_LAS CASAS; HIS COLONY ON THE PEARL COAST._
1515-1521.
The history of the northern coast of South America, from the Gulf of
_Paria_ to the Isthmus of _Darien_, is intimately connected with the
history of slavery during the century which succeeded the date of the
discovery of the New World. Modern slavery in Europe (not including the
Ottoman dominions) seems to have dated from the war between the
Spaniards and the Moors, when such of the latter as were made prisoners
were, under Ferdinand, as a matter of course, sold as slaves. It was a
period when the Church was all in all as regards the European polity.
Whatever the head of the Church chose to say was right, and became
therefore right in the eyes of the sons of the Church. The will of the
Sovereign Pontiff became law, and was appealed to as an ultimate court
of reference throughout Christendom.
The state of public morality then existing amongst Christian nations, in
respect to people and races not within the pale of Christianity, was
more or less what it had been in the time of the Crusades. There was at
the best merely a truce existing at any one time between the Christian
and the Moslem powers. Their principles were antagonistic and
incompatible. The days had not yet arrived when the Turk was to be
called in as an ally by one Christian power fighting against another.
Such being the state of things when new islands and continents were
suddenly discovered, no one in Christendom dreamed of questioning the
absolute right of the Pope to dispose of them as he might see fit; and
in accordance with this view, the line was originally drawn by Pope
Alexander VI., fixing the limit of the Spanish and Portuguese
territories respectively, first at a hundred leagues to the west of the
_Azores_, and subsequently, by the Treaty of Tordesillas, at three
hundred and seventy leagues to the west of the Cape _de Verde_ Islands.
By the Bull of May 2nd, 1493 (the year after the discovery of America),
the Spanish sovereigns obtained the same rights, privileges, and
indulgences in respect to the newly-discovered regions, as had been
granted to the Portuguese with regard to their African discoveries,
subject to the same condition of planting and spreading the Catholic
faith. It was not for a moment considered in the matter that the natives
of the newly-discovered regions possessed any rights whatsoever, saving
such as might be granted to them by their Christian invaders, acting
under the orders of the Catholic kings whose claims were sanctioned by
the head of the Church.
It was but the fulfilment of the promise of Scripture that the heathen
should be given to God’s people for an inheritance, and the uttermost
parts of the earth for a possession;[H] and thus, according to the
opinion of the best ecclesiastical and legal authorities, it was fair
and right to enslave such natives of the new countries as might oppose
in arms the Christians who came to take possession of their lands, or
who, being addicted to cannibalism, were beyond the pale of humanity. It
is necessary to bear the above facts in mind in order to judge fairly
the conduct of some of the greatest men of the period, including Prince
Henry of Portugal and Columbus himself.
Prince Henry and Columbus were the two great originators of the
geographical discoveries of the age. Either of the two was profoundly
religious, and in the mind of each the ardour for propagating the true
faith existed equally with the ardour for discovery. It is a strange and
sad reflection that each one of those two great men--in some respects
the greatest men of their age--was the originator of a new form of
slavery. To Prince Henry is to be traced the origin of the enslavement
of African negroes; to Columbus that of the system of _encomiendas_ or
partitions of Indians amongst Spanish settlers. Either system was
productive of untold misery to large classes of the human race, and in
one case the evil is not even yet extinct, as witness _Brazil_ and
_Cuba_. And yet the motives of Prince Henry in originating and
sanctioning African slavery, were, without doubt, not only wholly
unselfish, but were dictated solely by a desire for the spiritual
enlightenment and civilization of the heathen. The motives of Columbus
were perhaps more open to question. It is true that he himself, when on
his last visit to _Hispaniola_ he had seen the miserable results of the
system which he had originated, declared to his sovereign that in
sending home Indian captives to be sold as slaves he had been actuated
solely by a desire for their spiritual welfare, and by the hope that
they would return to spread civilization amongst their countrymen; but
it is to be remembered that the motives of the great Genoese were not
wholly pure, and that he himself repeatedly requested permission to send
home Indians to be sold as slaves in order to diminish the expense to
the crown in connection with the colony. He was rightfully rebuked by
the pure-minded Isabella, who indignantly ordered such Indians to be
returned to their country, and instructed the admiral that their
conversion was to be brought about by the ordinary means, and not by
their being enslaved.
It is only fair to the early Spanish settlers in America, the account
of whose proceedings in respect to the Indians cannot fail to rouse
feelings of horror and disgust, that we should duly consider and weigh
the feelings of the age in which they lived on the part of Christendom
towards all who were beyond its pale. They were in fact the feelings of
the chosen people towards the surrounding heathen, who were only
deserving of being spared on condition of their becoming hewers of wood
and drawers of water. It is true that in the case of a number of Spanish
leaders, including Columbus himself and his brother _Don_ Bartholomew,
the Indians were to be spared and protected on the condition of their
accepting the yoke imposed upon them and fulfilling the tasks assigned
to them by their invaders; but upon the slightest resistance or evasion
of their duties, all their natural rights were at once abrogated, and
they became as so many beasts of burden, to be employed at the pleasure
of their drivers. Amongst rulers and governors Queen Isabella stands out
alone to protest against such a construction of the duties of one race
towards another, even although the one were Christian and the other
heathen.
But yet, seeking to make every allowance that can be urged in excuse or
palliation, there is but one verdict that can possibly be given as to
the general conduct of the Spaniards towards the natives of America,
namely, that it surpassed in remorseless, and often stupid and
short-sighted, cruelty the conduct of any one conquering or so-called
“superior” race towards another conquered or “inferior” race of which
history contains any record. In this respect we cannot but think that
the Spaniards as a race have been too leniently judged by modern
writers--not Spanish, but foreign. Much, for instance, as Washington
Irving is to be admired for his clear judgment and his mastery of his
subject, we cannot help thinking that he is scarcely justified in
assigning the undoubted excesses committed by Spaniards in the New World
merely to a set of ruthless adventurers, the scum of their race, rather
than to Spaniards in general. It would of course be in the highest
degree unjust to make an entire people responsible for the wholesale
atrocities of two unlettered adventurers such as Pizarro and Almagro;
but the accusation of scandalous and intolerable rapacity and cruelty is
unfortunately not confined to the class to which such men belong; it
applies equally to all ranks and grades of the invaders, with here and
there a notable exception--generally, but not always, on the part of one
or more churchmen--most of all in Las Casas.
The conduct of Ovando towards the natives of _Hispaniola_, and more
particularly to those of _Xaragua_, is one of the many instances in
question of the inhuman treatment of Indians by a Spaniard of the
highest rank. It will be remembered that on one occasion some eighty
_caciques_ were treacherously seized, and upon mere unfounded suspicion,
bound to posts and committed to the flames. It was estimated that at the
time of the advent of the Spaniards the unfortunate island of _Hayti_
contained about a million or twelve hundred thousand inhabitants--some
writers place the population at a much larger amount,--yet in an
incredibly short period, under the government of Ovando, it was reduced
to twelve thousand, so reduced, indeed, that labourers had to be brought
from other islands. And yet Ovando had been specially selected for his
“prudence,” in order that he might redress the wrongs to which the
Indians were said to be subjected under the government of Columbus and
his brother, and the Indians were specially commended to his care by
Queen Isabella.
It may be said that the conduct of one tyrannical governor should not be
charged to the discredit of a people. This would be a fair argument had
Ovando been promptly recalled when the news of his atrocities at
_Xaragua_ reached Spain, as was in our own day Governor Eyre, when the
news of his high-handed proceedings in _Jamaica_ reached England.
Ovando’s proceedings were indeed so repugnant to the humane heart of
Isabella that with her dying breath she exacted a promise from Ferdinand
that he should be recalled from his government. He was, later on,
recalled, but only after the lapse of four years, and when _Don_ Diego
Columbus had been declared by the courts of justice to be entitled to
the government of _Hispaniola_. The long period which elapsed between
the fate of Anacoana and the recall of Ovando showed that neither his
king nor the public feeling of Spain in general was much shocked by the
proceedings which have left an indelible stain upon his name.
But it cannot be imagined that the wholesale depopulation of _Hayti_ is
chargeable merely to one or more governors. It is to be attributed
indiscriminately to the colonists in general, and amongst them were many
cavaliers who had gone to seek their fortune in the New World in the
train of Ovando. If we turn in other directions we see merely a
repetition of the same facts. Cortez and many of his compeers were men
of noble family; but in the history of their deeds we find at least
equal cruelty, as regards the natives, with that which attended the
proceedings of such low-born adventurers as Pizarro and Almagro. Whilst
excellent laws and regulations for the well-being and proper treatment
of the natives of America were constantly being enacted in Spain, we
nowhere read of wholesome examples being made of the wrong-doers who
treated these laws as a dead letter. Even the laws and regulations, good
and well meant as they were, were not the result of the reaction of
public opinion against the ill-treatment of the Indians, but were
brought about by a few humane ecclesiastics who had been helpless
eye-witnesses of the atrocities committed by their countrymen, and who
returned to Spain with the hope of rousing the conscience of the
sovereign and his advisers to a sense of the enormities which were being
daily committed in his name. This brings us to the historical part
played by Las Casas on the continent of South America; but before
describing it, it may be well to give a brief statement of what had
already been done by other ecclesiastics in the same cause.
The Dominican monks of _Hispaniola_, grieved at the barbarities
practised towards the natives of that unfortunate island, had entered an
indignant protest against the treatment which was meted out to the
vassals of Queen Isabella. These monks were about twelve or fifteen in
number, and they soon gathered for themselves an idea of the cruelties
which were being practised around them. As they determined that their
protest should be a collective one, they agreed that a discourse should
be preached before the inhabitants of _San Domingo_, to which they
should all attach their names. The preacher, taking for his text “I am
the voice of one crying in the wilderness,” declared to his audience
with piercing words that they were living; in mortal sin by reason of
their tyranny to the Indians, and he demanded what authority there was
for the imposition of this servitude, and what ground for these wars?
The sermon was heard to the end, but on reflection the principal persons
amongst the audience went to the monastery to make a fierce
remonstrance.
They insisted on seeing the preacher, and required that he should make a
retractation on the following Sunday. Next Sunday came, and the place of
worship was crowded by a congregation brought together to hear the
expected apology. The same preacher again ascended the pulpit; but
Father Antonio only repeated his former statements and insisted upon
their conclusions. He moreover added that the Dominicans would not
confess any man who should have made incursions amongst the Indians. The
congregation again listened to the discourse; but they determined to
send a complaint to the king, and afterwards to despatch a Franciscan
monk to argue their case at court. Thus were two orders of the Church
arrayed against each other; the one urged on by motives of Christianity
and humanity, the other by religious rivalry.
The Dominicans likewise resolved to send their advocate, and amongst the
colonists some pious persons were found to defray the expenses of his
voyage. The advocate selected was Father Antonio. When the letters from
the authorities of _San Domingo_ had reached the king, his majesty had
sent for the head of their order in Spain, and had complained to him of
the scandal occasioned in the colony by this preaching. Soon after this
the envoys arrived, Father Alonso, the Franciscan, being well received
by the authorities, and having free access to the king, whilst the doors
of the presence-chamber were closed against the Dominican. Father
Antonio, however, watching his time, obtained the desired audience. King
Ferdinand was inexpressibly shocked at his statement, and gave orders
that the matter should be diligently looked into forthwith. He was true
to his word, and summoned a _junta_ to consider the matter. This board
was formed partly of the king’s council and partly of theologians.
According to Las Casas the _junta_ came to the decision--“That the
Indians were free men; that they ought to be instructed in the Christian
faith; that they might be ordered to work, but so that their working
should not hinder their conversion, and should be such as they could
endure; that they should have cottages and lands of their own, and time
to work for themselves; that they should be made to hold communication
with the Christians; and that they should receive wages, not paid in
money, but in clothes and furniture for their cottages.” Such was the
reply of the _junta_ to the king. Meanwhile Father Antonio, being much
grieved at not obtaining a sufficient hearing, determined upon the bold
course of convincing his opponent the Franciscan. He told him that
others were but using him as a tool; that he was perilling the reward
of a life of sanctity by doing the devil’s work without being paid even
in the devil’s wages, and appealed to his own experience as regarded the
inhumanity he had witnessed. Strange to say, the Franciscan was entirely
gained over, and put himself under the guidance of his rival.
On receiving the reply from the _junta_, the king’s ministers requested
that body to draw up a set of laws in conformity with the principles
which they had affirmed; but this they declined to do. Meanwhile the
king’s conscience seems to have become uneasy in the matter, and he was
willing that the question should be further considered. He asked an
opinion in writing from his two preachers; and as this coincided with
that of the _junta_, it was adopted by the king, and nothing remained
but to carry it into execution. A set of laws was accordingly drawn up
by certain members of the council, who took as their basis that the
system of _encomiendas_ was to be retained. The laws were to the
following effect:--“The Indians were first to be brought amongst the
Spaniards; all gentle means being used towards the _caciques_, to
persuade them to come willingly. Then, for every fifty Indians four
_bohios_ (large huts) should be made by their masters. The _bohios_ were
to be thirty feet in length by fifteen in breadth. Three thousand
_montones_ (the hillocks which were used to preserve the plants from too
much moisture) of _yuca_, of which they made the _cassava_ bread, two
thousand _montones_ of _yams_, with a certain space for growing
_pimento_, and a certain number of fowls, were to be assigned for the
living of these fifty Indians.”
Every Spaniard having an _encomienda_ of Indians, was to construct some
sort of chapel in which prayers were to be read morning and evening, and
a church was to be erected for the general neighbourhood. It was enacted
that the Indians were to work at the mines for five months at a time,
when they were to have forty days in which to till their own land, when
they were to return to the mines. Certain regulations were made
concerning their food, which Las Casas condemns in entirety. The
employment of the Indians in the mines was not only encouraged but
insisted upon. One _peso_ of gold was to be given to each Indian
annually, with which to provide his clothes.
Two visitors were to be appointed for each Spanish settlement; but as
these were permitted to have _encomiendas_, it was scarcely to be
expected that their proceedings should be impartial. The _caciques_ were
to have not more than six Indians set apart for their service, and the
_cacique_ and his attendants were to go to whatsoever Spaniard had the
greatest number of the same tribe allotted to him. They were to be
employed in light and easy services.
Such is a brief summary of the laws promulgated at Burgos, in December
1512, and which have ever since been called the Laws of Burgos.
When the king had spoken to the provincial of the Dominicans condemning
the sermons of Father Antonio, the provincial wrote to the head of the
order in _Hispaniola_, upon which Pedro de Cordova came over to Spain
and presented himself at court. When he had read the laws of Burgos and
had expressed his dissatisfaction with them, King Ferdinand said to him,
“Take upon yourself, then, Father, the charge of remedying them; you
will do me a great service therein; and I will order that what you
decide upon shall be adopted.” With inexplicable diffidence the vicar
replied, “I beseech your highness, do not command me.” And he thus lost
the golden opportunity of effecting the reforms to bring about which he
had come all the way from _Hispaniola_.
On receiving this culpable and deplorable reply, King Ferdinand summoned
another _junta_ to see if the laws could be ameliorated. Pedro de
Cordova assisted, but did not succeed in doing much, although what
little was done was in accordance with his views. The additions to the
laws were mainly with a view to the cultivation of decorum and of family
ties amongst the Indians.
Las Casas was a settler in the island of _Cuba_, and had assigned to him
a number of Indians in _repartimiento_. He himself states that he was as
much engaged as others in sending his Indians to the mines and in making
a profit out of their labour; but at the same time he treated them with
kindness and provided for their sustenance. He confesses, however, that
he paid no more regard than did other Spaniards to their religious
instruction. Reflection on the preaching of the Dominicans against the
sin of possessing Indians led his candid mind to the conclusion that the
system of _repartimientos_ was iniquitous, and that he too must preach
against it. The first practical point to be determined as a result of
the light which now guided him was what he ought to do with his Indians.
He evidently ought no longer to retain them; nor did he grudge the loss
that he should thereby sustain; but he felt that no one would be so
indulgent to them as the master they were about to lose, and that they
would be worked to death. Still it would be vain for him to preach
against _repartimientos_ whilst he retained Indians of his own.
Las Casas commenced his preaching against Indian slavery in _Cuba_; but
he soon resolved to proceed to Spain, in order to attack the evil at its
fountain-head. It was certainly time that some independent
representation should be made to the Spanish government as to the
condition of the Indians of _Cuba_, which was so miserable that they
were forced to seek refuge in flight; and when even this refuge was
denied them--for they were pursued by blood-hounds--they had recourse to
suicide. On his arrival in _Hispaniola_, Las Casas found that Pedro de
Cordova, the chief of the Dominicans, had set out on a voyage for the
purpose of founding monasteries on the Pearl Coast.
Two Dominicans, whose fate is instructive as showing the colonial
manners of the period, established themselves at a point about twenty
leagues from _Cumana_ called _Maracapána_, where they were hospitably
received by the Indians. Soon after the arrival of Francisco de Cordova
and Juan Garces, a Spanish vessel engaged in the pearl fisheries touched
at the same point. It may be remarked that the mainland had been
especially chosen as a field for missionary operations in order that the
efforts of the priests might not be thwarted by the evil example of the
secular colonists. As a rule the appearance of a Spanish vessel was a
signal for the natives to take to flight; but on this occasion, the
Dominican missionaries being looked upon as hostages, the _cacique_ of
the place, with his family and servants, numbering seventeen persons,
accepted an invitation on board the Spanish ship. When they were safely
on board, the vessel weighed anchor and set sail. As was to be expected,
the Indians on shore, who were witnesses of this treachery, resolved to
kill the two Dominicans, and were only dissuaded from doing so on the
assurance of the latter that the _cacique_ and his family would be
returned within four months.
By another Spanish vessel, which soon afterwards made its appearance on
the coast, the two missionaries were enabled to communicate their
circumstances to the chief of their order at _San Domingo_. On the
arrival at that place of the first vessel, it was declared that, as it
had not been furnished with a proper license, it must be condemned as a
prize; and therefore the _cacique_ and his family were divided as slaves
amongst the judges of appeal! Some days after this transaction came the
letters of the two missionaries, whereupon the man-stealing captain took
refuge in a monastery. The Dominicans lost no time in communicating the
circumstances of the _cacique’s_ capture; but the judges of appeal
declined to give up their slaves, and at the end of the stipulated four
months the two unfortunate missionaries were put to death!
[Sidenote: 1515.]
In September 1515 Las Casas, accompanied by two brethren, embarked for
Spain. On his arrival he was presented to the Archbishop of Seville,
who, in turn, furnished him with letters to the king, with whom he
obtained an interview. Las Casas was fortunate enough to gain the
sympathy of King Ferdinand’s confessor; but he found an enemy to his
cause in Fonseca, the bishop of Burgos, who was the minister entrusted
with Indian affairs, and who was himself a possessor of Indians. Soon
after this, in January 1516, the king died.
The hopes of Las Casas were now transferred to the Regent, Cardinal
Ximenes, with whom he was fortunate enough to find favour, and who
called together a _junta_ to listen to his statements and arguments. The
result was that the cardinal appointed Las Casas and two coadjutors to
draw up a plan to secure the liberty of the Indians, and to arrange
their government. In order to execute the laws agreed upon, Ximenes
determined to employ Jeronimite monks, as they were not mixed up with
the disputes which had arisen between the Franciscans and the Dominicans
respecting the fitness of the Indians for freedom. The three Jeronimite
Fathers chosen were instructed on their arrival at _San Domingo_ to call
the colonists together and to announce that the cause of their coming
was a report of the ill-treatment of the Indians, and to ask their
suggestions for a remedy for such a state of things. They were likewise
to go to the principal _caciques_, and to inform them that they had been
sent to find out the truth, to punish past wrong-doing, and to provide
security for the future. It was the will of the governors of Spain that
the Indians should be treated as Christians and free men.
The Jeronimite Fathers were to visit every island; to ascertain the
number of Indians; and to find out how they had been treated, taking
notes of the nature of the land for the purpose of forming settlements
near the mines. Such settlements were to consist of about three hundred
persons, with the requisite buildings, and lands were to be apportioned
to each settlement, every individual receiving a plot. One administrator
was to be appointed to each one or two settlements. Other regulations
applied to religion, education, hospitals, labour upon farms and at the
mines, and respecting pasturage and the division of gold. In order in
some measure to reimburse the Spaniards for the loss of Indian
slave-labour which they would incur, they were to be paid for the land
which would be required for the settlements, whilst they were to be
permitted to procure gold on easy terms for themselves. They were
likewise allowed four or five slaves each from amongst the _Caribs_,
these being cannibals. This latter clause was sure to lead to great
abuses, as it was only necessary for the slave-hunters to declare their
captives cannibals to justify their proceedings. This provision was
inserted contrary to the wishes of Las Casas. Finally, he himself was
appointed “Protector of the Indians.” With these regulations, and with
the cardinal’s benediction, Las Casas set out from Seville.
[Sidenote: 1516.]
In December 1516 the Jeronimite Fathers and the Protector of the Indians
arrived at _San Domingo_, having performed the voyage in different
vessels. No sooner had they arrived than they began to prove themselves
not exactly the instruments he would have chosen for the accomplishment
of his wishes. As a matter of course they were beset by the colonists,
who represented Las Casas as a mere visionary, and in their
conversations with him they soon began to make excuses for the
inhumanity of the colonists. Nor, although they deprived such persons as
were absent of their Indians, did they think it necessary to apply the
same rule to the judges and other men in office. After a short time, the
lawyer appointed by Ximenes to take a _residencia_ of--in other words,
to make an inquiry into the conduct of--all the judges in the Indies,
arrived at _Hispaniola_. Las Casas then took the bold step of impeaching
the judges, whom he accused of both bringing Indians from the _Lucayan_
islands and of causing the death of the two Dominicans in _Cumana_, a
measure which was distasteful to the Jeronimites, who preferred to
manage things quietly.
The Fathers had not the courage to adopt in their full extent the
measures which were within their power; but they nevertheless made
considerable efforts to improve the condition of the Indians, publishing
the orders in this respect and encouraging the natives to come to them
with their complaints. They likewise wrote to Pedrarias, the governor of
_Darien_, ordering him to make no more expeditions, and to send an
account of the gold and slaves which he had taken. He was likewise to
inquire into the justice of his Indians’ capture, and to restore such as
it should turn out had been unlawfully taken. The Fathers also formed
some of the Indians into settlements, which were, however, of no long
duration, owing partly to the ravages of the small-pox.
The proceedings of the Jeronimite Fathers were, however, too lukewarm in
their nature to suit the ardent soul of Las Casas, who now determined to
return to Spain in order to complain of them, in which measure he was
confirmed by the prior of the Dominicans and likewise by the special
judges. The Fathers were much disconcerted at the move, and sent one of
their own body to represent them at court. Las Casas reached Castile to
find his patron Ximenes at the point of death, but the intrepid
Protector of the Indians brought his case before the Grand Chancellor,
who spoke of him to the king and received his commands to consult with
him as to a remedy for the government of the Indies. One result of this
consultation was certainly a singular one. Whilst it was proposed to
send out Spanish labourers in considerable numbers, in the pay of the
government, to _Hispaniola_, Las Casas himself suggested that in
addition a certain number of negro slaves might be imported. The author
of this suggestion lived to acknowledge and to deplore its unjust
character.
Before this period, negro slaves had been imported into the Spanish
possessions in America, and King Charles had only recently granted
licenses to certain persons to import Africans into _Hispaniola_. The
Jeronimite Fathers likewise looked upon the importation of Africans, who
could better bear severe labour, as a remedy for the trials of the
Indians, and the measure obtained the concurrence of the judge of
_residencia_. The suggestion, when made by Las Casas, was approved of.
The number of negroes which it was thought would suffice for the present
was four thousand; and accordingly De Dresa, a Fleming, obtained a
license from the king for this purpose--a grant which was accompanied by
the assurance of a monopoly for eight years. The result of the monopoly
was that the price of negroes greatly rose, the suggestion as to Spanish
colonists being sent to the Indies not having been acted upon.
The Chancellor at this time dying, the influence of Las Casas was once
more shaken. Fonseca, the bishop of Burgos, again returned to power,
and, as a consequence, the Jeronimite Fathers were recalled. Las Casas
was fortunate enough to obtain the interest on behalf of the Indians of
a gentleman immediately attached to the king; and his representations
were from time to time fortified by the accounts received of some fresh
atrocities committed by the Spaniards in America. The Dominican prior,
Pedro de Cordova, had much to tell his colleague of the slave-hunting
exploits of the Spaniards in _Trinidad_, and he suggested that one
hundred leagues on the coast of _Cumana_ should be set apart by the king
as a territory in which the Franciscans and the Dominicans might preach
the gospel undisturbed by the presence of laymen.
Las Casas, failing for the meantime to obtain such a grant, fell back
upon his scheme of Spanish emigration, and about two hundred men were
actually sent out from Seville, a measure which was not attended by any
beneficial result, since the emigrants were left on their arrival to
provide for themselves from their own resources. A new Grand Chancellor
was now appointed; and in his eyes Las Casas likewise found favour. To
Gattinara the Protector of the Indians submitted a new scheme of
colonization. The plan was that a sort of religious fraternity should be
created, consisting of fifty knights, and that by their aid Las Casas
should settle the country for a thousand leagues along the coast from
_Paria_, a distance which was subsequently reduced to two hundred and
sixty leagues. By the help of the king’s preachers, this idea of Las
Casas was actually put in the way of being realized.
[Sidenote: 1520.]
After the usual Spanish course of _juntas_ and much arguing, it was
resolved that the land which Las Casas sought for should be granted to
him, although at each step his proposition was opposed by the Bishop of
Burgos. Immediately before the departure of Charles from Coruña in May
1520, in order to be crowned Emperor of Germany, the king signed the
necessary deed of grant to Las Casas. The land which he thus acquired
extended from the province of _Paria_ in the east to that of _Santa
Martha_ in the west, and was to go through the continent to the Pacific.
Las Casas embarked at _San Lucar_ on the 11th of November 1520, taking
with him some humble labourers. After a favourable voyage, he arrived at
_Porto Rico_, where he was destined to meet with some startling news
that had considerable influence on the fate of the expedition which he
had undertaken.
It has been already stated how two Dominican missionaries met their
martyrdom at _Cumaná_; but their fate did not at all deter their
brethren from following in their footsteps. Accordingly, in the year
1518, several Franciscans and Dominicans founded two monasteries on the
Pearl Coast, where they were joined by other monks, and where they
lived in peaceful intercourse with the Indians. There was thus a fair
prospect of some settlements in the New World existing without forced
labour or other cruelty towards the natives. But this was not to be. In
the neighbouring island of _Cubagua_ there was a certain Ojeda, who
occupied himself with pearl-fishing, and who paid a visit to the
mainland with the object of picking up some slaves. Coming to the
settlement of _Maricapána_, he proceeded to buy some maize from one of
the tribes, and he, naturally enough, requested the service of fifty men
to assist in carrying it to his vessel. Once on the shore, the misguided
men were attacked by the Spaniards and a number of them carried on board
ship. It is some satisfaction to know that when Ojeda next landed he was
watched for and slain.
The natural result of the above transactions was that, a few days
afterwards, the Dominican monastery was attacked and its inmates put to
death. The Franciscan monastery at _Chiribichi_ was likewise attacked.
In all eighty Spaniards were killed, and the island of _Cubagua_ was
evacuated. These events had taken place at the close of the year 1519,
and the “Audience” at _San Domingo_ prepared an expedition to punish and
enslave the Indians of the Pearl Coast, which expedition, under Ocampo,
met Las Casas at _Porto Rico_. In vain he endeavoured, by showing his
“powers” to the commander, to divert him from his purpose. All that Las
Casas could do was to hasten to _San Domingo_, leaving his labourers at
_Porto Rico_.
The Protector of the Indians was now very generally detested by the
colonists, who seemed leagued together to defeat his plans. He caused a
proclamation to be made of the royal order of which he was the bearer,
that no one should injure any of the natives of the provinces granted to
him; and, in accordance with this order, he demanded the recall of the
fleet and the discontinuance of the war. The authorities could not
openly refuse compliance; but they required time for consideration, and
meanwhile Ocampo was doing his work. The vessel in which Las Casas
sailed was likewise declared unseaworthy and was condemned, thereby
causing its owner much loss and debarring him from the means of transit.
Las Casas was soon made aware of the success of Ocampo by the number of
slaves which were sent by him to _Hispaniola_ to be sold. The sight made
him so indignant that the “Audience” proposed to make terms with him,
offering to place Ocampo’s expedition under his command, and to share
with him the profits of the territory which he was to govern. It is to
be remarked that, in agreeing to this arrangement, Las Casas a second
time compromised himself on the subject of slavery, one of the means of
profit in the undertaking being slave-dealing. The Protector of the
Indians was to ascertain which of them were cannibals, or which should
decline to have any dealings with the Spaniards or the gospel. Such men
were to be attacked and enslaved; but, in agreeing to this arrangement,
Las Casas merely consented to accept a power which he had no intention
of exercising. Without this clause the agreement would not have been
accepted by the others who were parties to it.
[Sidenote: 1521.]
His vessels being ready and well stored with provisions, Las Casas set
sail in July 1521, and proceeded to _Porto Rico_, where a fresh
disappointment awaited him. The followers whom he had left there had all
dispersed, and he had to proceed to the _Terra Firma_, where he soon
found himself left with a few servants and labourers, since Ocampo and
his men availed themselves of the arrival of the vessels to return to
_San Domingo_. In this condition Las Casas had at least the comfort of
finding that the Franciscan monastery had been re-established. He joined
the community, and by means of the wife of a _cacique_, who was
acquainted with Spanish, he established friendly relations with the
Indians. There was, however, a stumbling-block in his way in the
vicinity of the island of _Cubagua_. As this island possessed no fresh
water, the Spaniards who were engaged in pearl-fishing on its coast
constantly visited the _Terra Firma_ to take in a supply.
All the preaching of the missionary colonist was once more of no avail
with the natives in the presence of the frequent visits of his
man-stealing countrymen; and at last Las Casas was persuaded against his
own inclination to return to _San Domingo_ to complain to the “Audience”
of the mischief done by the Spaniards from _Cubagua_. His deputy, in
disobedience to the written instructions he had left, sent away the only
two boats which the colony possessed to traffic for pearls and gold. In
their absence the monastery was attacked by the Indians, and, being in a
defenceless condition, was set on fire. The inmates, however, with the
exception of two or three, succeeded in making their escape in a canoe,
in which they were fortunate enough to reach a Spanish vessel. Thus
ended the attempt at forming a moral Spanish colony on the mainland,
which had cost Las Casas so many years of labour in the face of ridicule
and opposition. The unfortunate philanthropist now abandoned his scheme
as hopeless and took refuge in a Dominican monastery.
_Cumana_ was now no longer the scene of missionary efforts. The last
outrage of the Indians was of course avenged, and the slave marts of
_Cubagua_ and _San Domingo_ were once more filled. But as the Indians
found themselves safer in the interior, the whole coast was left
desolate, and the provinces which Columbus had found so beautiful and
populous, now merely afforded a forest for slave-hunting expeditions,
which set out from _Aricapana_. The last-named place became the
headquarters of a piratical Spanish band numbering several hundreds, who
lived entirely by predatory expeditions, the extent of which may be
judged from the fact that the Italian traveller Benzoni witnessed the
return of one with four thousand slaves--the survivors of a far greater
number--who were sent to _Cubagua_ for disposal.
NOTE.--Chapters I. to IV. of vol. I. are, for the most part,
founded upon the following works, namely:--
_Navarrete_ (_Don_ M. F. de); _Viages y Descubrimientos de los
Españoles desde fines del Siglo XV._, 5 vol. sm. 4to.
Amerigo (Vespucci), _Viaggi_.
Vesputius (A.) Navigationum Epit.--_Grynæi_; _Canovai_; _Ramusio_,
i.; _Brosses_.
Martyris (Petri ab Angleria);--_De Insulis nuper repertis_--_Grynæi
Orbis_. Eight Decades of the Ocean.--Hakluyt, V.
The Spanish Conquest in America; by Arthur Helps. John W. Parker &
Son, 1855.
Las Casas, Hist. Ind.
Hist. del Almirante.
Oviedo, Cronica de las Indias.
Muñoz, Hist. Nuevo Mundo, lib. ii.
Benzoni, History of the New World, translated: Hakluyt Society.
The Life and Voyages of Christopher Columbus; together with the
Voyages of his Companions. By Washington Irving. London: John
Murray, 1849.