(Part Two)

====================================================================

| CAUSES OF DENIAL--PER CENT

COUNTRY |--------+--------+-------+--------+-------+----------

OF | Want of Ignorance Immoral

BIRTH |Prosecution Character

| Incompetent Declaration “Old-Law”

| Witnesses Invalid Declaration{1}

--------------+--------+--------+-------+--------+-------+----------

All countries | 22.7 | 13.9 | 5.2 | 7.2 | 1.9 | 37.5

| | | | | |

Greece | 48.1 | 11.1 | 3.7 | .... | .... | 3.7

France | 15.7 | 26.3 | | | | 42.1

Italy | 28.1 | 11.1 | 2.9 | 14.2 | 1.7 | 34.2

Turkey in | | | | | |

Europe | 26.6 | 7.6 | 26.6 | .... | 7.6 | 20.9

Holland | 28.5 | 33.3 | .... | .... | .... | 14.0

Scotland | 21.4 | 11.9 | 9.5 | 2.4 | .... | 31.0

Denmark | 17.2 | 27.6 | 3.5 | .... | 6.9 | 31.0

England | 30.0 | 19.2 | 4.2 | 1.7 | 2.5 | 27.5

Sweden | 13.7 | 13.7 | 11.3 | 3.8 | 5.0 | 30.0

Germany | 17.2 | 14.5 | 5.4 | 4.7 | 2.4 | 47.3

Switzerland | 24.0 | 20.0 | 4.0 | 8.0 | .... | 36.0

Turkey in | | | | | |

Asia | 44.4 | 11.1 | 16.7 | 5.6 | .... | 16.7

Norway | 25.0 | 27.1 | 14.6 | 8.3 | .... | 4.2

Belgium | 40.0 | 20.0 | .... | 20.0 | .... | ....

Canada | 30.2 | 14.0 | 9.3 | | 4.6 | 20.9

Hungary | 32.2 | 12.5 | 4.8 | 7.6 | 3.2 | 24.9

Finland | 42.8 | 14.3 | 14.3 | .... | .... | ....

Rumania | 7.4 | 11.1 | 5.6 | 7.4 | 3.7 | 63.0

Russia | 15.1 | 15.7 | 5.5 | 6.2 | 1.7 | 46.2

Ireland | 27.1 | 11.4 | 3.0 | 1.8 | 0.6 | 46.3

Austria | 21.6 | 10.4 | 5.5 | 7.2 | 1.4 | 44.8

Other | .... | .... | .... | .... | .... | ....

No information| .... | .... | .... | .... | .... | ....

====================================================================

[note 1: Denied because declaration of intention was more than seven

years old.]

In this table there are 14 countries listed whose per cent of denials

exceeds that for all countries. Of these only four supply the “new”

immigration. And of the seven showing a lower than 11.5 per cent

denials, five constitute the “new” immigration. This would point

to greater success on the part of the new races in attaining their

naturalization papers. The qualifying fact here, as elsewhere, is

that more than twice as many petitioners belong to the “new” races as

to the “old.”

The two causes of denial showing the largest per cents for the

country as a whole and for most countries are “want of prosecution”

and the invalidity of their “old-law” declaration. That so large a

proportion of immigrants have taken the trouble to take almost the

last steps toward citizenship and then fail by default is symptomatic

of waste somewhere along the line. This condition seems to prevail

among both the “old” and “new” peoples.

AS REGARDS “IMMORAL CHARACTER”

For some of the less mechanical causes of denial, let us segregate

and arrange the countries in order of percentages. The following

table shows denials for “immoral character.”

TABLE XIX

PER CENT OF DENIALS DUE TO “IMMORAL CHARACTER,” BY RACE

=================================

Country of Birth Denials

Per Cent

---------------------------------

Total cases 1.9

Turkey in Europe 7.6

Denmark 6.9

Sweden 5.0

Canada 4.6

Rumania 3.7

Hungary 3.2

England 2.5

Germany 2.4

Russia 1.7

Italy 1.7

Austria 1.4

Ireland 0.6

=================================

The average percentage of denials for the whole United States for the

period 1908-18 on the ground of “immoral character” was 4.0 per cent.

With the exception of Turkey in Europe, not one of the “newer” races

came up to this average in the year 1913-14, so far as may be judged

by this analysis of the court records of more than one in five of

the petitions passed upon in that year. Austria, Hungary, Italy,

Rumania, all showed a record materially better, and the figures

generally show that cause to be negligible, anyway.

THE SHOWING AS TO “IGNORANCE”

In considering the statistics of denials on the ground of

“ignorance,” it is to be remembered that the examinations which

disclose this “ignorance” do not go as a rule to the subject of

illiteracy or general intelligence, but deal in the majority of

cases with the understanding of the petitioner as to the form of

government, and sometimes decidedly minute details of the history, of

the United States. The average percentage of denials on the ground

of “ignorance” in the whole United States during the eleven years

1908-18 was 10.3. The records of the petitions of every one of the

“recent” races, except Italian, for the year 1913-14--if one may

judge by this study of more than one-fifth of them--was far better

than that average, though generally higher than that of the old races.

TABLE XX

PER CENT OF DENIALS DUE TO “IGNORANCE,” BY RACE

================================

Country of Birth Denials

Per Cent

--------------------------------

Total cases 7.2

Italy 14.2

Norway 8.3

Switzerland 8.0

Hungary 7.6

Rumania 7.4

Austria 7.2

Russia 6.2

Turkey in Asia 5.6

Germany 4.7

Sweden 3.8

Scotland 2.4

Ireland 1.8

England 1.7

================================

TIME-INTERVALS IN NATURALIZATION

Generally speaking, judging by the 26,284 petitions examined, each of

which must show the date of arrival and declaration of intention, the

immigrant is in this country in the average case anywhere from 5.4

to 12.7 years before he files his declaration of intention to seek

citizenship. (See Table XXI.)

The evidence on this point was strikingly uniform in all the courts

save one. The lowest average shown was 5.4 years in Cincinnati;

the highest average but two was 8.6 in the State Superior Court at

Worcester, Massachusetts. The extreme exceptions were 9.4 years in

the Superior Court for Middlesex County, at Middletown, Connecticut,

and 12.7 years in the Androscoggin Supreme Judicial Court at

Auburn, Maine. The latter court in naturalization matters deals

largely with French-Canadians; of all the 385 Canadian petitioners

falling under this analysis, this one court passed upon 61.5 per cent.

TABLE XXI

THE AVERAGE TIME ELAPSING BETWEEN ARRIVAL AND DECLARATION OF

INTENTION; BETWEEN DECLARATION AND PETITION, AND BETWEEN PETITION

AND NATURALIZATION AS SHOWN BY 26,284 CERTIFICATES, 1913-14

=====================================================================

| AVERAGE | AVERAGE | AVERAGE

| INTERVAL | INTERVAL | INTERVAL

| BETWEEN | BETWEEN | BETWEEN

COURTS | ARRIVAL |DECLARATION| PETITION

| AND | AND | AND

|DECLARATION| PETITION |CERTIFICATE

| (Years) | (Years) | (Months)

---------------------------------+-----------+-----------+-----------

New York Co. Supm. Ct. | 6.7 | 4.7 | 5.1

U. S. Dist. Ct., Southern Dist. | | |

New York, N. Y. C. | 7.2 | 4.3 | 3.9

U. S. Dist. Ct., Eastern Dist. | | |

New York, Brooklyn | 7.1 | 5.2 | 4.1

Bronx Co. Supm. Ct., N. Y. C. | 7.7 | 3.9 | 5.0

Queens Co. Supm. Ct., Jamaica, | | |

L. I. | 7.4 | 6.5 | 4.6

Westchester Co. Supm. Ct., White | | |

Plains, N. Y. | 6.9 | 5.2 | 5.8

Nassau Co. Supm. Ct., Mineola, | | |

L. I. | 7.0 | 4.9 | 4.7

Passaic Co. Ct. Com. Pls., | | |

Paterson, N. J. | 6.3 | 5.2 | 4.1

Fairfield Co. Supr. Ct., | | |

Bridgeport, Conn. | 7.7 | 4.8 | 5.3

Knox Co. Circt. Ct., Galesburg, | | |

Ill. | 7.7 | 4.6 | 4.8

Johnson Co. Dist. Ct., Iowa City,| | |

Iowa | 6.1 | 3.5 | 4.6

Androscoggin Co. Supm. Jud. Ct., | | |

Auburn, Me. | 12.7 | 3.0 | 4.2

Tompkins Co. Supm. Ct., Ithaca, | | |

N. Y. | 8.0 | 3.5 | 6.4

Middlesex Co. Ct. Com Pls., New | | |

Brunswick, N. J. | 6.6 | 4.6 | 5.2

U. S. Dist. Ct. Northern Dist., | | |

Cleveland, Ohio | 5.4 | 5.0 | 4.5

Cuyahoga Co. Ct. Com. Pls., | | |

Cleveland, Ohio | 6.7 | 5.0 | 4.5

Multnomah Co. Circt. Ct., | | |

Portland, Ore. | 7.2 | 11.1 | 5.1

Monroe Co. Supm. Ct., Rochester, | | |

N. Y. | 6.3 | 5.5 | 4.6

U. S. Dist. Ct. Western Dist. | | |

Washington, Seattle | 6.1 | 7.1 | 4.8

King Co. Supm. Ct., Seattle, | | |

Wash. | 6.0 | 8.8 | 11.1

Chemung Co. Supm. Ct., Elmira, | | |

N. Y. | 7.0 | 4.8 | 12.7

Summit Co. Ct. Com. Pls., Akron, | | |

Ohio | 6.2 | 4.2 | 5.7

Northampton Co. Ct. Com. Pls., | | |

Easton, Pa. | 7.5 | 4.2 | 5.5

Worcester Co. Supr. Ct., | | |

Worcester, Mass. | 8.6 | 4.1 | 5.4

Middlesex Co. Supr. Ct., | | |

Middletown, Conn. | 9.4 | 3.7 | 5.3

Rensselaer Co. Supm. Ct., Troy, | | |

N. Y. | 6.2 | 4.1 | 7.7

U. S. Dist. Ct. Southern Dist. | | |

O., Cincinnati | 5.7 | 5.4 | 5.1

New London Co. Supr. Ct., | | |

Norwich, Conn. | 8.5 | 4.2 | 6.8

| | |

Average | 6.8 | 5.1 | 4.9

=====================================================================

Having filed his declaration of intention after an average residence

in this country shown in all courts as 6.8 years--nearly two years

more than the five years’ minimum residence required for the

_completion_ of citizenship--our average immigrant _waits more

than five years_ longer before he files his final petition for

naturalization--although under the law he need have waited only two.

The range, however, was wide, between an average of 3.0 years in the

Supreme Court of Androscoggin County, Auburn, Maine, and 11.1 years

in the Circuit Court at Portland, Oregon. The whole average shown

in all the courts studied was 5.1 years. These are very surprising

figures for those who have been complaining that we have hurried

aliens into citizenship.

Once the applicant has his petition filed, the process becomes more

expeditious. The figures collated for the year 1913-14 show an

average interval between petition and certificate of naturalization

of 4.9 months; the range is between 3.9 months in the United States

District Court in Manhattan, and 12.7 months in the State Supreme

Court at Elmira, New York. From the point of view of delay, three

months must always be subtracted, since the law requires, in any

event, an interval of at least ninety days after the petition is

filed before it can be considered by the court.

HOW DO THE RACIAL GROUPS COMPARE?

What light do the petitions throw upon the question of the relative

“civic and political interest” of the various racial groups, as

shown by the interval that elapses between their attainment of the

age of 21 years, or if they come here after they are 21, between

their arrival and their filing of the final petition?

TABLE XXII

AVERAGE INTERVAL BEFORE FILING PETITION, AFTER ATTAINMENT OF

TWENTY-ONE YEARS, FOR THOSE ARRIVING AT AGES OF ONE TO FOURTEEN, BY

RACES

=========================================

| NUMBER IN | AVERAGE

COUNTRY OF BIRTH | AGE GROUP | INTERVAL

| 1-14 | (Years)

------------------+-----------+----------

All countries | 2,900 | 6.2

| |

France | 19 | 12.9

Norway | 13 | 12.5

Switzerland | 7 | 12.4

Sweden | 31 | 12.4

Scotland | 13 | 11.8

England | 77 | 11.6

Ireland | 77 | 10.8

Germany | 280 | 10.3

Canada | 88 | 9.8

Denmark | 13 | 9.5

Holland | 17 | 9.5

Hungary | 192 | 5.8

Greece | 12 | 5.5

Finland | 6 | 5.3

Russia | 873 | 5.0

Italy | 651 | 4.9

Austria | 389 | 4.5

Turkey in Asia | 10 | 4.0

Rumania | 89 | 3.8

Turkey in Europe | 8 | 3.6

=========================================

We have three groups of statistics on this point: those petitioners

arriving at the ages of 1 to 14, those at 15 to 20 years, and those

21 years and over. In the following table the countries of birth are

arranged in the order of the average interval for those arriving at

the ages of 1 to 14 years. The complete table will be found in the

Appendix.

TABLE XXIII

AVERAGE INTERVAL BEFORE FILING PETITION, AFTER ARRIVAL, AT AGES OF

FIFTEEN TO TWENTY, BY RACES

=========================================

| NUMBER IN | AVERAGE

COUNTRY OF BIRTH | AGE GROUP | INTERVAL

| 15-20 | (Years)

------------------+-----------+----------

All countries | 9,512 | 11.0{1}

| |

France | 10 | 17.7

Canada | 99 | 17.3

Switzerland | 50 | 15.6

Germany | 600 | 14.1

England | 216 | 13.6

Sweden | 269 | 12.7

Scotland | 57 | 12.7

Denmark | 65 | 12.2

Holland | 32 | 12.2

Finland | 54 | 11.7

Ireland | 609 | 11.5

Norway | 148 | 11.3

Italy | 1,198 | 10.8

Hungary | 960 | 10.8

Austria | 1,658 | 10.6

Rumania | 202 | 10.2

Russia | 3,055 | 9.9

Greece | 47 | 9.7

Turkey in Asia | 69 | 9.0

Turkey in Europe | 42 | 7.9

=========================================

[note 1: This average includes the figures for races whose numbers

are too small to justify generalization.]

The striking thing in these tables is the fact that almost without

exception the countries showing the longest intervals are those

representing the old immigration.

TABLE XXIV

AVERAGE INTERVAL BEFORE FILING PETITION, AFTER ARRIVAL, AT AGES

TWENTY-ONE OR OVER, BY RACES

=========================================

| NUMBER IN |

| AGE GROUP | AVERAGE

COUNTRY OF BIRTH | 21 YEARS | INTERVAL

| AND OVER | (Years)

------------------+-----------+----------

All countries | 13,849 | 10.6{1}

| |

Canada | 198 | 16.4

Sweden | 316 | 13.1

Switzerland | 140 | 12.2

France | 57 | 11.9

Germany | 1,425 | 11.9

England | 538 | 11.7

Italy | 1,742 | 11.4

Norway | 228 | 10.8

Scotland | 218 | 10.6

Finland | 84 | 10.5

Austria | 1,828 | 10.5

Denmark | 122 | 10.2

Holland | 90 | 10.1

Hungary | 1,291 | 9.9

Rumania | 278 | 9.8

Russia | 3,936 | 9.6

Ireland | 1,087 | 9.6

Greece | 31 | 8.6

Turkey in Asia | 63 | 8.5

Turkey in Europe | 42 | 8.1

=========================================

[note 1: This average includes the figures for races whose numbers

are too small to justify generalization.]

THEY ARE YOUNG PEOPLE

They were young men. More than 60 per cent of them were between the

ages of 18 and 30 years. Of the 26,284 applicants for citizenship

whose petitions were examined, 16,586--over three-fifths--came to

this country between the ages of 18 and 30. The preponderance is

striking:

TABLE XXV

NUMBER AND PER CENT OF PETITIONERS FOR THREE AGE GROUPS{1}

=======================================

AGE AT ARRIVAL | NUMBER | PER CENT

-------------------+--------+----------

1-17 | 6,589 | 25.1

18-30 | 16,586 | 63.1

31 and over | 3,093 | 11.5

No data | 16 | ....

-------------------+--------+----------

Total | 26,284 | 99.8

=======================================

[note 1: The full table showing distribution of ages at arrival from

infancy to fifty years or over, is given in the Appendix, Table 57.]

RELATIVE AGE AND “POLITICAL INTEREST”

It is interesting to note, in this connection, the relation between

the age at which the alien arrives in this country and the length of

time that elapses before he files his final petition for citizenship.

The following diagram exhibits this:

[Illustration:

+-----------------+

| 1 to 14 years. | 6.2

+-----------------+

+---------------------------------+

| 15 to 20 years. | 11.0

+---------------------------------+

+-------------------------------+

| 21 years and over. | 10.6

+-------------------------------+

DIAGRAM 1

Average interval before filing petition after attainment of

21 years (or time of arrival, if arriving after 21 years) for

petitioners, arriving at ages of 1 to 14, 15 to 20, and 21 years

and over.]

Close analysis of these lists further emphasizes the importance of

the factor of _age at arrival_ as affecting the lapse of time after

the attainment of lawful age before filing the final petition for

citizenship. It appears, as might well be expected, that those who

come in childhood are more prompt than those who arrive between 15

and 20; but even those coming in childhood appear, on the average, to

wait until after they are 27. The averages indicate, almost without

exception, that those coming at ages over 20 waited more than 10

years before filing their petitions. Few come after they are 40 and

then seek citizenship. The petitions show that on the average those

arriving at 1 to 14 applied 6.2 years after 21. Those arriving at 21

years or over applied 10.6 years after arrival.

Those arriving between 15 and 20 applied 11 years after arrival, but

it is fallacious to compare this interval with those in the case of

the younger or older immigrants, because the five years’ required

residence might mean application at 21 years of age by an immigrant

who came at 15 or 16, or at 25 years by one who came at 20; while one

who, coming at 15, waited the full average of 11 years would apply

at 26, apparently more promptly than one who, coming in infancy,

did not apply until he was 27 or over. The questions suggested by

the discrepancy here apparent are many, but the data available

furnish no definite answer to them. Perhaps fuller statistics might

substantially modify the apparent discrepancies.

THE REAL RACIAL DISTINCTION

These men, the cream of our immigration--regardless of any fanciful

distinction of race “older” or “newer”--came in the flower of their

young manhood to try hazard of new fortunes in what they rightly

believed to be the land of promise and opportunity; lived here from

five to twelve years before they registered in normal declaration

their intention to become citizens; lived here upward of five years

more before filing their final petition for citizenship, and nearly

nine out of ten of them passed their examinations and were admitted.

There is visible in these statistics a distinction of race--a very

interesting and inspiring distinction, but it is not one of the

“older” or “newer” races. It has little to do with any supposititious

difference of racial quality or character. Indeed, it redounds on

the whole to the credit of the more recent immigration, and, so

far as it goes, would indicate, if anything, a greater potential

fitness for American citizenship. In Diagram 2, which is based on

Table XXIV, the bars which are black represent countries which have

entirely a subject people, or in which a proportion of the population

is subject. In the latter case it is the subject peoples who come

to this country in larger proportions than the sovereign peoples.

This is only one of the instances which illustrate an interesting

conclusion. Certainly to a discerning eye this fact stands forth:

_Those from countries where, at the time of their migration, there

was either autocratic government or political discontent, or inferior

economic opportunity, head the list of those who seek, and upon

examination prove their title to, fellow-membership with us._

_Those from countries where government was relatively democratic,

where individual liberty prevailed, where political, social, and

economic conditions were conducive to contentment, were satisfied to

keep the citizenship of their fatherlands._

Why should it require exhaustive investigation to demonstrate so

obvious, so inevitable an operation of human psychology? What else

was to have been expected?

[Illustration:

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

AVERAGE FOR ALL | | | | | | | | | | | | 10.6

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

TURKEY IN EUROPE | /| /| /| /| /| /| /| /| /| 8.1

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

TURKEY IN ASIA | /| /| /| /| /| /| /| /| /| 8.5

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

GREECE | | | | | | | | | | 8.6

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

IRELAND | /| /| /| /| /| /| /| /| /| /| 9.6

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

RUSSIA | /| /| /| /| /| /| /| /| /| /| 9.6

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

ROUMANIA | /| /| /| /| /| /| /| /| /| /| 9.8

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

HUNGARY | /| /| /| /| /| /| /| /| /| /| 9.9

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

HOLLAND | | | | | | | | | | | | 10.1

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

DENMARK | | | | | | | | | | | | 10.2

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

AUSTRIA | /| /| /| /| /| /| /| /| /| /| /| 10.5

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

FINLAND | /| /| /| /| /| /| /| /| /| /| /| 10.5

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

SCOTLAND | | | | | | | | | | | | 10.6

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

NORWAY | /| /| /| /| /| /| /| /| /| /| /| 10.8

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

ITALY | | | | | | | | | | | | |11.4

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

ENGLAND | | | | | | | | | | | | | 11.7

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

GERMANY | | | | | | | | | | | | | 11.9

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

FRANCE | | | | | | | | | | | | | 11.9

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

SWITZERLAND | | | | | | | | | | | | | | 12.2

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

SWEDEN | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | 13.1

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

CANADA | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | 16.4

+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

DIAGRAM 2

Average interval before filing petition after arrival at ages

21 or over by races. The bars which are in black ((filled with

/ character)) represent countries from which the subject people

constituted almost entirely the immigration to this country.]

RACE AND RELATIVE AGE AT ARRIVAL

The racial distribution of these petitioners, with reference to

age at arrival, is interesting and to some extent significant.

Table XXVI, including only those races represented by at least 50

petitions, is arranged in the order of percentages of those arriving

after attaining the age of 21 years. It throws sidelights upon the

variations of the age at which the individuals of various races came

to this country:

TABLE XXVI

RACIAL DISTRIBUTION OF PETITIONERS, SHOWING PERCENTAGES FOR THE

AGE PERIODS “OVER TWENTY-ONE,” “FIFTEEN TO TWENTY,” AND “ONE TO

FOURTEEN,” IN THE ORDER OF THE FIRST-MENTIONED AGE GROUP

=======================================================================

| | NUMBER AND PERCENTAGE OF THOSE

| | ARRIVING AT AGES

| WHOLE +----------------------------------------------

COUNTRY | NUMBER | 21 and Over | 15 TO 20 | 1 TO 14

OF BIRTH | OF +--------+------+--------+------+--------+-----

|PETITIONERS| Number | Per | Number | Per | Number | Per

| | | Cent | | Cent | | Cent

------------+-----------+--------+------+--------+------+--------+-----

Scotland | 288 | 218 | 75.7 | 57 | 19.8 | 13 | 4.5

Switzerland | 197 | 140 | 71.7 | 50 | 25.4 | 7 | 3.5

France | 86 | 57 | 66.3 | 10 | 11.6 | 19 | 22.1

England | 831 | 538 | 64.7 | 216 | 26.0 | 77 | 9.3

Holland | 139 | 90 | 64.7 | 32 | 23.0 | 17 | 12.2

Germany | 2,305 | 1,425 | 61.8 | 600 | 26.0 | 280 | 12.1

Ireland | 1,773 | 1,087 | 61.3 | 609 | 34.3 | 77 | 4.3

Denmark | 200 | 122 | 61.0 | 65 | 32.5 | 13 | 6.5

Norway | 389 | 228 | 58.6 | 148 | 38.0 | 13 | 3.3

Finland | 144 | 84 | 58.3 | 54 | 37.5 | 6 | 4.1

Hungary | 2,443 | 1,291 | 52.8 | 960 | 39.3 | 192 | 7.9

Canada | 385 | 198 | 51.4 | 99 | 25.7 | 88 | 22.9

Sweden | 616 | 316 | 51.3 | 269 | 43.7 | 31 | 5.0

Russia | 7,864 | 3,936 | 50.1 | 3,055 | 38.8 | 873 | 11.1

Rumania | 569 | 278 | 48.9 | 202 | 35.5 | 89 | 15.6

Italy | 3,591 | 1,742 | 48.5 | 1,198 | 33.4 | 651 | 18.1

Austria | 3,875 | 1,828 | 47.2 | 1,658 | 42.8 | 389 | 10.0

Turkey in | | | | | | |

Europe | 92 | 42 | 45.7 | 42 | 45.7 | 8 | 8.7

Turkey in | | | | | | |

Asia | 142 | 63 | 44.4 | 69 | 48.6 | 10 | 7.0

Greece | 90 | 31 | 34.4 | 47 | 52.2 | 12 | 13.3

=======================================================================

Inferences or generalizations from this table in connection with the

age statistics given heretofore would be perilous, since we have not

tabulated the data which would show, with regard to any particular

racial group, how many of those between 15 and 20 years of age came

at 18 or 19; or how many of those over 21 came after they were 25 or

before they were 30. So far as it goes, however, it would appear to

indicate that those of the so-called “older” immigration left their

homelands at a later age, while a larger proportion of those of the

“newer” came in younger manhood. The larger percentages in the column

“over 21” are credited to the “older”; the larger in the second

column, “15 to 20,” to the “newer.”

AT THE BEGINNING OF MARRIED LIFE

More than two-thirds (68.5 per cent) of the petitioners were married

at the time of their petition for naturalization. One may hazard

the guess that the majority were either unmarried or newly married

when they came to this country, because, while 89.9 per cent of the

18,017 married petitioners reported wives of foreign birth, 10,563

(73.5 per cent) of them had children exclusively native-born. Only

one in ten had foreign-born children only, and only 16.5 per cent had

both native and foreign-born children. And 14,371 (79.8 per cent) of

the married petitioners had one or more children under 21 years of

age.[118]

AS FOR “STABILITY OF RESIDENCE”

The question of what might be called the “residential stability” of

the immigrant in this country has been the subject of much assertion

and little substantial information. The general tenor of the

assertion and the vague impression of the average person are to the

effect that the immigrant is more or less of a wanderer, shifting

from place to place, and for that reason failing to establish

anything resembling permanent residence or to relate himself to the

community as a neighbor. Very little statistical data on this point

is available, and it is unsafe to generalize. There is, however, a

somewhat startling disclosure in the 1915 census of the state of

Massachusetts, showing that in the class of otherwise “justified”

voters disqualified solely by reason of not having resided one year

in the state or six months in the city or town, there were 21,226

native and 3,845 foreign born; in other words, that 3.6 per cent of

the native-born voters were disqualified because they were moving

about; while only 1.9 per cent, or just about half the proportion, of

the foreign-born were disqualified for that reason.

The analysis of petitions by the Americanization Study sheds a little

further light on this subject, by segregating the figures in each

court showing petitions which were filed by aliens who had filed

their declaration in another state. Of the total of 26,284, there

were 1,859 of these, or 7.1 per cent. Undoubtedly this moving about,

in search of employment or for other reasons, is a considerable

factor in the delay between arrival and declaration and between

declaration and petition. Naturally, the figures would tend to be

high on the Pacific coast, to which immigrants travel by rather

long stages of time. The court in Portland, Oregon, showed 234 out

of 714 petitioners--almost a third--who had filed their declaration

in other states. This court shows also the longest average interval

between declaration and petition. The courts in Seattle also show

high figures in this regard. The same tends to be true of rapidly

growing industrial centers, such as Cleveland, Bridgeport, Paterson,

New Brunswick, New Jersey.

TABLE XXVII

PETITIONERS WHOSE DECLARATIONS WERE MADE IN A STATE OTHER THAN THE

ONE IN WHICH THE COURT IS LOCATED

===========================================================

| PETITIONERS WHO DECLARED

COURT | IN OTHER STATES

+-------------+-----------

| Number | Per Cent

---------------------------------+-------------+-----------

Norwich, Conn. | 52 | 43.7

Portland, Ore. | 234 | 32.8

Seattle, Wash. (state court) | 42 | 29.4

Bridgeport, Conn. | 96 | 23.4

New Brunswick, N. J. | 84 | 21.6

Cleveland, Ohio (U. S. court) | 158 | 13.4

Paterson, N. J. | 76 | 10.2

Seattle, Wash. (U. S. court) | 69 | 9.8

Middletown, Conn. | 7 | 9.5

Cincinnati, Ohio | 34 | 9.4

Cleveland, Ohio (state court) | 152 | 8.9

Easton, Pa. | 10 | 8.7

Ithaca, N. Y. | 2 | 8.7

Akron, Ohio | 16 | 8.0

Iowa City, Iowa | 1 | 7.7

Rochester, N. Y. | 57 | 7.0

Jamaica, L. I. | 39 | 6.5

Elmira, N. Y. | 1 | 5.3

Mineola, L. I. | 7 | 5.2

New York City (U. S. court) | 121 | 5.0

White Plains, N. Y. | 28 | 4.3

Worcester, Mass. | 27 | 4.3

New York City (state court) | 452 | 4.1

Bronx, N. Y. C. (state court) | 47 | 3.5

Brooklyn, N. Y. C. (U. S. court) | 47 | 3.0

---------------------------------+-------------+-----------

Total | 1,859 | 7.1

===========================================================

That upward of 13 out of 14--nearly 93 per cent--of alien petitioners

for American citizenship, in a total of more than 26,000, should

have been able to file their final petitions in the same states

in which, on an average of more than five years before, they had

declared their intention to do so, certainly attests a degree of

“stability of residence” comparing favorably with that of other,

native-born residents of the country. And it would seem also to

justify the inference that those who become naturalized have

generally become well assimilated into the life of the communities

where they live.

INTELLECTUAL EQUIPMENT AND OCCUPATION

As for the intellectual equipment and the general usefulness of the

aspirants for citizenship represented in the petitions studied, one

may infer something from the occupational range shown in an analysis

of the petitions for 1913-14 in seven cities,[119] representing a

wide variety of locality. This analysis showed, for each of the

17 kinds of occupations listed, the ratio between the number of

naturalization petitions filed by persons in those occupations in

those cities in 1913-14, and the foreign-born white males in those

occupations in those cities as shown by the census of 1910. Perhaps

the most striking fact emerging from this analysis, illuminating

to those who have supposed that the naturalization process swept

into citizenship the dregs of immigration, is that the smallest

percentage is shown in the class of common labor; the highest in the

grade of executives, and the preponderance throughout attaching to

trades requiring a degree of dexterity and general intelligence and

information, if not technical training. It is unsafe, however, to

infer too much from these percentages, because of the relatively

small numbers represented in some of the classes, and the large

proportions accredited to the garment trades and to “retail

dealers,” among whom, doubtless, there were many mere peddlers. The

distribution of occupations is here set forth in the order of the

percentages:

TABLE XXVIII

LIST OF PRINCIPAL OCCUPATIONS REPRESENTED IN PETITIONS FOR

NATURALIZATION FILED IN SEVEN CITIES, 1913-14; SHOWING RATIO

BETWEEN NUMBER OF PETITIONS AND TOTAL OF FOREIGN-BORN WHITE MALES

IN THOSE OCCUPATIONS IN THOSE CITIES IN 1910

=========================================================

| NUMBER OF | RATIO TO

OCCUPATIONS | PETITIONERS | FOREIGN BORN

| IN THOSE | IN THOSE

| OCCUPATIONS | OCCUPATIONS

-----------------------------+-------------+-------------

Total | 9,930 | 3.0

| |

Managers and superintendents | 154 | 7.1

Chauffeurs | 176 | 5.9

Tailors | 2,120 | 5.3

Clergymen | 67 | 4.7

Bartenders | 248 | 3.6

Plumbers | 193 | 3.6

Barbers | 372 | 3.2

Bakers | 328 | 3.1

Retail dealers | 2,103 | 3.1

Painters and glaziers | 514 | 3.1

Carpenters | 779 | 3.0

Salesmen | 591 | 2.8

Manufacturing and officials | 511 | 2.7

Blacksmiths | 161 | 2.7

Motormen | 92 | 2.4

Brick and stone masons | 219 | 2.2

Laborers | 1,302 | 1.5

=========================================================

Analysis of the entire total of 26,284 petitions from which the data

were obtained shows a general occupation distribution as follows:

TABLE XXIX

NUMBER AND PER CENT OF PETITIONERS IN EACH OCCUPATION

===============================================================

| PETITIONERS

OCCUPATIONS +--------+---------

| Number | Per Cent

--------------------------------------------+--------+---------

Total | 26,284 | 100.0

| |

Manufacturing and mechanical industries | 15,335 | 58.3

Trade | 4,427 | 16.8

Domestic and personal service | 2,382 | 9.1

Clerical | 1,388 | 5.3

Transportation | 1,010 | 3.8

Professional service | 1,026 | 3.9

Agriculture, forestry, and animal husbandry | 454 | 1.8

Public service. | 170 | 0.6

Extraction of minerals | 40 | 0.2

No information | 52 | 0.2

===============================================================

GENERAL CONCLUSIONS

Certain inferences and conclusions seem to be warranted on the

whole by the examination and analyses in this chapter and that

preceding it, of the compilations of the United States Census, the

Immigration Commission of 1907, the Naturalization, Bureau and the

Americanization Study.

First, and most important, is the destruction of the legendary

presumption of some change for the worse in recent years in the

inherent character-quality of immigration to this country, and in

the attitude of the typical immigrant of those years toward American

citizenship. There has been no such change; indeed, if there is any

substantial difference in “quality of assimilability” between the

“older” races and the newer, _it is in favor of the latter_.

Second, it is evident that such difference as exists among races

is not an inherent racial quality, but _a difference between the

political, social, and economic conditions at the time of migration

in the country of origin_. Those nations whose people are most free

from tyranny and oppression and most contented with the conditions

under which they live at home, send the fewest immigrants to America;

their emigrants come at a later age, and when they do come they

retain longest or altogether their original citizenship.

Third, and broadly corollary, is the fact that the major, not to say

exclusively, controlling factor in the political absorption of the

immigrant is _length of residence_. The longer the individual lives

in America the more likely he is to seek active membership therein.

Fourth, the interval between arrival and petition for

naturalization--or even the original declaration of intention--is

much longer than has generally been supposed. The average immigrant,

regardless of racial extraction, does not concern himself about

political privileges or activities until after long years of

residence and the attainment of a considerable degree of permanent

social and economic status.

Fifth, knowledge of the English language at the time of arrival is

not a material factor in determining the rapidity with which the

individual seeks citizenship. On the contrary, those of other tongues

who have been in the United States as long as those whose mother

speech is English show even greater interest and a higher rate of

naturalization. In the ordinary case, by the time the immigrant of

any race has been in this country long enough to reach the normal

stage of interest in naturalization he has acquired a good working

knowledge of the language.

Sixth--and from the common-sense point of view it ought to occasion

no surprise--is the evident influence upon the display of “civic

and political interest” as shown in the desire for citizenship, of

social and economic conditions in this country as they practically

affect the individual. Whether from northwestern or from southeastern

Europe, whether from the so-called “recent” or “older” immigration,

the racial groups show a slower desire for citizenship and a lower

rate of naturalization while they are employed in the more poorly

paid industries; both the individual interest and the rate increase

as the individuals toil upward in the social and economic scale.

* * * * *

The inherent thing in the racial quality, experience, and character

of the immigrant that leads some to seek citizenship earlier than

others, the essential element in the “quality of assimilability,”

in the display of “civic and political interest,” is a human thing,

which lies, and always has lain, broad upon the face of nearly

all of the statistical tables over which students have labored so

intricately and pontificated so solemnly--in some instances so

absurdly. It is a thing so obvious that it is difficult to understand

why so many of them have overlooked it.

IX

CITIZENSHIP VIA MILITARY SERVICE

We do not yet realize--perhaps we never shall fully realize--the

profound effect upon the whole structure of our political life, and

especially upon the quality of our citizenship, wrought by the World

War. One effect, however, stands forth clearly: the war has destroyed

the underpinning of the great structure of hand-picked citizenry

which, during twelve years of arduous labor and scrupulous straining

of technicalities, was built up by the Naturalization Bureau and the

courts on the basis of the Naturalization Law of 1906, and turned

into solemn farce most of the pontifical preachments by which that

policy was justified. Almost overnight the whole long campaign for

the establishment of an educational standard of admission, the system

of technical exactitude of papers and microscopical scrutiny of the

antecedents, length of residence, and even the personal opinions of

applicants, and of the competency of their witnesses, and so on, was

nullified. Aliens, helter-skelter, hit-or-miss, were swept into full

citizenship to an aggregate well-nigh half as large as the whole

number admitted previously during the entire period of the existence

of the Naturalization Service.

When the United States entered the war, early in 1917, the

instant necessity of raising a stupendous army swiftly out of our

heterogeneous population injected an unprecedented factor into the

question of naturalization. The body of native-born citizens, even

together with the great mass of those among the foreign-born who

were naturalized, was not sufficient. Aside from that, there were

considerations of another character; such, for example, as were set

forth by the Provost Marshal General of the Army:[120]

As soon as the estimates of population made by the Census Bureau

had been received, it began to be apparent that the rule of the

Selective Service Act, which based the apportionment of quotas

on total population, and yet drew the quotas from citizens and

declarants only, would operate quite differently upon communities

having largely differing percentages of aliens in their population.

In certain local-board jurisdictions, in which the element of

alien population exceeded 30 per cent of the total, the burden

placed upon the citizen population was very great.... If in two

communities of equal population the citizen population of one

were 100 per cent of the whole and in the other 50 per cent, the

remainder being composed of aliens, the two communities, though

equal in population, in resources, in industries, and in need of

labor, the efforts, and the enterprise of men of military age,

would fall under a very unequal tax upon their man power. The

all-citizen community would be required to furnish twice as many

men as the half-citizen, half-alien community.

POSITION OF THE ALIEN SOLDIER

The Provost Marshal General[121] reported 1,243,801 aliens registered

under the first draft, and estimated that of these (21-30) nearly

half a million (457,713) had been called for examination, and 16.72

per cent--nearly 17 out of every hundred--certified for service; a

few in ignorance of their right to exemption, but virtually all of

them voluntarily waiving that right.

The position of the aliens, even if they had declared their intention

to become citizens, was unenviable. They still owed technical

allegiance to European sovereignty--many of them to the nations with

which we were formally or practically at war. Many of them were

of the cobelligerent nations known as “the Allies,” but were here

in evasion of military-service laws or other embarrassing legal

obligations at home, making personally undesirable their return to

the old country; and as for those of German, Austrian, Bulgarian, or

Turkish nationality, there was for them short shrift--upon capture

while fighting against armies of the Central Powers--only the dismal

certainty of summary execution as traitors. Their only possible

shadow of protection would lie in completed American citizenship.

Furthermore, there was the fact that only American citizens are

eligible for commissions as officers in the military service of the

United States; but in the new army, and the augmented navy and marine

corps--to say nothing of the merchant marine--a very large number of

officers would be needed. This last consideration seems to have been

the one which chiefly impressed the Commissioner of Naturalization;

for, in his explanation of the necessity for the legislation of May

9, 1918, which let down the bars to citizenship for the benefit of

aliens and declarants taken into the military service of the nation,

he twice refers to it:[122]

No man engaged in the actual military and naval operations of

our country can attain to the rank of commissioned officer

unless he be an American, either by birth in the United States

or by naturalization therein, irrespective of his training or

qualifications. As this restriction, made for peace times, was no

less a detriment to the country in limiting its range of selection

for commissions to citizens than to those who demonstrated

their efficiency, legislative action was taken to remove this

restriction....

... The foreign-born residents of the United States, nondeclarants

and declarants, had not claimed exemption from military service

because of their alienage; but, unless he could claim full American

citizenship, none of them, however valiantly he might fight, could

receive a commission as an officer, which is the laudable ambition

of every soldier.

REVOLUTIONARY LEGISLATIVE ACTION

The revolutionary character of the legislative action with which

Congress undertook to meet the situation in its various aspects

is apparent in the description of it given by the Commissioner of

Naturalization in this same report:[123]

Another authority which Congress conferred upon the Bureau in aid

of the national undertaking in Europe was a new code of procedure

by which recognition should be given to certain foreign residents

of the country ... that eliminated the delays so necessary in the

general provisions of the naturalization law. The requirement for

posting petitions for naturalization for at least 90 days before

the court could acquire jurisdiction of them for the purposes of

admitting the applicant to citizenship was so changed as to admit

of the hearing of the petition for naturalization, filed by members

of certain enumerated exempted classes, without any delay, the time

for hearing being dependent only upon the convenience of the court.

The Act of May 9, 1918, authorized petitions for naturalization

and immediate hearing for any alien who serves in the military or

naval branches of the Government, upon any United States vessel,

any vessel of the American merchant marine, or anyone honorably

discharged from the National Guard of any State, Territory, or the

District of Columbia, within six months after honorable discharge

therefrom. It repealed the provisions of the law that previously

extended the right of an alien to petition for naturalization

after an honorable discharge from the military or naval branches

of the Government at any time after such honorable discharge, and,

with few exceptions, reduced the period of time to six months

after such service and honorable discharge. The provisions of the

law heretofore existing were saved to those holding honorable

discharges from the military service where the service was

performed prior to January 1, 1900. This provision was included in

the law for the distinct purpose of preserving to the veterans of

the Civil and Spanish-American Wars the rights which previously had

been given to them. The number of aliens now holding discharges

from military service prior to the date stated who have not applied

for and received American citizenship is small and constantly being

reduced.

To accomplish the provisions of this code of procedure it

was necessary to create a corps of examiners to aid in the

administration of a new statute under conditions wholly strange and

different from those ordinarily prevailing. The law requires, very

properly, that each candidate for naturalization whose immediate

hearing is contemplated shall appear before a representative of

this Bureau before filing his petition for naturalization. This

particular provision has made it possible for the machinery of the

law to operate with the minimum of friction. Indeed, there has been

no friction at any point in this new code.

The War Department presented the largest number of candidates for

naturalization under the new law. Their location and distribution

were general throughout the United States, extending from points

in Maine, throughout the country, to the Pacific coast, in the

various cantonments, army camps, posts, and military stations.

So insistent was the demand for immediate action to naturalize

the soldiers of foreign birth in our ranks, in order to enable

units to move solidly and prevent dismemberment, that the Bureau

detailed immediately such of its experienced officers as it could

spare to take charge of instructing the newly appointed examiners,

even though their removal from their regular stations resulted

in embarrassments to courts, court officials, and thousands of

candidates under the general provisions of the law. From various

sources throughout the United States men qualified in law and

typewriting were nominated by citizens interested in accomplishing

this great need for our military forces. In less than two weeks the

process of naturalization had begun in many of the cantonments, and

by the end of June, 63,993 soldiers had become entitled to all of

the rewards of the American soldier by having citizenship conferred

upon them.

The necessity of this legislation was clearly shown by the report

of the Provost Marshal General, from which it appears that there

were 123,277 soldiers not naturalized. This total comprised 76,545

foreigners who had not declared their intention, and 46,732

declarants.

CITIZENS AT HEART BUT “ENEMY ALIENS”

A very important by-product of this legislation went to the benefit

of persons of foreign birth, long resident--many of them practically

life-long residents--in the United States, but still aliens, and many

of them enemy aliens, in those states which at that time permitted

voting upon the declaration of intention without the completion of

naturalization. In many thousands of such cases, these persons,

technically aliens, not only had sons and grandsons in the military

service of the nation as volunteers or willingly drafted soldiers,

but were themselves of the highest degree of loyalty, enlisted to

their last ounce of energy and resources in the country’s cause, and

in good faith believing themselves to be citizens in full standing

for every American purpose.[124]

An important provision of the Act of May 9, 1918, had for its

purpose the relief of those subjects of the Central Powers who are

able to establish their loyalty to the United States. Ever since

the States of Indiana, Missouri, South Dakota, Nebraska, Kansas,

Arkansas, and Texas have been admitted to statehood, aliens have

been allowed to vote under the constitutions of these States upon

the making of their declarations of intention to become citizens

of the United States. In several other States this condition

prevailed, but in recent years there have been such changes in the

constitutions of all of the States, except the seven named, that

the franchise is limited to American citizens. With the operation

of the provisions of the law requiring alien enemies to register

there were disclosures of hundreds of thousands of loyal residents

of the United States who believed themselves to be citizens, but

were found never to have completed their naturalization. Cases

have been reported of unnaturalized foreign-born residents of the

United States who have lived here over 70 years; persons who were

brought here as infants by their parents and who settled in those

States where foreigners have always enjoyed the right of franchise.

Instances were shown of those who had fought in the Civil War;

where they had held offices of trust and responsibility, both of

an elective and appointive nature, such as members of the State

legislatures, mayors, judges, postmasters, and in other capacities.

The registration required of persons born in the Central Powers,

who had not completed their American citizenship, disclosed the

most shocking state of affairs. Men and women who have their

children and grandchildren in the military forces of the United

States were disclosed as being not only as aliens but enemy aliens;

with no means for removing the stigma.

The relief provided by Congress permitted such alien enemies to

be naturalized under certain restrictions which need not now be

detailed, except to mention that the Bureau of Naturalization was

empowered to interpose objection in any case at its discretion, and

obtain continuance at its pleasure.

As was pointed out by Representative Howland of Ohio, in 1910,

in hearings before the House Committee on Immigration and

Naturalization, there has always been a public sentiment in favor

of allowing honorably discharged soldiers to vote, regardless of

naturalization. Both such soldiers and their children have in

good faith believed themselves to be citizens. It appeared in

those hearings, by the way, that no requirement of citizenship for

enlistment in the army, navy, or marine corps had existed in the

United States until 1894, when an Act was passed,[125] providing that

at least a declaration of intention should be required for a first

enlistment. This was suspended during the Spanish-American War, but

reinstated in force after the close of that war.[126]

Representative Meeker of Missouri presented to the House of

Representatives in the summer of 1918 the results of a personal

inquiry regarding the attitude of the nations of the world regarding

the relations between citizenship and military service.[127] Space

is not here available for even an outline of what this inquiry

discloses; suffice it to say--though it is obvious enough--that

never in the history of any modern nation save this has there

been a wholesale sweeping into citizenship, by reason of military

service alone, of a very large number of aliens upon an exhibit of

qualifications consisting in the last analysis of ability to pass the

physical tests of admission to the military service of the nation.

True, the form of an inquiry as to character and fitness was

maintained; but the fact is substantially, that not only was full

citizenship conferred upon every foreign-born soldier who desired

it, but appreciable moral pressure, to say the least, was exerted

to induce many to accept who cared nothing about it or perhaps

did not want it, as well as upon large numbers who had but scant

understanding of what it was all about. A few definitely refused to

be naturalized, for reasons variously stated and interpreted; a

few could not get the required indorsement of their officers (who

in absence of others were accepted as witnesses); on the whole,

however, it may be said that the mass of those admitted under the

“military naturalization” procedure knew well enough what was

happening, welcomed it gladly, and were proud of the new status thus

suddenly conferred upon them. There is no purpose here to criticize

or demur to what was done; but it should be clearly understood that

it went far to overturn and nullify all the elaborate procedure

of hypercritical precaution, so carefully constructed by the

Naturalization Service during twelve years, to the end of straining

out of the raw material of adopted citizenry every gnat of alien

disqualification.

ALL SAFEGUARDS ABANDONED

In the previous year, 1917-18, even though the war was already in

full blast, of 12,182 petitions denied more than two-thirds (8,422)

were denied for the strictly technical reason of “incompetent

witnesses,” “declaration invalid,” and “want of prosecution,” and

only 1,720 for “immoral character” and “ignorance.” In the last year

before the outbreak of the war (the fiscal year ending June 30,

1914), of 118,572 petitions disposed of, 13,133 were denied, most of

them (8,986) for these three reasons; only 1,735 for reasons going

definitely to the question of character and personal fitness embodied

in “immoral character” and “ignorance.” These figures are cited only

to emphasize the fact that up to the moment of the installation of

the system of military naturalization--and even after that time

outside of that system--the policy of meticulous vigilance was

maintained. In the six or seven weeks between the enactment of May

9th and the end of the fiscal June 30, 63,993 soldiers of foreign

birth were scooped into citizenship complete for every purpose.

One year later, June 30, 1919, the total number of these military

naturalizations had reached 128,335. The total number of petitions

granted in the entire period 1908-18, even including the military

naturalizations up to July 1, 1918, had been only 848,777.

Under the provisions now in view, aliens generally, who were in the

army, navy, marine corps, or United States merchant marine, who

had made declarations of intention, could be naturalized without

proof of five years’ residence in the United States, if it could be

shown that such residence could not be established; aliens in the

military service during the war could petition for naturalization

without previous declaration or proof of residence, and the machinery

of naturalization, hitherto enlisted in the cause of delay, was

now devoted to every possible expedition. Hearings were as nearly

immediate as possible. Aliens who had been accepted previously into

the military or naval service on condition of becoming citizens were

required to prove only three years’ residence. Honorable discharges

from previous service were accepted as evidence of both residence

and satisfactory character when supported by the evidence of two

witnesses, and where such persons were actually in the service there

was complete waiver of the requirement of certificates of arrival, as

well as of the usual ninety days’ posting and the statutory interval

of thirty days before an election.

The proceeding might be held in the most convenient court. Persons,

other than enemy aliens, who had erroneously believed themselves

to be citizens, who had lived in the United States for at least

five years preceding July 1, 1914, could be naturalized without

declaration of intention. And the payment of any fees was excused in

applicants in the military service, except in those states where the

clerk of court is required to turn into the state treasury his half

of the receipts; in those states only that half needed to be paid.

ALL RACE RESTRICTIONS REMOVED

Furthermore, the effect of the law was such as to remove the racial

restrictions, so far as soldiers were concerned. A number of

Japanese and Chinese aliens were admitted to citizenship under the

military naturalization law. A dispatch to the Associated Press from

Honolulu, dated February 14, 1919, cited Judge Horace Vaughan, of the

United States District Court for Hawaii, as having “already granted

naturalization to 184 Japanese who entered the service,” and as

holding that they were entitled to citizenship under the law. Indeed,

the law does say, repeatedly, “_any_ alien.”

It was provided, too, that any American citizen, native or

foreign-born, who, as would have been the case under previously

existing law, had lost or might be deemed to have lost his

citizenship by enlistment and oath of allegiance to another

sovereignty in the military service of “any country at war with a

country with which the United States is now at war” might fully and

forthwith restore his American citizenship simply by taking before

any United States consul, or any court having authority to confer

citizenship, the oath of allegiance to the United States.

In a word, the Act of May 9, 1918, overturned everything the Bureau

of Naturalization and the courts had been contending for and making

into law at great expense of time, money, and devoted labor. The bars

were not simply let down; they were obliterated.

ORDINARY NATURALIZATION DISRUPTED

“The soldier naturalization work completely disrupted,” says

Commissioner Campbell, “the other naturalization work that arose in

the courts under the general provisions of the naturalization law,

almost the entire force of naturalization examiners being necessary

for the task,” ... “even though their removal from their stations

resulted in embarrassment to courts, court officials, and thousands

of candidates for naturalization under the general provisions of the

law.”

It is impossible at this time to say, or even to estimate with

any degree of confidence, how many of the aliens, thus hurriedly

naturalized, actually saw the battle lines in Europe, or even endured

the perils by sea involved in transport to the other side. A large

number of them never got farther from home than the army camp to

which they were first sent. No statistics on this subject have as yet

been collated, or perhaps ever will be. It is the impression of the

Naturalization Service, doubtless justified by the fact, that the

majority of the foreign-born soldiers thus naturalized at the camps

actually did get overseas, even though the armistice prevented their

ever further imperiling their lives for the country and flag to which

they had thus twice sworn allegiance. The main reason for the haste

was, as the Commissioner says, to finish the naturalization of the

alien members of units in time for embarkation. The courts engaged in

this work at the large encampments, and particularly at the points of

rendezvous for embarkation, worked overtime. Eight courts were used

at Newport News alone. Every effort was bent to catch the men before

they went overseas; in many cases aliens thrown into casual units

were quickly naturalized for the special purpose of permitting them

to catch up with their own organizations.

“Enemy aliens,” as a rule, were handled separately. In one “job,”

855 Serbs and Rumanians from Transylvania, which was then a part of

Austria-Hungary, were turned in a trice into full-fledged American

citizens.

Many got away without being naturalized, but made up for it when they

came home again, not a few with wound stripes to reinforce their

title to the new privilege. There were naturalizations even in the

hospitals, where men in beds raised their right hands to take the

oath of allegiance. Little doubt about _their_ knowing what they were

doing.

On the other hand, undoubtedly there were many who did not at all

understand. At one of the large hearings at one of the far Western

camps surreptitiously brought their certificates of naturalization to

two women investigators for one of the Government War organizations,

and wanted to know what they meant.

“Would you be so good as to tell us what these papers are?” they

said. “We got some papers before, and had to go to court as

witnesses. We had a great deal of trouble. We would like to know if

these papers will get us into more trouble.”

STATISTICS OF ALIEN REGISTRATION

The total registration under the operation of the Selective Service

Act, during the whole period, June 5, 1917-September 12, 1918,

according to the report of the Provost Marshal General,[128] was

23,908,576. Of these registrants--roughly speaking, one-fifth of the

total population of the United States--20,031,493 were citizens;

3,877,083 were aliens. Of the citizens, 1,336,967 (6.67 per cent)

were foreign-born and naturalized. Of the aliens, about one in

three (1,270,184--32.76 per cent) had declared intention to seek

citizenship. More than two and one-half millions (2,606,901--67.24

per cent) were aliens out-and-out, still owing full allegiance

to other sovereignties, and of nationality, so far as the war was

concerned, divided as follows:

TABLE XXX

ALLEGIANCE OF ALIENS REGISTERED UNDER THE SELECTIVE SERVICE ACT{1}

===========================================================

| NUMBER | PER CENT

-------------------------------+--------------+------------

Total registration | 3,877,083 | 100.00

Ages 21-31 | 1,703,006 | ....

Ages 18-20, 32-45 | 2,174,077 | ....

| |

Cobelligerents (the Allies) | 2,228,980 | 57.49

Ages 21-31 | 1,021,063 | ....

Ages 18-20, 32-45 | 1,207,917 | ....

| |

Neutrals | 636,601 | 16.42

Ages 21-31 | 249,034 | ....

Ages 18-20, 32-45 | 387,567 | ....

| |

Enemy and allied enemy | 1,011,502 | 26.09

Ages 21-31 | 432,909 | ....

Ages 18-20, 32-45 | 578,593 | ....

===========================================================

[note 1: _Second Report of the Provost Marshal General to the

Secretary of War_, on the Selective Service System to December 20,

1918, p. 90, Table 23.]

We have no figures to show how many of those aliens and declarants

registered in the registration of September 12, 1918, were below

the age of 21 years; therefore it is not possible to say just what

proportion were available for naturalization under the special

provisions of the law of May 9th. The previous registration had

applied altogether to men above the age of 21, and of course all of

those in the subsequently registered class 32-45 were naturalizable

so far as age was concerned.

The classification of registrants under the registration of

September 12, 1918, never was completed, being stopped by the

armistice of November 11th; therefore the availability for service

of the citizens and aliens has been reported only for those between

the ages of 21 and 31. Of the 1,703,006 aliens and declarants of this

age classification, a little less than one in three (538,363--31.61

per cent) had declared intention. The fitness of these for service is

shown by the following analysis:

TABLE XXXI

FITNESS FOR SERVICE OF ALIEN REGISTRANTS{1}

===========================================================

| NUMBER | PER CENT

-------------------------------+--------------+------------

Placed in Class I | 414,389 | 24.33

Declarants | 160,594 | 29.64

Nondeclarants | 253,795 | 21.79

| |

Placed in deferred classes | 1,288,617 | 75.67

Declarants | 377,769 | 71.36

Nondeclarants | 910,848 | 78.21

===========================================================

[note 1: _Second Report of the Provost Marshal General to the

Secretary of War_, on the Operations of the Selective Service

System to December 20, 1918, p. 91, table 25.]

ALIENS AND MILITARY SERVICE

As the Provost Marshal General says, in discussing the intricate

legal situation which the legislation of May 9, 1918, was calculated

in part to meet, “it was realized that, from the point of view of

international law, not all aliens stood on the same footing in this

country.” He analyzed the differences as follows:[129]

(a) An alien occupying a diplomatic post enjoys immunity from

military service, as well as from many other burdens, for he

is the representative of a foreign country, present by consent

and invitation, and is protected by a number of privileges not

enjoyed by a private citizen. Diplomatic privileges do not extend

to consuls, as they are not diplomatic officers, but merely

representatives for commercial purposes.

(b) A transitory alien friend cannot be compelled to serve other

than mere police duty, for otherwise commercial intercourse would

be interrupted and the person might be required to aid a country in

which he is a stranger.

(c) An alien friend who is domiciled, that is to say, who is a

permanent resident, can be compelled to serve, for otherwise he

would receive the benefits of the government without sharing the

burdens. An alien’s declaration of intention to become a citizen,

though it does not make him a citizen, is conclusive evidence that

he is properly to be considered a permanent resident.

(d) An alien enemy cannot be forced to serve, for otherwise he

would be compelled to fight against his own country.

(e) A national of a country with which the United States has a

treaty containing appropriate provisions may enjoy exemption from

compulsory military service. Some of our treaties exempt all of the

citizens of each of the high contracting parties. Others exempt

only certain designated classes.

The situation described in paragraph (c) was the one under force

of which Congress, in the Selective Service Act of May 18, 1917,

based the draft “upon liability to military service of all male

citizens, or male persons, not alien enemies, who have declared their

intention to become citizens,” between the designated ages. As the

Provost Marshal General pointed out in his first report, heretofore

quoted, the exemption of alien nondeclarants would have created

great injustice in the enforcement of the local quotas in states and

regions disparate in the ratios of native born and aliens; therefore,

in legislation of May and June, 1918, Congress changed the basis

of apportionment to meet this inequity, and incidentally so that

thereafter it became incumbent upon the alien to bear the burden of

proof of his right to exemption.

It is fair to assume, as the Provost Marshal General said,[130]

that it was impossible for the local and district boards or any

other governmental agencies independently to ascertain whether or

not a registrant was a nondeclarant alien, because such an inquiry

would involve a search of the records of the naturalization courts,

Federal and state, throughout the entire country[131] to ascertain

a negative--_viz._, whether a person had not declared his intention

(“an obviously impossible and absurd inquiry,” as one judge has

said).... The regulations and instructions required local and

district boards to give every alien ... a full and fair hearing, or

a full and fair opportunity to be heard, on any claim of exemption

that he might have.... Local boards were authorized to inquire into

the status of any registrant where they had reason to believe that

the particular registrant was a nondeclarant alien and had failed

through ignorance to claim exemption, and, if such were found to be

the case, the boards were required to exempt him.

Legal advisory boards were established to aid registrants--the

courts generally upheld the right of out-and-out aliens to

exemption--moreover, in regions where there were large numbers of

aliens, the local draft boards often, if not usually, included men

of foreign race or descent as well as men interested in and closely

familiar with the foreign-born population, who took every pains to

inform the ignorant and protect them in their rights. On the whole,

it is highly probable that the spirit of the law in this regard was

substantially observed throughout the country. The Naturalization

Bureau--virtually helpless as it was to prove or disprove claims of

alleged nondeclarants--had referred to it more than 50,000 cases.

FOREIGN BORN EAGER TO SERVE

The Provost Marshal General declares that the mass of foreign-born

residents were themselves permeated by the spirit of readiness to

waive their exemptions and voluntarily accepted the call to military

service.[132]

Thousands of nondeclarant aliens of cobelligerent and even of

neutral origin welcomed the opportunity to take up arms against

the arch enemy of all; the records of correspondence in this

office contain eloquent testimony to this spirit. The figures of

alien classification indicate this, and the local boards report

explicitly that the number of nondeclarant aliens waiving their

exemption was very large (191,491).

There came eventually into being a “Foreign Legion,” made up

principally of nondeclarant aliens, a large proportion of

whom, because of birth within the territorial sovereignty of

Austria-Hungary, were technically enemy aliens. Their spirit is well

exemplified in a letter written by one such “enemy alien” at a time

before the army had awakened to the fact that these men, whatever

the technicalities of the prevailing political geography might seem

to show, were Allies in spirit, with better cause to fight their

titular sovereign than any other sort of American; the author was a

Jugo-Slav, who had been offered exemption because of his “Austrian”

nationality:

... I received the civil clothes sent from Cleveland, and at the

same time a thought occurred to me which never left me--that I

should feel ashamed to leave the army and go back to civil life.

Indeed, how I love my young, healthy life, how I long to be free

again, going my own ways without hearing the command of another.

But alas, am I justified to think of my own liberty and happy life,

when the moment is here that calls on every young man to give

liberty to others? Away, you selfish thoughts. On into the battle:

I am a Slovene myself, and my fathers and grandfathers never had an

opportunity to fight for liberty. Indeed, they fought for hundreds

of years under the command of Hapsburgs to continue slavery and

tyranny.... Good by, my beloved young life; I shall not return to

my happy home until the day has come when I can proudly see the

liberated Jugoslavia in a liberated world. Then I shall return,

conscious that I have done my bit. If I shall perish--I am afraid I

will--let it be so; the only thing I am sorry about is that I don’t

possess hundreds of lives, giving them all for liberty.

Dear brother, the suit of clothes you sent me I sold to-day to a

man for thirty dollars, who thinks less than I do.

The provisions for immediate naturalization turned the “Foreign

Legion” into a legion of citizens, and took out of the category of

aliens thousands of men of like spirit. As for those of neutral

nationality who withdrew their declarations of intention in

accordance with the provision made by Congress, and lapsed into

purely alien status, the following tabulation from the second report

of the Provost Marshal General, although only partially complete, is

illuminating:[133]

TABLE XXXII

NEUTRALS WITHDRAWING FROM THE SERVICE

==============================================================

Total neutral alien declarants registered June 5, |

1917-Sept. 11, 1918 | 77,644

Placed in deferred class (66.62 per cent) | 51,726

Placed in Class I | 25,918

Exempted on withdrawal of declaration | 818

==============================================================

In this group only three per cent availed themselves of the

privilege.

Of the significance and extent of the response to the opportunity for

immediate naturalization, the Provost Marshal General says:[134]

One test of the spirit of loyalty among aliens may be found in the

number of naturalizations applied for and granted to registrants

since the United States entered the war. Such action inspires a

sentiment of admiration for their readiness to enter the war in

the service of their adopted country. The Bureau of Naturalization

reports that the total number of naturalizations in the United

States between October 1, 1917, and September 30, 1918, was

179,816; and that since the passage of the Act of May 8, 1918, the

number of naturalizations accomplished in camp, up to November

30, 1918, was 155,246. And there were only 414,389 aliens placed

in Class I up to September 11, 1918 (including declarants and

nondeclarants), and as a large portion of these must have gone

overseas prior to June, 1918, it is plain that the opportunity for

naturalization found a hearty response from the great majority of

aliens to whom it was offered.

AUSTRIANS WHO WERE NOT FOR AUSTRIA

Concerning the technically enemy aliens of the Austro-Hungarian

allegiance, the same report shows that when Austria-Hungary became

an enemy nation in December, 1917, it affected the status of some

239,000 registrants, and that thereupon the camps were found to

contain “thousands of Austro-Hungarian declarants, not deferred on

ordinary grounds, and also a large number (probably about 9,000)

of Austro-Hungarian nondeclarants who had waived their alienage

exemption.”[135]

“A great majority of these men,” says the Provost Marshal General,

“were of the oppressed races of Austria-Hungary, and therefore

sympathetic with the cause of the Allies and ready to remain in

camp.” As an evidence of this the report cites the fact that in

one camp, regarded as typical in absence of complete returns called

for by the Adjutant General of the army in October, 1918, as to the

aliens who desired discharge or were suitable for discharge under the

head of enemy aliens:[136]

Out of a total of 1,589 aliens in this camp in October, 1918,

only 289 asked for discharge when the opportunity was offered,

or less than 20 per cent. Of these aliens, 383 were technically

enemy aliens, virtually all being either of Austro-Hungarian or

of Turkish allegiance; and 139, or a few more than 36 per cent,

applied for discharge. Of the cobelligerent aliens, 1,006 in all,

and composed almost entirely of British, Italian, and Russian

subjects, only 24 applied for discharge, or a little more than

2 per cent. Of the neutral aliens, 200 in all, 84 applied for

discharge, or 42 per cent. These contrasts between the several

groups show just such cleavage as we might expect. The general

figures indicate how slight was the disposition of these alien

groups to withdraw from the opportunity of taking arms against the

world foe.

THERE WAS HUMAN WAR-TIME PSYCHOLOGY

It would have been less than human, in the hectic state of public

feeling conditioning all the preparations for war, had there not been

instances--perhaps very many instances--in which aliens were enlisted

in spite or in ignorance of their right to exemption; in which they

were virtually forced by local sentiment, displayed in various more

or less illegal and outrageous ways, to join the army; but, on the

whole, those who either actually or by default waived their exemption

were willing soldiers, and their performances were quite equal in

fidelity and courage to those of the native-born or naturalized

citizens.

The Provost Marshal General is to some degree candid about this:[137]

That the boards occasionally allowed themselves the patriot’s

privilege of pleading with the man who had not fully reflected

on his duty is not to be doubted. An Italian was about to claim

exemption on account of alien citizenship.

“Are you sure you want to do this?” asked the chairman of the board.

“Why not?” was the inquiry.

“There are two reasons,” said the official. “One is the United

States, the other is Italy. Two flags call you to the colors. There

is a double reason for you.”

“I’ll go,” he said.

But that the boards should be disparaged for thus at times taking

on the attitude of a recruiting officer no one would maintain.

Here, as in all other incidents of the draft, the situation varied

somewhat in different localities; and without a doubt there were

rare and sporadic local instances of carelessness and of bias

which led to improper inductions.... These various instances of

induction of nondeclarant aliens, whether properly or improperly

made, led to a number of diplomatic protests on their behalf by

the representatives of foreign governments. The number of these

protests reaching this office from the Secretary of State was some

5,852 in all.

DIPLOMATIC REQUESTS FOR EXEMPTION

The list of these protests is interesting; it is arranged here in

the order of the number of cases, but for a fair assessment of the

sentiment value involved, one should take into consideration the

war status, and the relative proportions, of the nationalities

represented in the total registration. These statistics are not in

all cases available; but so far as the report of the Provost Marshal

General gives them, they are given in the last column:

TABLE XXXIII

DIPLOMATIC REQUESTS FOR DISCHARGE OF ALIENS, AND TOTAL REGISTRATION

OF ALIENS, BY COUNTRY OF BIRTH

=======================================================================

| NUMBER | NUMBER{2} | | NUMBER | NUMBER{2}

COBELLIG- | OF{1} | REGISTERED | NEUTRALS | OF{1} | REGISTERED

ERENTS |REQUESTS| | |REQUESTS|

--------------+--------+------------+-------------+--------+-----------

| | | | |

Russia | 1,433 | 808,503 |Switzerland | 995 | 21,888

Italy | 166 | 652,971 |Spain | 592 | 44,320

Greece | 119 | 88,831 |Norway | 404 | 62,656

Portugal | 65 | 62,434 |Denmark | 241 | 33,457

Cuba | 23 | .... |Sweden | 216 | 99,995

Great Britain | 22 | 467,468{3}|Mexico | 109 | 192,617

Japan | 13 | 56,697 |Netherlands | 85 | 27,190

Brazil | 12 | ....{4}|Persia | 61 | ....{4}

Belgium | 5 | 16,701 |Colombia | 7 | ....{4}

China | 5 | 23,599 |Argentina | 5 | ....{4}

Panama | 4 | ....{4}|Ecuador | 4 | ....{4}

France | 3 | 18,314 |Peru | 4 | ....{4}

Guatemala | 3 | ....{4}|Venezuela | 4 | ....{4}

Honduras | 2 | ....{4}|Chile | 2 | ....{4}

Siam | 2 | ....{4}|Santo Domingo| 1 | ....{4}

--------------+--------+------------+-------------+--------+-----------

Total | 1,877 |2,228,980{5}| Total | 2,730 | 636,601{5}

=======================================================================

===========================================================

ENEMY AND | NUMBER OF | NUMBER

ALLIED-ENEMY | REQUESTS{1}| REGISTERED{2}

-------------------------------+------------+--------------

Turkey | 971 | 81,608

Bulgaria | 304 | 19,873

Austria | 62 | 751,212

Germany | 8 | 158,809

-------------------------------+------------+--------------

Total | 1,345 | 1,011,502{5}

-------------------------------+------------+--------------

Grand total | 5,852{6} | ....

===========================================================

[note 1: _Second Report of the Provost Marshal General_, 1918, p. 400.]

[note 2: _Ibid._, p. 399.]

[note 3: This total represents the registration from all the British

Empire.]

[note 4: Not separately listed.]

[note 5: Includes nationalities not listed in this table.]

[note 6: _Sic._ as per Reports.]

RECIPROCAL CONSCRIPTION AMONG COBELLIGERENTS

A large factor in the diplomatic interchanges arising out of

induction or attempted induction of aliens into the military service

was the situation regarding cobelligerents. It does not call for

extended description here; suffice it to say that the policy of

reciprocal conscription and of crediting registrants, whether

citizens or aliens, with the fact of their enlistment under the flag

of any of the Allied nations, largely relieved this situation, so far

as the nondeclarant alien was concerned. A collateral development

was the upgrowth of desire on the part of representatives of the

oppressed races of Central Europe to organize armed forces under

their own commanders, and to proceed more or less independently to

the battle line. Of this the Provost Marshal General says:[138]

The situation thus presented ... was finally relieved in part by

two measures. In the first place, the War Department conceded that

aliens of the oppressed races, who had already enlisted in the

Polish foreign legion, should not be required to be discharged

and returned to the American draft; but that in future no such

enlistment should be sanctioned. In the second place, the Army

Appropriation Act authorized the organization of the Slavic

Legion ... into which could be enlisted aliens of the oppressed

races--Czecho-Slovak, Jugo-Slav, and Ruthenian (omitting Polish),

who were otherwise exempted under the draft.... Computations ...

give estimates for the number of males of military age who would

have been eligible for enlistment under this act ranging between

188,000 and 330,000.

OF GERMAN DESCENT, BUT LOYAL AMERICANS

The Provost Marshal General takes occasion to pay high tribute to

the thousands of registrants of German stock who “loyally stood by

the American flag,” notwithstanding the “natural distrust” at first

attending them in public opinion, “and the notorious intrigues of the

German government to secure their support.” The opportunity afforded

to such of them as could satisfy the courts and the Naturalization

Service of their loyalty, to become American citizens, was availed

of by them in large numbers. It is regrettable that, as the Provost

Marshal General says:[139]

Unfortunately, time has not sufficed to analyze the naturalization

papers and thus discover the variances between the different

nationalities in this demonstration of loyalty to their adoptive

country.

DESERTION, AMONG ALIENS AND CITIZENS

It has been asserted by ill-informed persons representing on the one

hand those who attribute inherent deficiencies and evil tendencies

to the immigrant as such, and on the other those who seem to think

that the immigrant as such is somehow superior to the native-born

American, either that the desertions from the army or evasions of

military service were inordinately numerous on the part of foreign

born as compared with the native born; or, _per contra_, that “the

proportion of desertions among the native born is about twice as

great as among the foreign born.”[140] In point of exact fact and

essential justice, neither of these views is justified. The Provost

Marshal General deals directly, and with broad justice, with this

situation:[141]

Of the 474,861 deserters reported, the registration cards of

185,081 state that they are aliens. Of this number, 22,706 had

declared their intention to become citizens, and were, therefore,

subject to draft, while 129,268 had not declared such intention,

and were, therefore, on proper proof of alienage, entitled to

exemption. There were also 33,107 enemy aliens, who, of course,

would not have been accepted in any event.

There are two main reasons for the large proportion of alien

desertions. The first is that many aliens, knowing that under the

selective-service law (and also, for many countries, by treaty)

they were entitled to exemption, believed that, by stating on the

registration cards that they were aliens, they had performed their

full duty with respect to the draft; they ignored the regulations

which required them to submit proof of alienage. The second is

that many of them did not speak English, were ignorant of the

laws and customs of this country, did not know that they were

required to keep their local boards informed of their addresses,

and failed to realize their obligations to this country under the

selective-service law. And the difficulty experienced by the local

boards in reading and writing their names frequently caused the

mail notices addressed to these registrants to go astray.

Apart from the foregoing explanations, however, which would suffice

to show that such aliens did not desert in the ordinary sense,

but merely failed to come forward to claim their exemption, there

was undoubtedly a large exodus of aliens from some of the border

states, and those near to the seaboard, where the easiest course

for these ignorant and misguided persons seemed to lie in flight

beyond the national boundaries.

The figures upon which the Provost Marshal General thus comments are

given by him in Table XXXIV.[142]

TABLE XXXIV

COMPARISON OF REPORTED DESERTIONS OF ALIEN AND CITIZEN REGISTRANTS

================================================================

DESERTIONS | NUMBER

--------------------------------------------------+-------------

Total alien and citizen registrants, June 5, 1917 |

to Sept. 11, 1918 | 10,679,814

Total desertions | 474,861

Total alien registrants | 1,703,006

Reported alien desertions | 185,081

Total citizen registrants | 8,976,808

Reported citizen desertions | 289,780

================================================================

It is clear from these figures, and regardless of the allowances

made by the Provost Marshal General, as quoted above, that nearly 11

out of every 100 aliens registered, as against a little more than

3 out of every 100 citizens, who, in one way or another evaded or

sought to evade the draft; also that it is simply not true that

“the proportion of desertions among the native born was about twice

as great as among the foreign born.” True, the citizen-deserter

percentage of the whole number of registrants is 2.71, as against

an alien-deserter percentage of 1.75 ... but there were _nearly

six times as many citizen registrants as alien_. In order even to

_equal_ the alien ratio, the citizen deserters would have had to be

considerably more than three times as numerous as they were. But no

such plausible excuses could have been made for them! There are no

available figures to show how many of the citizens who thus evaded

service were of foreign birth.

WAR’S TEST OF “THE MELTING-POT”

The essential quality of manhood in America was tested in all this

business, and gave the lie direct alike to those Americans who were

wont to sneer at the alien among us, and to the German autocracy

which counted upon those of German descent in this country to prove

disloyal to America. “The cosmopolitan composition of our population

was never more strikingly disclosed,” says the Provost Marshal

General, “than by the recent events of the World War. Then the

melting pot stood in the fierce fires of the national emergency; and

its contents, heated in the flames, either fused into the compact

mass or floated off as dross.” And he goes on to say:[143]

The great and inspiring revelation here has been that men of

foreign and of native origin alike responded to the call to arms

with a patriotic devotion that confounded the cynical plans of

our archenemy, and surpassed our own highest expectations. No man

can peruse the muster roll of one of our camps, or the casualty

list from a battlefield in France, without realizing that America

has fulfilled one of its highest missions in breeding a spirit of

common loyalty among all those who have shared the blessings of

life on its free soil. No need to speculate how it has come about;

the great fact is demonstrated that America makes Americans.

It is no part of the province of this volume to multiply words about

the way in which these adopted citizens of every racial blood gave

account of themselves in the thousand ways of war service under

their new-pledged flag. That is history, which, as General Crowder

said, can be read broad upon the face of every list of those who

fell--foreign and native born side by side, their intermingling blood

poured forth for “America.” The diary of a German officer, found on

the battlefield,[144] tells what the common enemy found:

Only a few of the troops are of pure American origin.... But these

semi-Americans fully feel themselves to be the true born sons of

their country.

AN OLD PRACTICE WITH A NEW SIGNIFICANCE

Who shall forecast the effect of this wholesale admission of aliens

to full citizenship and potential political power in the United

States? How many of these men were among those whom, in earlier

proceedings, the rigorous precautions of the past had kept at arm’s

length? They came up in courts far from their home jurisdiction; no

longer was the esteem of neighbor a prerequisite; no longer was it

necessary to have lived even one year in any particular vicinage--or,

indeed, to have any residence at all! There can be no checking up,

even now, to see whether even a criminal record should have debarred

the applicant; the Bureau of Naturalization was more than 500,000

behind in the examination of naturalization certificates even before

this flood of new ones was poured in upon its overworked force!

In the old days, before the establishment of the Naturalization

Service, there was hurried admission of thousands of aliens,

regardless of qualifications, within short periods, and it was deemed

a dreadful menace to our institutions. Of course this was very

different from every point of view; but was the difference sufficient

to guarantee real assimilation into the spirit that we like to

believe characterizes sound American citizenship?

WHAT SOME JUDGES THOUGHT OF IT

The questions addressed by the Americanization Study in the summer of

1919 to the naturalizing judges throughout the country included this

question:

Do you believe that the admission of large numbers of aliens

under the Act of May 9, 1918, solely on the ground of military or

naval service, without the usual requirements of residence, etc.,

operated on the whole to the advantage of the United States?

The paucity and hesitation, even reluctance, of the replies are a

striking evidence of the impossibility of answering the question.

Of 356 judges who gave any attention at all to the question, 110

frankly declared themselves unable to express any opinion whatever.

Thirteen were in grave doubt, inclining to the negative; 16 said

only, “I hope so”; 108 replied flatly, “No.” The others (109) in

various phrases expressed their affirmative. But many of these

affirmatives were greatly qualified. Some thought the advantage

applied only or chiefly to those soldiers who had volunteered; others

believed that the mental and physical training and the psychological

effect of imperiling his life for the flag would offset the evils

involved in hasty admission of the otherwise unqualified individual.

Many argued that, whatever the doubts about the wisdom of the policy,

it was “only fair,” “it is their right,” “you cannot deny citizenship

to a man whom you compel to fight for the country,” etc.

“I held up about 68 Germans and Austrians,” says one judge, whose

vote was an emphatic “No”; “but the government at Washington advised

taking them in--and they were.”

In a number of instances the judges declared that they went

against their own judgment in admitting men whom they regarded

as unfit--naturalizing them only upon the insistence of the

representatives of the Naturalization Service. An eloquent

illustration of the about-face in the policy of the Bureau!

“No, decidedly!” cried a Michigan judge. “It was a colossal blunder!”

“An impulsive act of Congress,” answers another; while an Iowa judge

voices the opinion of many in saying:

Mere willingness to fight is not necessarily an indication of

either patriotism or fitness.

Among these judges were several worthy of note who officiated at the

naturalization of very large numbers of soldiers. The striking fact

is that these, almost without exception, were in various degrees

enthusiastic in their expressions of belief that the policy was a

good one. Some contented themselves with a mere “Yes” for answer.

Among these was one who naturalized more than 10,000 men at one

of the great camps of debarkation. Here are a few characteristic

expressions from others:

“They gave the best evidence of loyalty.”

“It was the best thing to do under the circumstances.”

“I do not see how the government could do otherwise with men in the

service before allowing them to go overseas.”

“Yes. I have naturalized 400 and 500 men at a time, and seen their

enthusiasm for this country, which, in my judgment, was no sham.”

“My policy was to decide for the applicant wherever I could under

the facts.”

“I found in a majority of cases aliens in the armed service were as

enthusiastic as our own native-born sons.”

HERE WAS “ATTACHMENT TO OUR PRINCIPLES”!

The naturalization of an alien under our laws [says Commissioner

Campbell][145] may be compared justly to the “coming of age”

celebration of the heir of a great estate. It is the formal

recognition of an accomplished fact, the attainment of manhood with

all of its implications of the putting away of childish things

and the assumption of the obligations that mark the mature and

responsible personality.... The vital thing to bear in mind in

considering the statistics of naturalization is that these figures

represent human beings, and human beings in that most important

stage of human progress stepping upward from the infantile stage of

blind and unquestioning obedience, backed by external compulsion,

to the plane of political maturity which not alone has a part

in the making of laws, but, what is more important, must obey

the laws from an inward and self-imposed sense of obligation....

Genuine citizenship is primarily a state of inward feeling, and

only secondarily one of knowledge. It is not impossible for one to

be a good citizen who is ignorant of the forms of our government

or who even has no very clear mental conception of the basic

principles upon which it is founded.

The completion of the nationalizing process is marked for every

essential spiritual purpose, as Professor Weatherly said,[146] “when

the things of the spirit are held in common and cherished by all,”

or, as Renan expresses it, when the people “have a common glory,” by

reason of having “done great things together.”

* * * * *

How may a man more convincingly show his “attachment to the

principles of the Constitution,” his benevolence toward “the good

order and happiness” of his country, than by imperiling his life for

it? “Greater love hath no man than this.”

A candidate for naturalization, in ordinary conditions exhibiting

knowledge of the legal relationship between the Federal and state

governments, knowing the name of the President of the United States,

the date of the battle of Bunker Hill, the cause of Shay’s Rebellion,

and when the yellow fever came to Boston, may have no more idea of

what the flag of the United States means and might mean than he has

of the mental processes of the ichthyosaurus; his very plenitude of

intellectual accomplishment may indeed make him only the greater

menace to the essential welfare of his community.

But when he becomes a citizen in the very act and fact of going forth

under that flag to lay down his life for what it stands for--what

better thing can he do, what better evidence can he offer, of his

“inward and self-imposed sense of obligation?” Nay, more, how better

may he show that he is enlisting in the service of his new country

something that was kindred in the old? There was a ringing challenge

to all our smug self-sufficiency in what the Bohemians bore on their

banner in that Cleveland parade:

AMERICANS, DO NOT BE DISCOURAGED:

WE HAVE BEEN FIGHTING THESE TYRANTS

FOR THREE HUNDRED YEARS!

Many of us looked upon these men as somehow sneaking into a

privilege, overlooking the fact that they were bringing us a gift!

ASSIMILATING THE ENEMIES OF TYRANNY

We are hardly yet awake to the wonder of what happened, to the

magnitude of the work of national assimilation that took place all

in a moment. We were very stupid about it. One of the most important

officers of our army, charged with great responsibility in the

preparations for the war, naïvely confessed some time after the

United States had entered upon it, that he did not know who were the

Czecho-Slovaks, or from what part of the world they came! And it was

only with the greatest difficulty that the army authorities were made

to realize that most of the races making up that political nightmare

known as Austria-Hungary desired nothing so much as the chance to

help overthrow the unspeakable tyranny from which they had fled,

against which they and their fathers had “been fighting for three

hundred years.” Better than the Allies themselves they understood the

cause of the Allies, yet to the American army authorities they were

only “enemy aliens”!

It was in keeping with our statistical customs, not only in the

Naturalization and Immigration Bureaus, but in the very census

itself, to class an Austrian as an Austrian, knowing little and

caring less about the world of difference between a Magyar and a

Czech, between a Croat and a Slovak--though all were “Austrians” to

the superficial eye of the census enumerator--and the General Staff

of the United States army, which was going to war against “Austria”

with absurdly, unpardonably vague, notions as to what an “Austrian”

might be! It required a vigorous campaign of education before there

could emerge even a fair, working intelligence in this regard; but

emerge it finally did, and the anti-Austrian “Austrians” at last got

their chance to go forth as American citizens under the Stars and

Stripes to help give the _coup de grâce_ to the old oppressor of

themselves, their fathers, and their fathers’ fathers.

EPISODES OF MILITARY NATURALIZATION

In one army division, at Fort Riley, Kansas, thirty nationalities

were represented by the candidates for citizenship, including

not only the pseudo-Austrians, but Rumania, Serbia, Bulgaria,

Montenegro, Armenia, Syria, Guatemala, Honduras, the Azores, and

most of the rest of the civilized world. At Fort Riley was made the

record of “forty-three citizens in forty minutes.” At Camp Devens,

Massachusetts, more than 2,000 men were admitted to citizenship

and took the oath of allegiance in one operation, lined up on the

parade-ground by nationalities. A New York State court naturalized

soldiers of fifty-six racial varieties on the first day of the

visiting court.

In a session of court held in a Tennessee encampment the court crier

opened the ceremonies with his, “Oyez! Oyez!” and a procession of

dignitaries, military and civil, marched in under the flags for the

ceremonial--a solemn invocation, an address by a venerable judge,

and the crash of “The Star-spangled Banner.” Then the general made a

speech, in which he welcomed each of those who a little while before

had been “strangers and foreigners,” and dubbed him “one of _our_

men.”

“Fellow citizens, comrades!” he struck home with booming voice in his

peroration, “we will lash ourselves together with hoops of steel, and

go forth to avenge the outrages that have been committed. There is no

power on earth that can keep us from our purpose!”

Some soldier started the song, “Keep the Home Fires Burning,” and

the aliens of a little while before, many of them hardly knowing

the English word, joined in, with lusty emphasis upon and new

significance in the refrain,

“_Till the boys come home!_”

Down in Alabama, a government official at a similar session

apostrophized Liberty in strident Polish, followed by a second

lieutenant in similar vein, but in Italian; and even those of other

tongues, including English, who could not understand the words, knew

well enough or felt in their hearts the drift of it.

As has been said, some got across without naturalization, and one

aftermath of that was an extraordinary scene in the Walter Reid

Hospital at Washington. The opportunity returned to the wounded

there, in dramatic guise. An orderly walked through the wards

summoning all men who desired to become citizens to gather at once in

the library, to be taken before the judge.

There was a scrambling from cots, men with missing limbs, lads with

heavily bandaged faces, soldiers in every manner of hospital négligé.

The thump of crutches was heard along the halls--more than a hundred

answered the first call. When the officer in charge looked over

the battered and motley assembly, saw the lame and helpless being

assisted into motor vehicles for the journey to court, he gave an

order designed to produce more formal dress for another occasion, but

did not dampen the ardor of that going! And before the judge they

held up their hands, or stumps of hands, and swore their fealty to

the country to which already they had given better proof.

Out at Camp Zachary Taylor, near Louisville, Kentucky, is a great ash

tree, now come to be known as “Naturalization Tree.” Its arms, in

benediction, have been spread out over many hundreds of new citizens

as they took the oath of allegiance and marched away upon their first

American duty. That tree is for them a monument, a memorial of a

Great Occasion.

In one of the Eastern camps three officers, helping the

Naturalization Service in this business, looked up at one another in

the spell of a common thought:

“Here we are, Major Schmidt, Captain Pulaski, and Lieutenant

Martinelli”--such might have been their names; they were of races as

various--“all of foreign birth, helping to make Americans!”

’Twas a pregnant thought, and it typified what was going on all over

the country, in preparation for the “doing of great things together,”

for the new nation’s acquisition of “a common glory in the past ...

a will to do still greater things in the future.”

In the varied procession that passed on this errand before just one

court came a Gentleman from Verona and a Merchant of Venice, as the

judge himself styled them; a Filipino who had served two years in the

Philippine constabulary; an Abyssinian count, born in Somaliland and

claiming kinship to King Menelik and to speak twenty-seven languages.

Then there was Dugga Ram, a Hindu, whom the judge made an exception

to the rule against Asiatics; and the man from Russian Poland, who

denied having any sovereign at all; the Armenian who said he would

refuse citizenship if to get it he had to acknowledge himself a

Turkish subject; the technically alien color sergeant who had served

for years in the regular army and had been wounded in the Philippines.

An old soldier of the Civil War, still an alien in the eyes of the

law, a Kentuckian seventy-six years old with a wife and six children,

all born on this soil, and Americans beyond cavil, took advantage of

the opportunity to file his tattered old army discharge of 1865 in

lieu of “first papers.” There will be, till he dies, two Great Dates

in that old fellow’s life--1861, when, like the aliens of this war,

he pledged his life to maintain the United States, and 1918, when the

United States formally accepted him into full recorded fealty and

fellowship. Yet the _Fact_ had been a human reality for nearly sixty

years!

There were not a few officers who had been commissioned in oversight

of the fact that their alienage legally should have barred them. The

defect was swiftly removed. And there were English and Irish and

Scotch and Welsh--and others, too--who had been here so many years

and were so saturated with all that is essential of Americanism that

their naturalization seemed a formality almost absurdly superfluous.

To all of these at various times and under diverse

conditions--sometimes in glaring noonday inbreaks of dreary camp

routine; sometimes at night in the last hours before the grim setting

forth for France--great words were spoken to solemnize and signalize

the transaction. Perhaps the best of all was that tense sentence of

General Bell:

_I beg of you not to take this oath of allegiance to the United

States unless it is in your heart to do so._

Let it not be forgotten that nobody compelled these men to utilize

this privilege. The law stipulated only that they “_may_ petition.”

Their alienage would have exempted them from service and the peril

that awaited them.

At first, the certificates of naturalization were delivered; but

later, as the flood of applicants became overwhelming and the

complications involved hurried departure overseas, before the papers

were ready, and other considerations, the delivery was delayed, and

the men were advised to arrange to have their precious “last papers”

sent rather to their homes, or even retained in Washington until

after the war. This was a deep disappointment to the new citizens;

and at Camp Upton, for one example, a judge, who knew men by heart,

caused the drawing up of a mimeographed temporary certificate,

properly embellished with “SS,” “Be it known,” and all the rest of

the imposing verbiage, with the soldier’s name suitably prominent in

mid-page.

THOSE WHO WENT WITHOUT CITIZENSHIP

Many alien soldiers who were entitled to naturalization went overseas

without having been naturalized; a large number before the permission

had been made available. Many others, still in the cantonments,

had not yet been reached by the process. The situation with regard

to such of these as, on their discharge, took steps to get the

citizenship to which they were entitled is suggested, even if not

completely set forth, by the former chief examiner of one of the

large districts, quoted by the Commissioner of Naturalization in his

report for 1919:[147]

After the armistice a different situation arose. Many thousands of

soldiers have been, are being, and for some time will be discharged

who did not have the opportunity to be naturalized while in the

service. The work in connection with their naturalization ...

devolves solely upon the force of this service; ... the army is

no longer in a position to render aid.... The demands upon the

field-naturalization offices are so great that both civilian and

soldier naturalization have had to suffer. Because of inability to

furnish a sufficient allotment for additional clerical assistants

in the office of the clerk of one of the largest naturalization

courts in the United States, the clerk is able to care for but a

small proportion of the soldier applicants as promptly as should

be, and, under his present allowance, will be able to naturalize

only approximately a half dozen daily. In another office of the

clerk of a large naturalization court, civilians and honorably

discharged soldiers are being turned away without receiving

attention; and this is equally true in the field naturalization

offices. So large a number of soldier applicants are coming into

the field offices that in some it has become necessary to take

the names and addresses of the applicants as they call and send

notices to them at a future date when they can hope to have their

applications attended to. Notices have also been inserted in the

newspapers notifying them of the time they may appear, in order

to save the time and expense of useless trips to the offices

of examiners. It has also been necessary to close the doors of

naturalization offices when the number of applicants admitted to

offices constituted as many as could be accommodated. This has

resulted in turning away from 100 to 150 soldiers and civilians

daily in several cities. Because of insufficiency of appropriation,

it has become necessary in one field office to limit the taking of

civilian petitions for naturalization to only two days of the week

in order to take care of the applications of honorably discharged

soldiers.

These demands upon this service and the offices of the clerks

of courts are so great that the government is being severely

criticized for not providing facilities for both the discharged

soldiers and civilian foreign born to take steps toward procuring

their American citizenship to which they are justly entitled.

A GREAT COMPOSITE RECORD OF LOYALTY

Mr. Raymond F. Crist, then Director of Citizenship in the Bureau

of Naturalization, pays a well-deserved tribute to the loyalty and

the sacrifices of the foreign born, and points to the enhanced

responsibility laid upon us by the service these men gave. In his

report to the Commissioner of Naturalization,[148] “Concerning

Americanization Activities,” Mr. Crist says, in part:

The names upon the roll of honor of the nation that were cabled

back by the American Expeditionary Forces in France give emphatic

testimony to the loyalty of the foreign born. The names on the

rolls represent all European nationalities. So strongly in evidence

were these names that they might well have been the rosters of

the dead and wounded of any or all the European countries. The

percentage of distinctly non-Anglo-Saxon names was exceedingly

high. These lists still give mute testimony to the fact that the

immigrant and the immigrant’s sons have laid down their lives for

the land of their adoption. When the final records are computed

they will undoubtedly show the presence in the military forces

of our nation of the full quota of those of foreign birth.

Their presence in our military and naval forces has worked a

transformation with them. It has created an after-war debt and

obligation upon the United States. The alien-born soldier has

returned to America an educated and transformed individual. He is

an American in all the senses.

Without intention to cavil or quibble about what Mr. Crist says--for

what he says is essentially true--it is needful to remember that

neither the stress of emotion under which these mass ceremonies at

the camps were conducted, nor the act and fact of naturalization

itself, nor yet, in any substantial way, the experiences in

the army, could make new creatures of these men. They were

afterward--they are now, especially in the chill reaction from the

exuberance of that excited period--what they were before--“just

folks”--good, bad, and indifferent, like the rest of us.

But there is this difference in what it means to them: They

were _welcomed_ into citizenship without the heart-breaking,

gnat-straining suspicion through which, in normal times, they would

have had to go if they went at all. And no politician urged or herded

them into voting status and power at any stage of it. For their

American citizenship and share in the common sovereignty they are

under obligation to nobody. They bought what they got, as it were,

with their own blood.

What intellectual preparation or textbook schooling, what weary

treading of red-tape labyrinth, what minute inspection by government

functionary in zealous search for undotted or uncrossed letters in

a seven-year-old document, would better test or attest an alien’s

capacity for citizenship, or make his induction safer for Democracy?

Anyway, these men--those not dead on foreign fields as their first,

and last, service to the flag--have gone back to their communities

with a new status, and, we may hope, with a new sense of their

relation to and responsibility for the nation’s welfare. It remains

to be seen what use they and the rest of us will make of these new

things.

X

THE FOREIGN-BORN WOMAN, HER HOME AND HER CHILDREN, IN AMERICAN

POLITICS

The foreign-born woman plays directly in American politics a part

somewhat, but not much, more important than that played by snakes in

the zoölogy of Ireland. There are several reasons for this besides

the fact that hitherto she has shared the legal disabilities common

to her sex in the American political scheme--which fact, by itself,

has now been largely mitigated by the final ratification of the

Nineteenth (Woman Suffrage) Amendment to the Constitution of the

United States; though even that applies only to the ballot, and has

not removed either the legal or the general traditional limitations

and inequities under which women, in most parts of the country, still

abide. So far as the ballot is concerned, the American woman, native

or naturalized, is now acknowledged to be an individual person.

But the foreign-born woman, if married, is subject to a substantial

limitation. She has citizenship only if her husband has it; she

derives it, not by virtue of any act or wish or character of her own,

but by strict inference from that of her husband. However much she

may desire to become an American citizen, she cannot do so unless

her husband chooses to become one; however desirable in her own

right or fitness, the unfitness of her husband, or his rejection for

any other reason, _ipso facto_ excludes _her_. And, _per contra_,

however much she might desire to remain a subject or citizen of

the country of her birth or former residence, the naturalization of

her husband, with or without her consent, even with or without her

knowledge, _ipso facto_ inflicts American citizenship upon her. True,

this is technically subject to the provision of the law requiring

that she must herself be eligible for citizenship; but, as has been

stated elsewhere in this volume,[149] there is disagreement among

the authorities as to whether this proviso was intended by Congress

to apply only to women of those Oriental races, which are ineligible

_per se_, or is applicable generally to the individual woman; also,

there has been some attempt to hold that the wife is not naturalized

by the naturalization of her husband if she continues to reside in

the old country. Some judges will not naturalize a man if his wife

remains abroad. Generally speaking, however, the construction is

that the wife, whoever and wherever she may be, comes into American

citizenship willy-nilly with the acceptance of her husband.

More than that, a woman born and residing in another country becomes

an American citizen by her marriage with one; the clergyman, or other

official, who pronounces them man and wife attests also an automatic

and instantaneous change of jurisdiction and allegiance. It works

equally the other way about--an American woman, marrying an alien

in this country, in the house in which she was born and has lived

for twenty years, forthwith, and regardless of any wish of hers in

the matter, becomes _instanter_ in the eyes of American law--and

generally of international law as well--a citizen or subject of

the sovereignty to which her alien husband owes allegiance. It is

conceivable, as is elsewhere remarked, that her act in marrying an

alien might deprive her of any citizenship at all, since no country

can actually confer upon any person citizenship in another. This,

however, is academic, since practically everywhere it is fundamental

in the law that a married woman’s citizenship goes with that of her

husband.

REGARDLESS OF QUALIFICATIONS

By this means she may become a citizen, regardless of her age or

minority or moral character, without having resided in this country

five years, or any other length of time; without any inquiry as

to physical or mental qualification; without taking any oath of

allegiance; without necessarily being, or even claiming to be,

“well disposed to the peace and good order of the United States” or

“attached to the principles of the Constitution.” Coming to this

country as an American citizen, she cannot be rejected or deported

because of any views she may entertain on any subject, or any conduct

on her part, however immoral or otherwise prejudicial it may be

deemed. She is a citizen of the United States, entitled to all the

rights, privileges, and immunities attached to that exalted state.

There has been more than one case in which a woman, about to be

deported as immoral, has been able to avoid deportation by marrying

a citizen.

UNMARRIED WOMEN HAVE MALE RIGHTS

The unmarried foreign-born woman or widow stands, as far as

citizenship is concerned, upon her own feet, and becomes a citizen

under the same conditions, and upon the same terms, as if she were

a man. She must be of one of the races admissible under the law,

must have resided in the United States or within its jurisdiction

continuously for the five years next preceding her application, and

at least two and not more than seven years before that application

must have filed her declaration of intention; she must (unless a

dumb person) be able to speak (and, if the court sees fit to require

it, also to read and even to write) the English language; she must

present her two citizen witnesses, and must satisfy the court that

she is not an anarchist or a believer in polygamy, and that she is in

all respects fit to become a citizen of the United States, attached

to the principles of the Constitution thereof, “and well disposed to

the good order and happiness of the same.” She must abjure any former

allegiance and renounce any title of nobility which she may have

borne.

If she be a widow with children, she must list them in her

application, and such of them as are minors will gain their new

citizenship with hers. But in order to gain citizenship with her they

must be under twenty-one years of age when she is naturalized, and

must become residents of this country before they are twenty-one. The

child is not a citizen until he becomes a resident.

DANGERS OF “DERIVATIVE CITIZENSHIP”

The subject of “derivative citizenship” is one that has been much and

deservedly on the mind of the Naturalization Bureau, especially since

the aspects of citizenship brought to the front by the war came into

wider attention. In his report to the Commissioner of Naturalization

for the year ending June 30, 1919, Raymond F. Crist, as Director of

Citizenship, points out that on the whole the male applicants for

citizenship

... are men who have had such opportunities to acquire knowledge

of our language and of our institutions of government, and to

adopt American customs, as their environments permitted. They

have not been passing their lives within the four walls of their

homes; they have had a much greater opportunity for contact with

the American public than the foreign-born women. The husband may

have gone to the public schools of his community and acquired a

practical equipment not only of our language, but of such character

as is attained through what is usually called a “common-school

education.” Because he has acquired these qualifications for

American citizenship he may be admitted. His admission to

citizenship confers a like right upon his wife to exercise the

franchise to-day in those states where suffrage is universal.

To-morrow, when that right is acquired by all, the conferring of

citizenship upon the wife will also enfranchise her.

The man has to pass an increasingly rigid examination; he is

_personally_ put through a severe inspection of his antecedents, his

character, his personal opinions. His wife becomes a citizen without

any examination whatever. The most meticulously particular court, the

most painstaking naturalization examiner, cannot prevent her becoming

a citizen and a voter without excluding the husband, who may, on his

own account, be exceptionally desirable.

The Director of Citizenship goes on to say:

Generally the foreign-born women reside in an atmosphere and an

environment wholly foreign. They have no opportunity, as a rule,

to come into any sort of contact with American thought. They

are as though they had never left their European homelands and

were still in their native cities and towns. However much their

condition of ignorance of our language, customs, or governmental

institutions may be in evidence, they are, nevertheless, clothed

with full American citizenship upon the naturalization of their

husbands. There are approximately 2,000,000 women who will receive

citizenship through the naturalization of their husbands within

the next few years, and the addition of such a large number of

citizens who know nothing whatsoever of their responsibilities

presents a grave problem, and one which should be given the most

attentive consideration by the legislative body. It would seem

to be advisable to have some restrictive measure provided in the

admission to citizenship that would condition the admission of

a married man to the responsibilities of citizenship upon the

qualifying of his wife.

The vital importance of this question of “derivative citizenship” is

clear in the statistics gathered by the Americanization Study for the

fiscal year 1913-14. Of the 26,284 naturalization petitions covered

by that analysis, only 154, or .6 of 1 per cent, were those of women.

But more than two-thirds (68.5 per cent) were married, from which it

is evident that, in the large majority of these cases, foreign-born

women were swept into citizenship by the naturalization of the

husband. For less than one in ten of them were married to women born

in the United States. And even these American-born women had lost

their citizenship through marriage to aliens, regaining it only when

their foreign-born husbands became citizens.

CHILDREN OF ALIENS HERE AMERICAN BORN

These statistics bring out also another extremely interesting, and

to most people surprising, fact; that is, that the children of our

foreign-born citizens largely were born in this country and are

therefore, in their own right, American citizens. Probably most

persons think of the foreign-born population as coming to this

country with a horde of foreign-born children. This appears to be

contrary to the facts. As can be seen in Table 56, in the Appendix,

four out of five of the petitioners studied had children, and nearly

three-quarters of them had native-born children only. One-fifth

had foreign-born children only, and the rest had both foreign

and native-born. The total number of foreign-born children under

twenty-one years of age was 4,843.

“DERIVATIVE CITIZENSHIP” ALMOST EQUALS THE DIRECT

The thing that appears plain and highly significant in these figures

is the fact that every 100 certificates of naturalization granted

carried into citizenship on the average of 93 _other persons_, of

whom 62 were women, virtually regardless of their own qualifications,

and 31 boys and girls under twenty-one years of age. The number of

unmarried women and widows was altogether negligible. And these 62

women were virtually all foreign born, the proportion of those men

having native-born wives, who were thus restored to their birthright

citizenship, being only 9.1 per cent. (It should be remarked,

however, that the proportion of petitioners having native-born wives

varies greatly--from less than 4 per cent in one court to more than

30 per cent in three of the smaller courts.)

Americans by Choice · 第 6 / 9 章