. The

combined functions of the second class form the 'animal' life, so

named because it is the exclusive attribute of the animal kingdom"

(pp. 2-3).

In both lives there is a double movement, in the animal life from the

periphery to the centre and from the centre to the periphery, in the

organic life also from the exterior to the interior and back again,

but here a movement of composition and decomposition. As the brain

mediates between sensation and motion, so the vascular system is the

go-between of the organs of assimilation and the organs of

dissimilation.

The most essential structural difference between the organs of animal

life and the organs of organic life is in man and the higher animals

at least, the symmetry of the one set and the irregularity of the

other--compare the symmetry of the nerves and muscles of the animal

life with the asymmetrical disposition of the visceral muscles and the

sympathetic nerves, which belong to the organic life.

Noteworthy differences exist between the two lives with respect to the

influence of habit. Everything in the animal life is under the

dominion of habit. Habit dulls sensation, habit strengthens the

judgment. In the organic life, on the contrary, habit exercises no

influence. The difference comes out clearly in the development of the

individual. The organs of the organic life attain their full

perfection independently of use; the organs of the animal life require

an education, and without education they do not reach perfection

(_Loc. cit._, p. 127).

Bichat was the founder of what was known for a time as General

Anatomy--the study of the constituent tissues of the body in health

and disease. His classification of tissues was macroscopical and

physiological; he relied upon texture and function in distinguishing

them rather than upon microscopical structure. The tissues he

distinguished are as follows:--[38]

1. The cellular membrane.

2. Nerves of animal life.

3. Nerves of organic life.

4. Arteries.

5. Veins.

6. Exhalants.

7. Absorbents and glands.

8. Bones.

9. Medulla.

10. Cartilage.

11. Fibrous tissue.

12. Fibro-cartilage.

13. Muscles of organic life.

14. Muscles of animal life.

15. Mucous membrane.

16. Serous membrane.

17. Synovial membrane.

18. The Glands.

19. The Dermis.

20. Epidermis.

21. Cutis.

The "cellular membrane" seems to mean undifferentiated connective

tissue; "exhalants" are imperceptible tubes arising from the

capillaries and secreting fat, serum, marrow, etc.; the "absorbents

and glands" are the lymphatics and the lymphatic glands.

In Bichat's eyes this resolution of the organism into tissues had a

deeper significance than any separation into organs, for to each

tissue must be attributed a _vie propre_, an individual and peculiar

life. "When we study a function we must consider the complicated organ

which performs it in a general way; but if we would be instructed in

the properties and life of that organ we must absolutely resolve it

into its constituent parts."[39] The tissues have, too, a great

importance for pathology, for diseases are often diseases of tissues

rather than of organs.[40]

[9] _Le Monde vegetal_, p. 41, Paris, 1907.

[10] _Exercitationes de generatione animalium_,1651. For

an account of Harvey's work on generation and

development, see Em. Radl's masterly _Geschichte der

biologischen Theorien_, i., pp. 31-8, Leipzig, 1905.

[11] The passage runs:--"Sic natura perfecta et divina

nihil faciens frustra, nec quipiam animali cor addidit,

ubi non erat opus, neque priusquam esset ejus usus,

fecit; sed iisdem gradibus in formatione cujuscumque

animalis, transiens per omnium animalium constitutiones

(ut ita dicam) ovum, vermem, foetum, perfectionem in

singulis acquirit."

[12] See I. Geoffroy St Hilaire, _Essais de Zoologie

generale_, p. 71, Paris, 1841.

[13] M. Foster, _Lectures on the History of Physiology_,

Cambridge, p. 53, 1901.

[14] _Zootomia democritea_, Nuremberg, 1645;

_Antiperipatias, seu de respiratione piscium_,

Amsterdam, 1661.

[15] Radl, _loc. cit._, i., p. 50.

[16] Perrault et Duverney, _Memoires pour servir a

l'histoire des Animaux_, Paris, 1699.

[17] F. Houssay, _Nature et Sciences naturelles_, Paris,

p. 76, n.d.

[18] Foster, _loc. cit._, p. 85.

[19] Trans, by Foster, _loc. cit._, p. 113.

[20] He made a careful study of the silkworm.

[21] "Etenim, ferventi aetatis calore, Anatomica

aggressus, licet circa peculiaria fuerim solicitus, in

_perfectioribus_ tamen haec rimari sum ausus. Verum, cum

haec propriis tenebris obscura jaceant, simplicium

analogismo egent; inde _insectorum_ indago illico

arrisit; quae cum et ipsa suas habeat difficultates ad

Plantarum perquisitionem animum _postremo_ adjeci, ut

diu hoc lustrato mundo gressu retroacto Vegetantis

Naturae gradu, ad prima studia iter mihi aperirem. Sed

nec forte hoc ipsum sufficiet cum simplicior _Mineralium

Elementorumque_ mundus praeire debeat. At in immensum

excrescit opus, et meis viribus omnino impar," _Opera

Omnia_, i., p. 1, London, 1686.

[22] See particularly E. Radl, _loc. cit._. I Teil. J. V.

Carus, _Geschichte der Zoologie_, Muenchen, 1872.

[23] For a good historical account of the gradation

theories see Thienemann's paper in the _Zoologische

Annalen_(Wuerzburg) iii., pp. 185-274, 1910, from which

the quotation from Robinet is taken.

[24] _Histoire naturelle_, i., p. 13; ii, p. 9; iv., p.

101; and xiv., pp. 28-9, 1749 and later.

[25] No translation can render the beauty of the

original--"Comme tout se fait et que tout est par nuance

dans la Nature ..." (iv., p. 101).

[26] _Hist. nat._, iv., p. 5.

[27] See particularly his comparison of the skeleton of

the horse with that of man. _Hist. Nat._, iv., p. 381,

also p. 13.

[28] _Loc. cit._, p. 382.

[29] Tome xiv., pp. 311-374.

[30] Tome xiv., p. 358.

[31] See also "Oiseaux," Tome i., pp. 394, 395. Pallas in

1766 adopted for the whole animal kingdom this branching

arrangement.

[32] "But this cannot be, for it is certain by revelation

that all animals have equally participated in the grace

of creation."

[33] iv., p. 385.

[34] iv., pp. 3-110.

[35] It has been revived in our own days by Bergson,

_Matiere et Memoire_, p. 57.

[36] iv., pp. 7-15.

[37] _Anatomie Generale_, Paris, 1801, Eng. trans. 1824.

[38] _Anatomie Generale_, Eng. trans., i., p. lii.

[39] _Anatomie Generale_, Eng. trans., i., p. lviii.

[40] _Loc cit._, i., sect. vii.

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