I have cited these three cases, not because of their singularity, but

because they afford concrete illustration of some little known facts

with which every parent ought to be acquainted. In each case, it will

be observed, an element of deception was present; and, moreover,

in each case the deception was seemingly motiveless. The child who

pretended that she had been operated upon had apparently nothing to

gain from the deceit practised by her; neither had the little girl

who played the part of a “poltergeist,” nor the boy with the sham

contracture and paralysis. Besides which, in two of the three cases the

children subjected themselves to considerable inconvenience and even

pain; and, in all three cases, they ran the risk of severe punishment.

None the less, they systematically and persistently kept up their

deceptions until discovery ensued.

Now, why did they do it?

They did it, as recent medical and psychological investigation into the

inner life of childhood has conclusively demonstrated, because they

were so constituted that they could not help doing it. And for the

same reason, hundreds—nay, thousands—of children, before and since,

have been doing much the same thing. It is not that they are merely

“naughty.” The ordinary naughty child will, to be sure, lie and cheat

and otherwise deceive; but only from readily ascertainable motives, and

never in the way of an elaborately sustained deception. When a child’s

“naughtiness” takes this latter form, medical authorities are to-day

agreed, it is in reality indicative of the presence of a really serious

disease—hysteria.

Than this disease—of which most people, unfortunately, have next to

no exact knowledge, mistakenly confusing it with, and confining it

to, uncontrollable attacks of weeping or laughing—there is no malady

more insidious, peculiar, or dangerous in the variety of its possible

consequences. Its peculiarity lies in the fact—discovered only within

recent years—that it is always rooted in an extreme “suggestibility”

on the part of its victims; and that the symptoms it develops

are invariably conditioned by the character of the suggestions

received from the environment. Hysteria is, to put the case briefly,

pre-eminently a mental trouble; and this although, not infrequently,

its only outward manifestations are wholly physical.

A child with a hysterical tendency—that is to say, an unusually

sensitive, impressionable child, of undisciplined will, and quickly

overwhelmed by whatever it sees, hears, or feels—is always liable,

when brought into contact with a person suffering from any serious

ailment of picturesque symptomatology, to manifest in some degree the

symptoms of that particular ailment. Or, more commonly, such a child

may manifest grave physical disabilities simply as a result of hearing

or reading about them.

It does not do this voluntarily; there is no conscious intention to

deceive; for the matter of that, the child itself is as much deceived

as are its parents and friends. The trouble is that in its state of

abnormal suggestibility, it is irresistibly impelled by the strange

power of self-suggestion to imitate the symptoms of disease.

Or, instead of simulating disease symptoms, a hysterical child

may enter on a course of seemingly deliberate chicanery like that

practised by little “poltergeist” Polly Turner, whose case is typical

of a species of behaviour indulged in by hysterical children in all

countries and all ages. Here, likewise, abnormal suggestibility is

in evidence, the resultant hysterical manifestations differing only

because the suggestions received and acted on are different.

In cases like Polly Turner’s, it has been found, the hysterical child

usually lives with people more or less superstitious and credulous.

They are people inclined to attribute to some spiritistic agency any

occurrence they cannot easily explain. In this environment the child

gradually becomes obsessed—though quite unconsciously—with a desire

to provide “marvels” for their edification and mystification, and,

yielding to the desire, is soon in full career as a “poltergeist,”

the hysterical obsession becoming intensified in proportion as the

gullibility of those deceived increases, and also in proportion to the

amount of attention paid to the little deceiver.

For—and this is a point to be borne well in mind—it is not alone

abnormal suggestibility that characterises the hysterical child. There

is also present an abnormal craving to attract attention, to be a

centre of interest. Of this craving, as of the deceits carried out to

attain its realisation, the child itself is unconscious. But it may

be stated with assurance that it invariably exists as a concomitant

of hysteria. Ordinarily it is the family and intimate friends whose

interest and sympathy the child wishes to arouse, though this is

not always the case. There may be special reasons for desiring to

impress mere acquaintances, or even absolute strangers. Then we have

the odd spectacle of children, like the pupil in the German school,

whose hysterical obsessions appear chiefly or only in the presence of

outsiders, while the parents remain in partial or total ignorance of

them.

And, speaking of this type of hysteria, I may say that I am acquainted

with a young New York woman who, since the age of fifteen, has led many

an unsuspecting physician a merry dance by reason of her extraordinary

hysterical simulations. In early girlhood she began to complain of

various ailments, which on examination proved to be of no moment. Not

unnaturally her family lost patience with her “whims,” as they called

them, and regarded her as a wholly imaginary invalid. Like most people

similarly situated, they utterly failed to appreciate that, as has

been well said by Doctor Pierre Janet, one of the world’s foremost

authorities on hysteria, “When a person is so ill that he says he is

ill when he is not ill at all, then he must be very ill indeed.” They

scolded the girl, they argued with her; but they made no attempt to

give her the treatment she really needed.

What was the consequence? One day she mysteriously disappeared from

home, and some time passed before she was located in a hospital,

where preparations were making to perform an operation upon her for

appendicitis. A little later she wandered off again, and turned up at

another hospital with symptoms so closely resembling a tumorous growth

that a diagnosis to that effect was made, and an immediate operation

advised. Still later an eminent specialist was misled into crediting

her with a serious spinal disease.

After this it was decided that she was insane, and the family had her

committed to an asylum. Before her release she developed symptoms of

ear trouble so pronounced that the dangerous mastoid operation would

have been performed had not the superintendent of the asylum been

informed of her previous adventures as a hospital visitant.

Manifestly, a disease that both impels and enables its victims to mimic

the symptoms of grave organic affections, with such verisimilitude as

to deceive even physicians, is an extremely serious affair. And one has

only to inquire of doctors with an extensive hospital experience to

learn that hysteria, in one form or another, is a widespread trouble

among both children and adults. But it is no longer the bugbear of

the medical profession that it used to be. Following the discovery

of its essentially mental character, methods have been devised and

perfected for handling it. Some of these seem absurdly simple, but even

the simplest have been proved efficacious, especially in the case of

children. Differing in detail, they have one feature in common. They

directly attack the hysterical symptoms by the employment of the same

agency that was provocative of them—namely, suggestion.

In the case of the boy with the pseudo paralysis, reported above, it

was not any therapeutic virtue inherent in the electrical treatment

that brought about his rapid restoration to health. It was simply the

suggestive efficacy of the way in which the treatment was administered

to him. The truth of this, however, may be made clearer by the citation

of one or two other cases, that are also of interest as illustrating

the ingenious devices by which hysterical attacks in the period of

childhood are nowadays overcome.

There was brought to a New England neurologist a little girl of ten,

suffering from a curious physical abnormality. As long as she was

seated, there seemed to be little the matter with her; but the moment

she attempted to stand her feet bent under her so that they would not

support her weight. When left alone she swayed backward and forward,

and then fell on her hands and knees. In addition to this, there was a

complete paralysis of the left arm, the child thus being deprived of

the use of three of her four limbs.

Questioned by the physician, her mother explained that these muscular

troubles had first set in six months before, following an attack of

measles, and that her condition had grown progressively worse. This

pointed to an organic and incurable malady; and, indeed, the mother

was firmly convinced that nothing could be done. But, on making some

delicate diagnostic tests, no signs of true organic trouble were to be

found; whereas there were some indications that the disability might

be wholly functional, the result of hysteria. In verification of his

suspicion the physician made a few experiments which proved that the

child was extremely suggestible. Turning to her mother, he said:

“You are quite wrong in supposing that your daughter cannot be cured.

She is ill, it is true; but her illness is of such a nature that it

will quickly respond to the right kind of treatment.”

“But,” protested the mother, incredulous, “she cannot use her legs, she

cannot move her arm.”

“No matter. I have something here that will enable her to use her legs

and move her arm.”

He took up a large magnet and showed it to the little girl. She watched

him with the keenest interest, while he used it to lift several pieces

of iron.

“Now look,” said he.

Holding it over his left hand, he slowly raised that hand until it

touched the magnet, pretending that it had been drawn up exactly as the

pieces of iron had been.

“You see the power of this instrument,” he said, to the wondering

child. “It can move your arm, and give strength to your legs and feet,

in the very same way.”

For three weeks the magnet was applied to the different muscles, with

the suggestion that the limbs would thereby regain their power. Nine

treatments in all were given. After the ninth treatment the girl walked

into the doctor’s office unaided.

“Yesterday,” her mother explained, “she told me that she thought her

arm felt better, and she found that she could raise it. Then she said

she believed she could walk; and, getting out of bed, she crossed the

room without the least assistance, and without her feet clubbing under

her. Can it be, Doctor, that she is cured?”

In fact, she was cured; although, of course, the magnet itself had had

no power to cure her, but was used merely as an agent for an efficient

“counter-suggestion” to dislodge and uproot the symptom-producing

suggestions in the girl’s own mind.

Excellent results have also been obtained in many cases of hysterical

paralysis among children by the use of what is known as the “method

of surprise,” the invention of a German specialist named Bruns. As

employed by Doctor Bruns and his followers, this method has undoubtedly

a certain aspect of brutality; but this is more than compensated by its

effectiveness. Having determined, by a searching medical examination,

that the paralysis in any given case is functional and not organic,

what Bruns does is to place the paralysed child in a bath-tub, turn on

the cold water faucet, and watch the youngster climb out and scamper

off.

“You see,” he then says to him, at this psychological moment, “you can

walk very well, after all. Now let us hear no more from you about being

unable to walk.”

If for any reason he deems the bath-tub device inadvisable, his plan is

to put the child to bed, keep it entirely isolated, and deprive it of

all food for a day or so. An appetising meal is then brought into the

room, and left some distance from the child’s bed. Frequently this is

all that is needed to effect a cure. The suggestion of food overcoming

the suggestion of paralysis, the child gets out of bed and starts

across the room, being encountered midway by Bruns, who—of course by

accident—enters the room at that precise instant, and makes use of

verbal suggestion to reinforce and maintain the “miraculous” recovery.

In contrast with this method of surprise is the “method of disregard,”

also originated by Bruns and used by him in cases of hysteria other

than those involving muscular paralysis—cases, for example, of

obsessions, facial “tics,” spasms, or convulsive seizures. In employing

the method of disregard the little patient is carefully watched by

doctor and nurses but in such a manner that he is led to believe they

are paying scarcely any attention to him. As a result the idea that,

despite his own conviction, his malady must be most insignificant,

gradually takes increasing possession of him, and in proportion as it

does so the hysterical symptoms disappear.

But, the reader may ask, does this truly mean that the hysteria itself

has been cured? Do not these methods, one and all, achieve merely the

removal of symptoms? Is not the child still suggestible enough to

develop a new variety of hysterical disturbances should occasion arise?

Such objections are not without force, though in practice it has been

observed that the cure of the symptoms by suggestion does actually

seem to weaken the tendency to future hysterical outbreaks of any

kind. To be on the safe side, however, it is always well to institute

environmental changes of a sort that will make for a constantly closer

approach by the child to a normal life.

With this, we come to the point that is of supreme interest to parents.

Almost without exception it is in the home that the seeds are sown

which may afterward bear the bitter fruit of hysteria, whether bearing

it in childhood or not until some critical period comes in later

years. It is the child who is “spoiled,” or kept by unwise parents

in a state of nervous tension and excitement; the child whose sense

of moral responsibility is not properly developed, and whose natural

suggestibility is unduly heightened by the superstitions, fears, and

eccentricities of its elders; it is such a child who, soon or late, may

be counted on to manifest some hysterical taint, perhaps not of the

extreme type illustrated by the cases narrated above, but nevertheless

of a sort making against happiness, usefulness, and success in the

world of active effort. Or, to state the situation in more detail in

the words of a physician of my acquaintance:

“Hysterical children, it has been my observation, usually have neurotic

parents. At first I was disposed to see in this another evidence of the

dread workings of heredity. But I am now inclined to the belief that

it illustrates rather the influence of environment. All children, as

you know, are highly imitative. They tend to copy, with exaggerations,

whatever models are placed before them, and instinctively they take

their parents as their chief models. If, then, the parents are

flighty, excitable, passing rapidly from extreme to extreme of mood,

it is only natural that the children should be likewise. Their minds

undisciplined, their will-power undeveloped, they easily fall a prey

to the baneful, hysteria-producing suggestions of their unhealthy

surroundings.

“To make matters worse, there is often, even among well-educated

persons, an amazing disregard of the hygienic and dietetic requirements

for neural stability. Children are allowed to sit up to unreasonable

hours; they are permitted altogether too frequent attendance at

parties, theatres, moving-picture shows, and similar places of

entertainment, where they receive impressions too vivid and varied for

them to absorb easily. Then, too, there is a tendency to give them at

their meals an undue allowance of meat, and to permit them to drink

tea, coffee, and other stimulants making for nerve disturbance.

“All the while they are living in an atmosphere of parental uneasiness

and unrest. Their mothers—and perhaps their fathers also—fuss and fume

over them. They delight, it may be, in ‘showing them off’ to admiring

visitors, thus suggesting to the already over-impressionable little

ones undue ideas of their own importance. Presently signs of trouble

appear—restless sleep, ‘night terrors,’ facial ‘tics,’ possibly even

full-blown attacks of hysterical convulsions, paralysis, deafness, or

what not—and the neurologist has another patient on his hands.”

Surely the duty of parents is plain. To set before their children from

earliest infancy examples of placidity and strength of character, to

educate their will no less than their intellect, to guard them as

far as possible from all harmful suggestions, to love them without

idolising them, to study carefully their physical as well as their

mental and moral needs—in this way, and in this way alone, can

safety be had against the dread evil of hysteria and allied nervous

troubles. Especially is such a course indispensable in view of the

now well-demonstrated fact that a faulty upbringing may be primarily

responsible for mental and nervous maladies, not of childhood but of

adult life, and of a character to challenge the utmost skill of the

best trained physicians. Of this, more in our next chapter.

VIII

THE MENACE OF FEAR

I have no intention of describing the ordinary, familiar phenomena

of fear. These, in both their psychological and physiological

manifestations, will be found adequately treated in any good text-book

on the emotions. What I wish to do, rather, is to call attention to

some little-known facts which find scant mention in the text-books for

the excellent reason that it is only within the past few years that

they have been made part of organised knowledge. Yet they are facts of

the utmost significance from both a theoretical and a practical point

of view; and, indeed, an understanding of them is of no less importance

to the layman than to the scientist. Their discovery has made

possible for the first time what may be called an applied psychology

of fear—that is to say, a statement of principles the application

of which will go far toward solving the problem of how to avert the

evil consequences of fear without the loss of its really beneficial

qualities.

That there is a certain virtue in fear requires no scientific

demonstration. Fear, as everybody ought to be aware, is intrinsically

one of the most useful of emotions. It is an instinct implanted in us

as a prime aid in the struggle for existence. Doubtless for this reason

it is, as compared with the other emotions, the earliest to make its

appearance in the newborn child. Preyer, whose book, “The Mind of the

Child,” is not nearly so well known in this country as it should be,

puts the first manifestation of fear in an infant at the twenty-third

day after birth. Other observers, including Charles Darwin, have found

no indications of it until somewhat later than this. But all agree that

it is the first emotion, properly so called, to show itself, and that

its normal function is to instil caution and prudence in relation to

objects and actions that might have destructive effects.

The trouble is that fear has a great tendency to function to excess,

especially in the years of childhood, that formative period which means

so much to future development. There is scarcely one of us who, looking

back, cannot recall some youthful fear, abnormal in its intensity. Nor

are such abnormal fears confined to the young. With many people they

persist in one form or another throughout life; it may be as fear of

thunder, fear of mice, fear of snakes. Moreover, they sometimes do not

appear with full force until the period of youth is long past. At the

age of thirty or forty—at any age—there may develop, with irresistible

power, and seemingly for no reason, a paralysing, appalling fear of

doing some trivial, everyday act, or of coming into contact with some

familiar and entirely harmless object. When fear becomes as extreme as

this it amounts to a disease, and is recognised as such by the medical

profession, being technically known as a “phobia.” It is through

scientific study of these phobias, as recently carried out by medical

specialists with a psychological training, that full realisation has

been gained of the tremendous rôle played by fear in the life of man,

and the need for its proper control and direction.

The two commonest phobias are direct opposites of one another—namely,

fear of open places (agoraphobia) and fear of being in a closed place

(claustrophobia). The victim of agoraphobia can with difficulty be

persuaded to trust himself outdoors. He fears that if he goes out some

catastrophe will overwhelm him. His state of mind is one of absolute

panic, and when obliged to cross any open space, such as a public park,

he displays all the symptoms of extreme fear. The person troubled

with abnormal fear of closed places experiences no difficulty of this

sort. He is, on the contrary, never so happy as when in the open. His

troubles begin when he is asked to take, say, a drive in a cab or a

journey in a railway car. He dare not attend the theatre, or any indoor

public entertainment. Whence comes his aversion from closed places he

cannot say. He only knows that the mere thought of being in any place

from which he cannot escape at a moment’s notice fills him with a

torturing dread.

In accounting for phobias like these psychologists have, as a usual

thing, fallen back on pure theory, and—especially when strongly

influenced by the evolutionary doctrine—have been wont to attribute

them to the emergence of ancestral traits and instincts once of real

biological value. But recent investigation has made it certain that

this ancestral revival theory is both superfluous and erroneous, and

tends to hinder rather than help an understanding of the mechanism and

consequences of fear. For one thing, there is the fact that agoraphobia

and claustrophobia are not the only irrational fears. There may be a

phobia for any conceivable act or object, and to explain all these in

terms of the revival of ancestral instincts is surely beyond the power

of the most vivid scientific imagination. Further than this, so far as

abnormal fear of open or closed spaces is concerned, the researches

of the medical specialists have rendered possible a satisfactory

explanation—and an explanation that has much practical value—without

harking back to the feelings and doings of primitive man.

It has been found in every case scientifically studied that there is

indeed a memory revival of past experiences, but that it is invariably

a revival of experiences in the life of the victim himself, not of his

remote ancestors. This is true of every kind of phobia. The sufferer

may honestly declare his inability to recall any antecedent happening

of a fear-inducing character. But it is found that, subconsciously

at any rate, he always carries with him a vivid memory-image of some

occurrence that at the time shocked him greatly; and that his phobia

is due to the ceaseless presentation in his subconsciousness of this

vivid memory-image. In proof of which may be cited the experiences of

any medical man accustomed, in treating patients for nervous and mental

troubles, to make use of modern methods—hypnotism, hynoidisation, and

so forth—for exploring the obscurer workings of the human mind.

Psychology and parenthood · 第 9 / 11 段