The period between the evacuation by the British forces and the
arrival of the French army under Le Clerc.—Cultivation.—Law to
enforce it.—Character of Toussaint.—Reverses.—His arrangement with
the French general.—His seizure and removal to France.
THE evacuation of the colony by the British troops having taken place,
most of the planters who had been faithful to their engagements
departed at the same time, taking with them such moveable property as
they were enabled to carry away: many proceeded to Jamaica, and others
to Cuba and the United States. Toussaint L’Ouverture was thus left in
full possession of the island, and in the undisturbed enjoyment of
the chief command, with which he had been invested some time before
by the French republic. The adherents to the British, except such as
had previously left the island under the protection of the English
squadron, having joined the national standard, every thing seemed to
have the appearance of tranquillity. Peace succeeded the din of arms
and the asperities of civil war.
Having, therefore, completely subjugated the party who had been opposed
to him, Toussaint commenced his work of improvement in the whole
department of his government. Free from the toils of the complicated
warfare in which he had been engaged, his first care and attention
were turned to the culture of the soil, in which in a short period he
made the most rapid and astonishing progress: strongly impressed with
the conviction that “agriculture is the main spring, the master sinew
of every great state, the perennial fountain of wealth”, he began to
enforce a rigid attention to all its branches, and by every possible
means to place it in that highly productive condition in which it stood
previously to the revolution. Many of the planters who had joined his
standard were reinvested with their estates, but without any property
in the slaves, and they were encouraged by him to persevere in the
cultivation of their lands, assured of his protection and of the
early adoption of such regulations as should enable them to procure
cultivators. He seems to have possessed a very correct idea of the
true source from whence national wealth was obtained, and he left no
measures untried that would in the least promote its increase. He had
heard, and appeared firmly to believe “that rural or agricultural
labours are equally conducive to health and strength of body and mind.
The culture of the earth constitutes the most natural and innocent
employment of man; it fills our houses with plenty and our hearts with
gladness.” He never allowed an opportunity to escape him of shewing
how indelibly this maxim was imprinted on his mind. It may, however,
be well imagined, that after five or six years’ relaxation from the
labours of the field, those who had been accustomed to it in a state
of slavery, were not at all disposed to return of their own accord to
their original occupations; and as he well knew that his negro brethren
could not be easily induced to labour, and that some degree of coercion
would be requisite to enforce it, he began to issue strict injunctions,
that every one not employed in any military capacity should labour in
the cultivation of the lands held not only by the government, but by
such of the planters as had been restored to their estates.
The planters were compelled to receive them on their plantations
in the capacity of servants, and the cultivators were ordered by
the government to make choice of their employers under whom they
were destined to work for their sustenance, and were not on any
consideration permitted to leave the properties on which they in the
first instance agreed to labour, unless their services were required in
the army. The government had fixed a remuneration for the cultivators
equal to one-third of the crops, but there were many who made other
arrangements more suitable to the views of parties, and by which,
also, each was accommodated. Such a law as this, and enforced so
immediately after the cessation of civil war, when the minds of the
negroes were scarcely cool, was a strong illustration of the power
which Toussaint held over them, and of his conviction, that nothing
could be accomplished in the advancement of agriculture unless he at
once adopted powerful and rigid measures. He therefore enacted laws and
regulations to encourage and excite industry, while he denounced very
heavy penalties against idleness and vagrancy.
This celebrated edict for the enforcing of the culture of the soil
appeared in the year 1800, and it subsequently formed a leading part
of the Code Henry of Christophe. It embraces every object that could
possibly be conceived likely to promote his great aim; and whilst its
enactments might have the appearance of severity, unpalatable to the
people just emerged from slavery, so great was his influence that he
felt no alarm for the consequences of enforcing them; and those who had
the temerity to infringe them were visited with the whole weight of the
penalties.
This law apportions the hours of labour for the cultivator, which
by the 22d article appears in every point the same as that which is
exacted from the slave in the British islands, that is to say, it
commences at the break of day and concludes at night, allowing an
interval of an hour for breakfast, and another of two hours at noon,
or thereabouts. It provides against any innovations, and precludes
the labourer or the proprietor from the chance of imposing on each
other. I see nothing ambiguous in it, it is clear in the letter, and
the spirit of it cannot be erroneously interpreted. From the 113th
to the 120th article inclusive, it appears beyond the possibility of
contradiction, that Toussaint was conscious that nothing could be done
in the work of the soil without such forcible regulations as would
command the most strict attention to tillage.
It is quite clear that the labour which this law exacted each day from
the cultivator was not oppressive, nor have I been able to discover
that the slaves in the British colonial possessions ever complained of
the labour to which they were subjected, as having been too severe;
and it is undeniable that Toussaint, under the very law which has been
cited, compelled the same portion to be done, and that for the better
insuring its performance, military guards were placed to superintend
the labourers and to seize those who endeavoured to evade their duty.
That they could not have been injured by labour, and that they did not
murmur at its quantum is tolerably clear, for it is said by a writer of
some repute, that “the plantation negroes were in general contented,
healthful, and happy”; and that this was their condition I am assured
by the concurring testimony of men who had witnessed their state at
that period. Is it not the case also in the British colonies? Are not
the slaves on the plantations in the time of crop, when the labour is
perhaps heavier than at any other period, “contented, healthful, and
happy”? Most unquestionably they are; I never saw them otherwise than
“contented and happy”, except at the moment when some insidious and
intriguing person was attempting to estrange them, and to impress them
with the idea that they were degraded and debased.
If degradation accompanied labour, the cultivators under Toussaint
were the most abject people in existence, for they were driven to it
under the strong arm of military power, and for any offence which they
committed they were liable to be brought before a military tribunal.
There were no civil authorities by which the indolent or refractory
cultivator was to be tried for his offences; there was no distinction
between the vagrant who was detected in idleness and the soldier who
fled from his post, they were both amenable to the military power, were
sentenced by a court-martial, and awarded an equal punishment.
Possessed of no mean capacity and judgment, he knew the character
and the dispositions of his negro brethren, and so nicely did he
discern and reward industry, and discriminate between the active and
meritorious and the indolent and the worthless, that, although in
some cases his judgment was harsh, it was admitted to be just. His
plans were allowed to have been devised with great skill, and his
regulations produced the happiest results, which soon became manifest
throughout the whole colony. His agricultural improvements excited
the astonishment and surprise of his greatest enemies, for in a short
period after he commenced his system, the most beneficial results
became visible; and notwithstanding the protracted warfare in which
he had been engaged, and the devastation caused by it, he produced a
crop equal to one-third of the quantity of the best year of the French
planters.
He was extremely attentive to the state of the population, which
he was anxious to increase by every possible means. He held out to
those who had emigrated during the contest, every encouragement to
return, pledging himself to reinstate them in their properties, and
assuring them that their agricultural avocations should receive all
the support which it was possible for him to afford. This had a very
happy effect, and many returned and brought with them the slaves who
had accompanied them in their flight, but who of course became free on
their landing. He also endeavoured to impress the people with a sense
of their improper conduct when they addicted themselves to sensuality
and voluptuousness, and made great efforts to prevent its extension, by
recommending marriage throughout his country: he was aware of the evil
effects of the system of polygamy which prevailed amongst his brethren,
and knew that it was a severe check on the increase of population, for
he had discovered innumerable instances in which the offsprings were
but few, where concubinage was so unlimited; and after a short time, it
became evident that an increased population resulted from his salutary
regulations.
With regard to the general character of this extraordinary man I have
but little to say in addition to what has been already recorded of him.
I am however inclined to believe that his biographers speak of him with
too much warmth, and would have it believed that he was almost without
a fault. Whatever may be the prevailing opinion, he has left indelible
marks behind him which prove that he was revengeful and sanguinary
in the field; and the atrocities and cruelties which he exercised
over those mulattoes who fell into his hands, are demonstrative of no
little ferocity of disposition. It has been argued in exculpation,
that surrounded as he was with people of that class who adhered to his
cause, and who, he expected, might revolt and join the standard of his
enemies, it was a matter of absolute expediency, that he should resort
to the severest measures to deter them from deserting his standard,
or from engaging in any enterprise inimical to his cause. But in all
his actions he seemed to be actuated by a determination to exact the
most rigid acquiescence in his will and a complete acknowledgment of
his supreme power, and to establish which, true it is, he had at times
recourse to very harsh and cruel measures, which, although effectual
for a time, nevertheless proved injurious to the peace and security of
his government afterwards.
Rainsford, who is no mean authority, for he had personal knowledge
of Toussaint, says, that he was a man without those unrelenting
feelings which others ascribe to him; but this opinion may proceed
from gratitude on the part of that officer, who was set at liberty
by Toussaint after having been in prison for a considerable period,
and in momentary expectation of the forfeiture of his life. Speaking
of him in his general character, and of his actions in the field, he
says: “Thus proceeded this illustrious man, like the simple acorn,
first promiscuously scattered by the winds, in its slow but beauteous
progress to the gigantic oak, spreading its foliage with august
grandeur above the minor growth of the forest, defending the humble
shrub, and braving the fury of the contending elements.” And again,
as if the author would wish to find a cover for the many massacres
which Toussaint had sanctioned and indulged in, he says: “When the
cloud, charged with electric fluid, becomes too ponderous, it selects
not the brooding murderer on the barren heath, but bursts perhaps
indiscriminately in wasteful vengeance over the innocent flocks
reposing in verdant fields. He was, without doubt, a man possessed of
many virtues, and performed many very good and very generous acts,
and, what must be admitted to have redounded greatly to his reputation,
he was always grateful, and never left an obligation unrequited. To
those planters whom he induced to return to the island, and whom he
restored to their properties, he was generous, kind, and indulgent;
and of the confidence which they placed in his assurances, they had
never cause to repent. Taking him altogether, he was undoubtedly a most
extraordinary character, and whatever might have been the extent of
his vices, they were certainly counter-balanced and atoned for by many
virtues.”
It is said of him by another writer, who seems to have been conversant
with all his private and public acts, that “the excellences of his
character unfolded themselves more and more, as opportunities were
afforded for their developement. The same humanity and benevolence
which had adorned his humble life, continued to distinguish him in
his elevation. He never imitated the conduct of other leaders, in
flattering the multitude, encouraging them in crimes, or urging them
to revenge and slaughter; on the contrary, mercy, industry, and order
were always inculcated by his counsels, recommended by his example,
and enforced by his authority. The fertility of his inventions, the
correctness of his judgments, the celerity of his movements, the extent
of his labours in the combined and multifarious business of war and
government astonished both friends and foes.”[4] And in another place
it is observed of him: “If there was one trait in his character more
conspicuous than the rest, it was his unsullied integrity. That he
never broke his word, was a proverbial expression common in the mouths
of the white inhabitants of the island, and of the English officers who
were employed in hostilities against him.”
Immediately after the business of the war had been completed, Toussaint
proceeded to the restoration of public worship, according to the forms
which existed prior to the revolution, and he even extended the liberty
of religious worship beyond the Roman communion, by admitting one
or two of the Methodist persuasion, who had arrived from the United
States, to the privilege of preaching in Cape François, and to whom he
gave every protection.
His military establishment was on a scale of some extent during
the war, but was much reduced at the peace. The discipline of his
troops did him great credit, and excited considerable surprise in the
British officers; their movements were effected with great precision,
and although they were not after the manner of European evolutions,
yet they were well adapted for that species of irregular warfare in
which they were engaged. The men were under tolerable command, and
no symptoms of insubordination were known to have shewn themselves;
they seemed to be aware of the consequences that would ensue to their
cause if order and submission were not rigidly exacted, and they were
therefore taught to obey their officers as a duty indispensable for
their security.
The country generally was so intersected and varied with underwood
and mountains of difficult ascent, that more reliance was placed on
the movements of irregular bodies detached in small parties, than on
any thing that could be accomplished by the more steady operations of
heavy masses. Such being the mode of warfare best calculated to meet
the obstacles presented to military operations, Toussaint sought to
drill his troops in such evolutions as would enable him effectually
to meet the exigencies with which he might have to contend. He had
them taught expertness, promptitude and dexterity, and quick and
steady firing, without any attention to those movements in column
which are so much practised in Europe. It is said of them, that “at a
whistle a whole brigade would run three or four hundred yards, then
separating, throw themselves flat on the ground, changing to their
backs or sides, keeping up a strong fire the whole of the time till
they were recalled; then they would form again in an instant with their
wonted regularity. This single manœuvre used to be executed with such
facility and precision as totally to prevent cavalry from charging
them in bushy and hilly countries.” This system is nearly similar to
the one practised by our rifle and light infantry corps in England,
and decidedly best adapted for any operations in the colonies, where
the country presents so rugged and uneven a surface. The amount of his
force has been variously stated, and I do not conceive it possible to
give a fair estimate of the whole during the time of the war: his peace
establishment consisted of about forty thousand foot and two thousand
cavalry, all of which were well equipped, and at all times in readiness
for active service.
In the organization of his government, and in the framing of his
constitution and laws, Toussaint was assisted by some able men from
America and Europe. He never allowed any prejudices against white
persons to influence him, when their services were required, nor did
he permit any of the superior officers of his government to shew any
disrespect towards them, but he exacted the most courtly attention to
them as the most likely means to secure the aid of men of learning,
whatever may have been their country or their calling. It was by
this that he induced the able Molière and M. Marinit, as well as
several well-informed English and Americans to reside near him; to
these he was kind and liberal, obtaining from them the greatest
assistance in the organization of his municipal governments, and in
the whole arrangement of the different departments of state, as well
as in forming regulations for the better insuring to his country a
commercial intercourse with strangers, without which all his efforts
in cultivating the soil would have been unavailing; for without a vent
for the products there would have been no stimulus for the exertions
of the grower, and one of the sources of national wealth would
consequently have been dried up. His tour through the Spanish part of
the island was attended with considerable advantage to him, for it
infused a kind of confidence into the people, by whom he was received
in every part with great respect, and often with every demonstration of
joy. This is not surprising, for the fame of his deeds and his warlike
achievements and his deportment, which is said to have been mild and
courtly, were likely to excite favourable sentiments, and to elicit a
good deal of applause. This tour was certainly one of necessity, and
not undertaken from any vain parade and ostentation; for the Spanish
part of the island, although formally ceded to France by the treaty
of 1795, had not all been occupied by the republican forces. The city
of Santo Domingo, a place of considerable strength, and surrounded
with fortifications sufficiently powerful to resist any attack that
might have been made upon it, still held out, and it was not until
the arrival of Toussaint in 1801, with a large force, that a legal
surrender of the whole Spanish division was finally accomplished.
Having succeeded in this, he left his brother Paul in command, and then
pursued his journey through the other districts, establishing posts,
appointing officers to command them, with other important military
and civil arrangements, which he deemed necessary for the purpose of
governing more easily the whole of that part of the island. Having
completed this tour, which was attended with much benefit to every part
of the island which he visited, he began to hope for some repose from
the fatigues attendant on such multifarious occupations, which might
enable him to cultivate the sweets of peace and retirement, as well
as to see all those designs fully completed, and which had for their
object, the enriching of his country and the happiness of his people.
The end of the year 1801 placed the whole island once more in some
degree of tranquillity, and in submission to the authority of the negro
chief, rapidly advancing in wealth and increasing its intercourse
with those countries which sought to establish with it the friendly
relations of commerce. But the short peace of Amiens, which took place
in October of that year, leaving the then ruler in France, Bonaparte,
without any power to contend with, his first object was the recovery of
Saint Domingo. Wanting employment for his large armies, and instigated
by the fugitive colonists who had been expelled at the commencement
of the revolution, and who were anxiously longing for their lost
possessions; thirsting also for colonies and commerce, and urged by
the speculators in France, he determined on subjugating the island
by force, reestablishing slavery, and reinstating the ex-colonists in
their original properties. To accomplish these objects by force rather
than by negotiation, was more congenial to the temper and martial
spirit of the French ruler. He therefore began to make extensive
preparations for an undertaking, which he vainly thought could not fail
ultimately to gain new laurels for his troops, and exalt himself more
than ever in the estimation of the people of France, who were always
forward to reward him for any successes which accompanied his efforts,
with no ordinary demonstrations of joy.
This expedition consisted of twenty-six sail of the line, on board of
which were embarked 25,000 men, under the command of the brother-in-law
of Bonaparte, General Le Clerc, seconded by some of the ablest generals
of France, and many other officers of distinction who were conversant
with the island, and who formerly held properties in it. Not, however,
relying entirely on what such a force might be able to execute, the
First Consul had recourse to a measure which he concluded would insure
the neutrality of Toussaint, if it did not induce him to lend him an
active cooperation. Two of the sons of the negro chief had been sent
to France for their education, for the purpose of giving them the
opportunity of following a course of studies, which might prepare them
to fill, with advantage to their country, those important posts for
which they seemed destined. Taken from their preceptor by orders of
the First Consul, they were hurried on board the fleet, to be made as
it were to intercede with their father, and, if possible, to prevail
on him to accede to such proposals as the commander-in-chief of the
expedition was empowered to offer; and, in fact, they were placed as
hostages in the hands of the French commanders, and thus made amenable
for any hostile steps which their father might be disposed to take.
The expedition arrived in the bay of Sumana, in the eastern extremity
of the island, on the 25th of January, 1802, when, without the least
delay, General Le Clerc distributed his force into three divisions,
which were to make simultaneous attacks on three distinct parts of the
colony. One division was directed to disembark and take possession
of the city of Santo Domingo, and was commanded by General Kerseran;
another, under General Boudet, was sent to Port au Prince; whilst the
commander-in-chief proceeded with the remainder of the troops to the
south side, when a part was landed at Mansenillo Bay, under General
Rochambeau; and the principal body with Le Clerc, and his personal
staff intended to disembark at Cape François, for the purpose of
gaining possession of that city.
Toussaint had been apprised of the intentions of the French government
to send out a force to Saint Domingo, but of its extent, its nature,
and its ulterior designs, he had no knowledge. He merely conjectured,
that it had no hostile object, and that it was just such a force as
might have been expected would be sent by the parent state, for the
better insuring the peace and obedience of the colony. That such
was his impression I think there is great reason to believe, for he
issued his orders to all his generals at their respective posts,
commanding them to receive the French troops without suspicion; and
his proclamation called upon the people to admit them as friends.
Others again seem to infer that he not only knew that the designs of
the consular cabinet were inimical to the existing order of things in
the colony, but that he knew the extent of the means which were to be
employed in their execution. If this latter were the fact, then that
caution, vigilance, and activity which had marked his former career,
had entirely forsaken him, for it is evident he made no preparations
for the reception of a force entertaining hostile intentions.
I shall not go through the whole detail of the landing of this armament
at the different points selected for that purpose, but I shall offer a
short sketch of the general operations which followed.
Whatever might have been the instructions given by the First Consul
to Le Clerc, the latter did not appear the least disposed to try
the effect of negotiation before he displayed some intentions of
hostility, for General Rochambeau, who landed in the neighbourhood
of Fort Dauphin, formed his troops on the beach, and the negroes,
who had been led by the proclamation of their governor-general to
believe that they had landed as friends, ran in crowds to witness the
disembarkation, and with the most friendly demonstrations welcomed
their arrival. But Rochambeau, most dastardly and inhumanly, without
the slightest intimation of what was to follow, charged them at the
point of the bayonet, when a great many were slaughtered, and the
rest with difficulty fled to places of protection, leaving the fort
in possession of the French. This took place on the 2d of February,
two days before the arrival of the commander-in-chief in the harbour
of Cape François, and as the account of it soon reached the city,
General Christophe, who commanded there, was enabled to prepare for its
defence, and at once discovered, that instead of coming as friends,
this force had arrived for the purpose of subjugation.
By this premature commencement at Fort Dauphin, Le Clerc was foiled
in his design of taking the black general by surprise, or in playing
off any of those stratagems and intrigues so characteristic of a
Frenchman. From the intelligence which he had received of the movements
of Rochambeau, Christophe was instantly on the qui vive. Wary and
watchful, he disposed of his men judiciously, strengthening the most
vulnerable points, and encouraging his troops to meet every attack with
courage and fortitude, setting to them an example of confidence in
their own power, which animated them to the most surprising efforts. He
also intimated to the inhabitants of the city, that their lives would
be inevitably held as a security for the hostile proceedings of the
French armament, and that he would never surrender the place so long as
a single habitation remained standing. This threat of the negro general
produced the most appalling sensations, because they were aware of the
intentions of the French being hostile, and they were also sensible,
that there would be no abatement of the dreadful denunciation of the
black commander. To avert the dreadful alternative, a select body of
the inhabitants, headed by the municipal authorities, were deputed to
wait upon the French commander-in-chief, and to implore him to desist
from hostile operations, until such time as their safety could be
provided for, as it was the determination of Christophe to sacrifice
them, and to destroy the city, should any attack proceed from the
French force. Le Clerc gave them no assurances that he would desist
from offensive measures; he received them, however, courteously, and
advised them to return to the city, and take with them the proclamation
which he was about to issue, and give it every publicity in their
power. He also told them in the most specious way, that the object
of his force was not the restoration of slavery, but the preservation
of the colony in obedience to the consular government of France,
without in any way interfering with or infringing upon the rights
of the people, as now admitted; but rather to fix those rights on a
more permanent basis, and to secure them against innovation. To such
flattering communications the deputation listened with easy credulity,
and returned to the city buoyed up with the delusive hope that their
lives and properties would be protected, and that the lamentable
catastrophe resulting from retaliatory measures would be effectually
averted.
The proclamation of Bonaparte, couched in his usual ambiguous style,
was intended no doubt to deceive the negro population by confirming
their rights to be free and equal, whilst at the same time the
real object of the expedition was the restoration of slavery, and
the restitution of the colony to its condition previously to the
revolution. Having pledged however his faith to the negroes, that they
should enjoy that freedom which had been conferred upon them, they were
at the same time told, that in the event of their rejection of the
terms which the commander-in-chief was empowered to offer, violence
would be resorted to, and the pledge withdrawn. It may not be improper
to insert a translation of this proclamation, which will thus speak for
itself.—
“INHABITANTS OF SAINT DOMINGO!
“Whatever your origin or your colour, you are all French; you are all
free, and all equal before God, and before the republic.
“France, like St. Domingo, has been a prey to factions, torn by civil
commotions and by foreign wars. But all has changed, all nations have
embraced the French, and have sworn to them peace and amity; the
French people too, have embraced each other, and have sworn to be all
friends and brothers. Come also, embrace the French, and rejoice to
see again your friends and brothers of Europe.
“The government sends you Captain-General Le Clerc; he brings with him
numerous forces for protecting you against your enemies, and against
the enemies of the republic. If it be said to you, these forces are
destined to ravish from you your liberty, answer, the republic will
not suffer it to be taken from us.
“Rally round the Captain-General; he brings you peace and plenty.
Rally all of you around him. Whoever shall dare to separate himself
from the Captain-General will be a traitor to his country, and the
indignation of the republic will devour him, as the fire devours your
dried canes.
“Done at Paris, &c.
“(Signed) The First Consul, BONAPARTE.
“The Secretary of State, H. B. MARET.”
Such a document as the preceding, promulgated too at a moment when an
extraordinary panic had arisen from the extent of the French force,
about to commence its operations simultaneously from several points,
was not likely to pass without making a very deep impression on those
whose minds were vacillating and unfixed, and who had refrained from
declaring themselves until they were informed as to the views of the
French government with regard to the future administration of the
colony, in the event of their being successful. This proclamation was
received by the wavering among the negro population as one of great
sincerity, assuring them that they had nothing to apprehend about
their being again destined for slavery. Many therefore embraced the
offers which it held out, and joined the standard of the invaders, and
Le Clerc, anticipating further submissions before Toussaint arrived,
determined on the commencement of active measures so soon as he should
be informed that Rochambeau, having effected a successful landing,
was advancing upon the city. He did not however land his forces till
he had tried the effect of an epistolary communication with General
Christophe, the commander at the Cape, in which in the true Gascon
style of invective and threat, Le Clerc informs that individual, that
unless he immediately accedes to the landing of his forces, he will
“hold him (Christophe) responsible for what may happen.”
Christophe was not to be entrapped. Firm, inflexible, and determined in
his conduct, he returned an answer to the French commander couched in
language which could bear but one interpretation, that he would make
every possible resistance to the French arms, and that they should not
enter “Cape Town until it was reduced to ashes.” “Nay,” says he, “even
in the ruins I will renew the combat.” Again he says, “How can you hold
me responsible for the event? you are not my chief. I know you not;
and can therefore take no account of you, till you are acknowledged by
Governor Toussaint.”
Immediately after this correspondence had taken place, Le Clerc
made preparations for landing, which he effected promptly in the
neighbourhood of Da Limbe and the Bay of Acul, no great distance to
the westward of the city. Le Clerc’s object seems to have been to
gain the heights round the Cape, before the negroes could effectually
carry their threat of devastation by fire and sword into execution.
These movements were anticipated by the negro general, who therefore
prepared to intercept them. Knowing that the white inhabitants were
wavering and faithless, and that he could not confide in them were he
to permit their neutrality, and being fully aware that many mulattoes,
and even negroes, were secretly inclined towards the French, he without
hesitation commenced the work of conflagration, which he had previously
given them to understand would be done the moment the French set their
foot on shore in an hostile manner. The order being given, was obeyed
with alacrity, and both Le Clerc and Admiral Villaret, when they came
within sight of the city saw the devastation which was likely to ensue.
The French commanders made great efforts to save the town, and the
crews of the ships were landed for that purpose, but they were only
able to save a few buildings from the destructive element.
The part of Christophe’s threat most dreaded was the massacre of the
inhabitants of the city, but to his credit be it said, he did not put
it in execution. True no doubt it is that he carried off a great many
whom he intended to hold as hostages for the conduct of the French; but
it is not recorded that he treated them with any barbarity, or that
he executed any of them. After this the negro general retreated with
his forces, and took up a strong position until he was joined by the
Governor-General Toussaint.
Having arrived a short time after the fall of the Cape, and having
previously issued orders to all his subordinate generals to prepare for
the most active defence against the French arms, Toussaint personally
inspected every post, and minutely surveyed every position in which it
was practicable to make a successful stand against his opponents.
It was at this time, and whilst he was at his seat at Ennery, about
thirty miles from the Cape, that his two sons were presented to him
to try how far another attempt at fraud, sophistry, and hypocrisy
might succeed. I shall not attempt to go through the whole detail
of the scenes which took place between the wily tutor Coisnon, the
affectionate children, the fond father, and the tender mother; let it
suffice, however, to state that they failed of their wonted success,
for Toussaint was inflexible. I cannot resist the temptation of quoting
a passage from a writer, who describes the tender interview which took
place between them. “The two sons ran to meet their father, and he with
emotions too big for utterance, clasped them silently in his arms.
Few it is to be hoped are the partakers of our common nature, who, on
witnessing the embraces and tears of parental and filial sensibility,
could have proceeded at least without powerful relentings of heart, to
execute the commission with which Coisnon was charged.”
But this cold-blooded emissary of France beheld the scene with a
barbarous apathy, worthy of the cause in which he was employed. When
the first burst of paternal feeling was over, Toussaint stretched out
his arms to him, whom he regarded with complacency as the tutor of
his children, and their conductor to the roof and embraces of their
parents. This was the moment which Coisnon thought most favourable to
the perpetration of his treacherous design. “The father and the two
sons”, says he, “threw themselves into each other’s arms. I saw them
shed tears, and wishing to take advantage of a period which I conceived
to be favourable, I stopped him at the moment when he stretched out his
arms to me.”
The crafty and unfeeling Coisnon thought that the most favourable
moment had arrived for opening the business of his mission, and without
delay entered upon it by addressing the chief, and imploring him to
reflect upon the consequences that would inevitably result from any
hostile measures against the power of Bonaparte, as any resistance to
so powerful a force, composed of troops that had always been elated
with victory, must prove unavailing. On the other hand, he pledged the
sincerity with which his master was actuated, spoke of the admiration
which Toussaint’s conduct had excited, and of the distinguished valour
and judgment which he had displayed in the multifarious operations of
the war. He also held out to him the most attractive, yet delusive,
promises of what would ensue from his joining the French standard, and
the vengeance that would doubtless accompany any act of hostility;
and, finally, he handed to the negro chief the letter, of which he was
the bearer, written by Bonaparte in his own hand, and teeming with
expressions which might have moved the resolution of more determined
men than Toussaint. But that cautious, unbending, and inflexible
man was on his guard against the snare that was laid to entrap him,
and the cunning tutor was necessitated to try the effect of a more
powerful agency, the intercession of his children and the entreaties
of his wife. Bonaparte, in his letter to the chief, tries what effect
an allusion to the former will have. “We have made known to your
children, and to their preceptor,” he says, “the sentiments by which
we are animated. We send them back to you. Assist with your counsel,
your influence, and your talents, the captain-general. What can you
desire? The freedom of the blacks? You know that in all the countries
we have been in, we have given it to the people who had it not. Do you
desire consideration, honours, fortune? It is not after the services
you have rendered, the services you can still render, _and with the
personal estimation we have for you, that you ought to be doubtful with
respect to your consideration, your fortune, and the honours that await
you_.” Such an appeal might have had some influence and power over
a vain man, and the feelings of the father might have been softened
when the eloquence of the preceptor pleaded in behalf of the children,
whose lives would be the forfeit of the non-compliance of the parent.
But this would not do, nor would the subsequent artless appeal of the
tutored children, aided by the faithful mother, from whose tears the
savage Coisnon prematurely looked for success. All were unavailing, and
Toussaint, after having composed himself, and assumed an appearance of
ease and confidence, took the preceptor by the hand; then directing
the others to retire, he said to him, with a stern and dignified
manner, “Take back my children, since it must be so. I will be faithful
to my brethren and my God.”
Notwithstanding the failure of Coisnon’s mission, a truce was agreed
upon for a few days, for the purpose of carrying on a correspondence
between Le Clerc and Toussaint, to try if the horrors of war might not
be averted by mutual concessions. Le Clerc anticipated a favourable
result, but Toussaint’s reply contained no augury of his submission to
the will of the chief consul. The truce, therefore, being at an end,
each of the chiefs prepared for active operations, and Toussaint and
Christophe were declared to be enemies of the French republic, and all
persons were called upon to seize them.
Every art and every stratagem was now devised by Le Clerc, which might
entice over the negroes to his cause; and he therefore first held out
assurances to their officers of rank and preferment in the French army,
and to the negroes themselves he gave the most solemn promise that
their freedom should be respected and preserved inviolate. Another
circumstance also, which very materially contributed to the successes
which Le Clerc gained, was, that the cultivators throughout the colony
had had enough of war, and had determined to remain neutral in the
pending struggle, so long as their properties were insured to them,
and their remaining inactive was permitted. Consequently, Le Clerc
having nothing to apprehend from them, was at liberty to turn the whole
of his attention against the organized forces of the negro chiefs;
and, to oppose these, required no little skill and manœuvre, from the
great obstacles which the face of the country presented to European
forces, inured only to a systematic mode of fighting, whilst the negro
soldiers were thoroughly instructed in skirmishing, bush fighting, and
every other irregular mode of warfare. For such operations as these,
they were in the highest possible order, both as to discipline and
equipments. They knew well how to manage their artillery, were quick
in firing, and no bad marksmen. All their movements were effected
with amazing rapidity, and from one point of communication to another
they flew with the greatest celerity. The French seemed astonished
at the quickness with which they performed their movements, and at
times when they thought victory certain, found themselves unexpectedly
opposed to a body, who made the most desperate attack upon them, and
forced them to retire completely discomfited. They also had another
advantage over the European troops; neither the scorching heat of the
sun, nor the pernicious influence of the night air, had any injurious
effects upon them, whilst the French were suffering severely from the
evil consequences of both. Although one day they might have sustained
a defeat, still, on the next, the negro soldiers appeared in force
before their enemy, prepared to renew the combat. Not so with the
French; for the severity of the duties of the field was insupportable,
and on many occasions, when they had gained advantages, their fatigue
was so great that they were unable to follow them up, and thereby throw
their opponents into disorder and confusion.
The principal exertions of the French troops commenced in the plains
of the north, just after the truce had expired, and about the 20th of
February, by an attack on Plaisance, which place having surrendered,
the black commander and his soldiers, consisting of five hundred
infantry and cavalry, joined the French standard. Marmalade followed,
having been defended a short time by Christophe, who was at last
obliged to retreat, in consequence of the treachery of one of his
officers who had surrendered an important position on his line, and had
followed the example of the commander at Plaisance.
In the neighbourhood of Port Paix, the French troops, under Humbert,
sustained a check; and on the 20th of February the troops under General
Debelle were obliged to retire, after having sustained some loss.
The division of General Boudet having landed at Port au Prince, left
that city, and proceeded against La Croix des Bouquets, where the
celebrated Dessalines had taken up a position; but on the approach
of the French force he set fire to the place, and the next day, by a
most extraordinary and rapid movement across the mountains, appeared
before Leogane, to which place he also set fire, notwithstanding the
resistance offered by a French frigate which lay in sight, and which
had been sent thither to insure its safety. The movements of this chief
were the most surprising; one day he was found in the plains of the
Cul de Sac, acting with the most determined bravery, and committing
dreadful ravages in the face of the French army; and the next, he was
found in the plains of Leogane committing similar excesses, avoiding,
in both, coming in contact with the enemy in the open field. Bush
fighting, and setting fire to the plantations, to impede the advance of
the enemy and destroy their provisions, was his only aim, and in this
he seems to have been unusually fortunate and successful.
One of the black chiefs, La Plume, who had retreated before Generals
Desfourneaux and Hardy from the vicinity of Plaisance, surrendered,
with all his troops, to General Boudet, which compensated for the
losses which the French had sustained, and was a serious, if not a
fatal, blow to the negro cause.
On the 24th of February, General Rochambeau fell in with Toussaint,
who had under him about three thousand men, and had taken up a strong
position in the Ravine à Couleuvre. The attack was commenced by
Rochambeau, and met with great skill and courage by the negro general
and his troops, and a most sanguinary conflict ensued. The blacks
fought with the most determined bravery, and the French made the
greatest efforts to exceed them; and at last, after having lost eight
hundred of his men, who were left dead in the field, Toussaint thought
it prudent to retreat, and take up his position on the banks of La
Petite Rivière. There could not have been more military skill shewn
than was displayed by the respective commanders in this battle. The
slaughter was immense, and the loss of the French, it was conjectured,
exceeded that of the negroes; but the latter had no public journals
to announce their triumphs, whilst the former had the benefit of
gazettes and proclamations to extol their successes, and to magnify
the disasters of their opponents. It is certain that after the action
Rochambeau could not advance, and the black general was in some measure
justified in claiming the victory, as well as some merit for taking up
another position, particularly as Le Clerc was advancing to cut him off
with a large force; and which seems true enough, for he took up a line
in the vicinity of Gonaives, with his advance upon the road of St. Marc.
Whatever opinion is entertained of the result of the battle, its
consequences were certainly injurious to his cause; his retreat was
demonstrative of discomfiture, and such a feeling existed among his
troops, as well as among those of his other divisions. Under the
influence of this feeling, and the allurements of the French generals,
who held out the most engaging promises, desertions became frequent,
and in one instance the conduct of the black general Maurepas, who
commanded the district of St. Marc, and who, at the moment that Le
Clerc was engaged in making preparations to compel him to retire from
it, surrendered with his force, consisting of two thousand men, proved
quite decisive of the fate of the contest.
Declining to enter into a further detail of the operations in the
field, as they consisted chiefly of irregular warfare, and presented
nothing of importance, I shall merely make a few observations on the
conduct of the respective chiefs who commanded, and their measures to
defeat each other’s design.
I think it must be admitted to be indisputable that the greatest
success was in favour of the French, and that although some partial
advantages were gained by the blacks, yet they seemed to have no
ultimate chance of prolonging the contest. It is true that Toussaint,
Christophe, and Dessalines held strong positions, and that it would
take a considerable time to dislodge them, as well as cause a great
sacrifice of human lives. Le Clerc therefore resorted to every
device likely to gain over the black troops, and the most successful
one was, his promotion of many of those who had previously joined
him, and the practice of an unusual degree of mildness towards the
remainder, by which he so much exalted himself in the estimation of the
whole, that the negroes undertook to allure their brethren to their
standard, holding out to them advantages similar to those which they
had themselves gained. This stratagem succeeding in a very extensive
degree, he was joined by a great number of the troops of the black
chiefs, and a great many laid down their arms, so that in a short
period Toussaint was left with scarcely any adherents, except those
few planters who suspected the designs of the French, and correctly
dived into the intentions of the French general. These remained firm
to him for a time, but when one reverse was followed up by another,
and when there was not a visible chance of any further efforts being
likely to succeed, and when his retirement seemed inevitable, most of
these deserted him, and made their submission to the French commander,
leaving Toussaint to contend against a variety of difficulties, and
to surmount obstacles sufficient to have reduced the proudest and
noblest spirit to a state of the greatest despair. But even at this
trying period Toussaint’s fortitude never forsook him. He foresaw
that his enemy before long would find that they had to contend with
greater obstacles than any which his resistance could present; nor was
he mistaken; for in a short time, Le Clerc, elated by his successful
movements, began to develope the designs with which he was instructed,
and thinking that he had completely discomfited the whole of the forces
of the black generals, or, at all events, that he had so dispersed
their followers that they could not again appear before him, he set
about executing the great object of the expedition—that of restoring
the planters who had accompanied him to their hereditary estates, and
of placing the negroes once more under their control, reviving their
ancient property in them, and pledging the French government to resist
all future attempts that might be made to disturb them.
It is impossible to portray the indignation which this impolitic
and base act of Le Clerc so universally excited. The very planters
themselves, apprehensive of the consequences which so unwise and so
hasty a proceeding was likely to produce, declined to avail themselves
of an offer, the impracticability of enforcing which seemed to them to
be certain. They were convinced that no good could result from it; but
circumstances of the most painful and dangerous nature were more likely
to arise, were the general to attempt putting his plans into execution.
The poor deluded and credulous cultivators, who had been allured by the
promises of their enemy, now saw their error, and without a moment’s
delay began to consult their own safety, to devise means to evade the
orders of the French commander, and join their brethren who still
adhered to the negro general; and finally to aid in defeating such
outrageous proceedings by the most energetic and the most effectual
plan which they had the means of concerting.
Such of the negro troops, also, as had joined the French under
the perfidious pledges of the commander-in-chief, began to feel
considerable anxiety lest they should be forced to share the fate which
seemed to impend over their black brethren in general. To revolt,
however, appeared almost impossible; they were not concentrated at any
one point, but seemed to have been placed in small detached bodies,
and were so completely under the control and surveillance of the
French that desertion was difficult, and in most instances not to be
effected without detection, when they were subjected to the most cruel
punishment.
Toussaint now saw that his predictions were realized, and that the time
had arrived when the scale of success would turn in his favour, and
with that promptitude which accompanied all his resolutions and all
his plans of operations, he seized the favourable moment, and with the
most extraordinary celerity formed a junction with Christophe, when
they proceeded towards the north, calling upon the cultivators on their
way to join their cause, and to revenge the base and unprecedented
conduct of the French general. From all quarters the cultivators
flocked to their standard, and in a few days their force became
somewhat imposing; and although they were armed with such weapons
only as could have been found on the plantations, and had but a short
supply of musquetry, still they moved on by forced marches with the
most surprising rapidity, driving their enemy from one post to another,
without meeting with the least opposition, until they appeared before
Cape François, which being defended by a strong force, and covered by
the fleet in the harbour, was saved from the fate which awaited it.
Le Clerc, now shut up in the besieged city of Cape François, was
reduced to the greatest extremities, and he began to devise means
for evacuating the place, and taking up some position within the
Spanish territory; but a strong reinforcement which arrived from
France somewhat revived his hopes, although he knew further offensive
measures would not be advisable. The city too, from the number of
people within its walls, began to exhibit symptoms of a pestilential
nature, and the alarm became most distressing; inhabitants and troops
alike became martyrs to its ravages, and every thing indicated the most
wretched termination of the siege. Beginning therefore to feel the evil
consequences of his premature and precipitant as well as nefarious
conduct, he began to consult with his officers upon some plan which
might have the effect of putting a stop to the further prosecution of
the impending struggle: he saw the error he had committed, and it
was necessary that he should recover the position he held, before he
gave his ill-advised and perfidious orders for the reestablishment of
slavery. To accomplish this, the captain-general had recourse again
to cunning and delusion, and to every species of trick and artifice
which his inventive mind could suggest: but it was a work of no
ordinary difficulty to restore confidence, and impress the simple
cultivators with an idea of sincerity, after having been guilty of
the most atrocious acts of treachery and deceit. Something, however,
it was imperative to try, and the usual measure of proclamation was
immediately decided upon as likely to produce the desired effect.
This proclamation contains the old specious declaration of “Liberty
and Equality to all the inhabitants of Saint Domingo, without regard
to colour,” and the most abject apology for his conduct in the late
contest, with an assurance that his future intentions were of the most
friendly kind, and that he ardently desired to reconcile conflicting
opinions, appease internal discord, restore peace to all classes of
people, and place the colony in the most flourishing and prosperous
condition. In this proclamation a great deal was also said about a
constitution that should be acceptable to the people, the basis of
which was the old term “Liberty and Equality,” providing however, it
appears, for the acceptation of it by the French government, as a
measure of precaution.
It may easily be conjectured that such submissive expressions of
regard and solicitude for the people would be likely to accomplish
the Frenchman’s purpose, and that the negro population, in their
rude state of ignorance, would not be able to discover or penetrate
into the designs at which he aimed. That this was the case with the
proclamation of the captain-general, is most evident, for that class
of the people, on its being declared to them by the emissaries of the
French that the reestablishment of slavery was not contemplated, and
that the French government merely aimed at the sovereignty over the
island, became clamourous for arrangements, whilst the cultivators
who had encountered much fatigue and inconvenience, and who had been
deprived of those comforts which peace and repose presented, were
equally anxious for some understanding by which a further prosecution
of the war would be avoided. All classes seemed to concur in one
point, that the only object for which contention and resistance to the
French was justifiable, was the preservation of that liberty which the
representatives of the French government declared to them in 1793, and
which declaration had been confirmed by the national assembly of France.
This proclamation, issued by Le Clerc on the 25th of April, 1802,
confirming, as they conceived, their liberty, they did not consider
that there remained further cause for a continuation of the struggle,
for the question of sovereignty was not one which gave them any concern.
To the wishes of the great body of the people Toussaint reluctantly
submitted, and Dessalines gave his decided opinion that no negotiations
should be entered into, except for the purpose of receiving a proposal
for the evacuation of the colony by the French forces. Both these
chiefs doubted the sincerity of the French general, and believed that
his propositions were only intended to cover more vigorous efforts to
crush them hereafter. In the mean time Christophe found it prudent,
from some symptoms of defection among his troops, to open a negotiation
with Le Clerc, and officers were appointed for that purpose, when the
former demanded a general amnesty and preservation of his own rank
and property, as well as that of all his compatriots: the same to
extend also to Toussaint and Dessalines. To this Le Clerc, after some
deliberation, but with no good will, acceded, and the arrangements were
accordingly concluded.
Toussaint and Dessalines, after having reflected for a short time on
their respective situations, and standing almost alone against the
prevailing wish of the people, consented to the terms which had been
granted to Christophe as a matter both of experiment and expediency,
and thus for the present ended the contest, which for the extent of it
may have been justly described as the most cruel and sanguinary in the
annals of warfare. By this peace the island of St. Domingo is admitted
to be under the sovereignty of France.
The peace being concluded, the cultivators and proprietors returned
to their homes, and recommenced their labours in the soil, in the
pleasing hope of being permitted to remain in the bosom of their
families, enjoying all those comforts of which the horrors of war had
so long denied them. The three negro chiefs, Toussaint, Dessalines,
and Christophe retired to their respective plantations, after having
been assured by Le Clerc, with every mark of sincerity, that their
persons and property should be held sacred, and that instructions
should be transmitted to them, upon which they were to act in their
future military commands. In their retreat, however, it appears that
Dessalines and Christophe were far from feeling confident of their
own safety; they consequently did not slumber in their retirement;
and being greatly apprehensive of the consequences of the experiment
into which they had been led, they waited, with no little anxiety, the
result of it.
Credulous, and relying on the captain-general’s honour, from the
confidence which he had inspired, Toussaint thought of little but the
enjoyment of repose in the bosom of his family. At his estate in the
vicinity of Gonaives, he took up his abode, surrounded by his faithful
wife and endearing children (with the exception of his two sons who
had been detained as hostages, and of whose fate no intelligence was
ever received), there to indulge in the sweets of domestic life, after
the toils and the cares of a protracted civil war, in which he had
borne the most conspicuous part, and shared in all its extraordinary
vicissitudes and all its heart-rending scenes of death and destruction.
But his retirement was invaded—the snare was laid for him by the
perfidious Le Clerc, and in the moment of sleep, unconscious and
unsuspecting, he was surrounded by some troops sent for the purpose,
torn from his bed in the dead of night, torn from his faithful wife and
beloved children, and hurried on board a frigate, there to remain until
preparations were made for sending him to France. It was useless and
unavailing to make any resistance, or to exclaim against such treachery
and inhumanity: he submitted to his fate, and left it to his countrymen
to avenge his wrongs. He only asked for the protection and security of
his family, but they became also the objects of suspicion, and were
subsequently hurried on board the same vessel with their father. They
were all sent to France, and their tragical end became the subject of
general horror and indignation throughout Europe. Le Clerc, to soften
the barbarity and atrocity of this act, gave it out that Toussaint was
plotting against the French, and was aiming, in conjunction with his
other officers, to seize the first unguarded moment in which they might
be caught, to break the peace, and to renew the combat with redoubled
vigour and determination.
Thus terminated the career of Toussaint. His end will ever blacken the
pages of French history, and leave such a stain on the character of its
government that no lapse of time can efface. History cannot produce a
more base and unjustifiable act of violence; and it is to be hoped,
for the sake of humanity, its perpetrators will meet with that just
execration which so much perfidy and treachery deserves.