CHAPTER VI

CROMWELL'S NEW LIEUTENANT

Monk had hardly time to weary of his inactivity before a new storm

burst in the north. Scotland had taken to herself a covenanted King,

and an invasion was resolved upon by the English Parliament. Cromwell

was recalled from Ireland, and in June, 1650, to the confusion of the

Presbyterian opposition, he was voted to the command of the army. He at

once sent for Monk to assist him in the organisation of his forces, and

promised him a regiment.

The significance of this it is hard to exaggerate. When we remember

how fastidious Cromwell was about the private character of the men he

worked with, it cannot but impress us with the extraordinary sense

he must have had of his obligations to Monk. The highest military

abilities would never have induced him to employ a man who was living

in open contempt of the seventh commandment. It was an offence of

such gravity at that time that it had been recently made capital. Yet

Cromwell was determined his trusty friend should have his reward, and

that in spite of the difficulty of finding him a regiment. The command

of Bright's, which lay at Alnwick, was vacant, but a dangerous spirit

of democracy and autonomy was growing in the army. Bright's had been

one of the victorious regiments at Nantwich. They had to be asked

if they would accept Monk for colonel, and they refused. "We took

him prisoner," they cried, "at Nantwich not long since, and he will

betray us," and ominously enough Lambert, with whom the last great

struggle was to be, was chosen in his stead. From that moment the two

most celebrated of Cromwell's lieutenants were doomed to an incessant

rivalry.

But Cromwell was not to be thwarted. As there was no regiment for his

friend, he made one. At Newcastle lay Sir Arthur Haslerig's renowned

Blue-Coats, and at Berwick was Colonel Fenwick with his newly raised

Northumberland regiment. The field-force which had been voted for

Cromwell was complete, but in his masterful way he drew five companies

from each of these regiments and made up a new one for Monk. Then he

laconically informed the House what he had done, and coolly requested

that the new regiment should be taken on the establishment and the two

weakened garrisons recruited. Like lambs the Government consented, and

so in lawless birth, a reward for service that none dared name, began

the famous Coldstream Guards.

The staff-appointment which Monk held was that of acting

lieutenant-general of the Ordnance. Cromwell would doubtless have

preferred to see him sergeant-major-general--an appointment which in

those days of amateur soldiering it was usually thought necessary to

fill with a soldier of fortune--that as chief of the staff he might

supply the technical shortcomings of the commander-in-chief. It was,

however, already occupied by Lambert, whose training as a lawyer can

hardly have qualified him for the proper discharge of its complex

duties. Indeed more than once, in cases of extreme difficulty, we

shall see that Monk had to take over his work, and thus intensify the

antipathy which marked their relations from the first.

It is impossible here to repeat the oft-told tale of the Dunbar

campaign; which is the more to be regretted as Monk's share in it has

never been done justice to. Cromwell had excellent reasons for not

saying too much about him in despatches; and Hodgson, the other best

known authority, being in Lambert's regiment, studiously keeps in the

background the rival of his idolised colonel. Yet it is certain that no

voice had so much weight with Cromwell as Monk's, and he was consulted

at every point. Up to Dunbar, too, the lion's share of the active

operations fell upon him. The artillery duels by which it was sought to

goad Leslie into an engagement were under his direction, and it was he

who took the castles of Colinton and Redhall during Cromwell's attempt

to turn the Scotch position before Edinburgh.

During the terrible retreat on Dunbar it is hardly too much to say

his consummate technical skill saved the army from destruction. More

dead than alive the remnants of Cromwell's splendid force had reached

Haddington. Sick, shattered, and harassed to death with incessant

marching through the rain and mire, they seemed now an easy prey.

About midnight an attack on the rear-guard had been repulsed, but

the position was none the less desperate. Leslie was at their heels

bent on destroying them before they could reach their ships. He was

out-marching them to the right on a line parallel to their own, and

it was certain that with the first glimpse of daylight he would be

upon them. Yet it seemed impossible to do anything. A Scotch mist was

driving across them and the darkness was absolutely impenetrable. As

they stood in the ranks the soldiers could hardly see their right

and left hand files. Yet Monk undertook to draw the army up in line

of battle fronting to its true right. It was Lambert's duty as

major-general; and it must have been a rough blow to his vanity that

his rival was not only allowed to undertake a task for which his own

experience was inadequate, but that he succeeded in what seemed an

impossibility. For succeed he did. By feeling or instinct he set about

the work, of which we can now have little conception. Complicated

mathematical calculations were involved; foot had to be mingled with

horse, and pikemen with musketeers. But all this was child's play to

Monk. The dismal morning broke, and there Leslie saw facing him a line

of battle, perfect in every distance and resting on Gladsmuir and

Haddington, with a swollen tributary of the Tyne to protect its front.

Without hesitation the Scotch general declined the action, and hurried

on to secure Cockburnspath and cut off Cromwell from Berwick.

We must pass on to the evening of September 2nd. In Dunbar the

spiritless supper at the headquarters' mess was over and Cromwell was

walking with Lambert hoping against hope for a chance of escape. But

the position was unchanged. There was still the swollen Brock roaring

along its impassable channel in heavy spate from the right to where it

joined the sea on the extreme left: there was the narrow stretch of

meadow beyond; and then the hills, where dimly in the gathering gloom

the Scottish host lay out and penned them in past hope. Suddenly there

was a movement. The Scotch were beginning to draw down from the hills,

the horse on their right flank were taking ground towards the sea. It

was clear Leslie meant to attack on the morrow where on the English

left the Berwick road crossed the Brock. The manoeuvre was difficult.

In the narrow piece of level ground that was available between the

hills and the burn it would take long to execute, and until it was

complete the right flank of the Scots which had hitherto been secure in

the difficult ground about Cockburnspath was exposed. Leslie must be

attacked when his movement was half-done. It was a desperate chance,

but the only one against his overwhelming numbers.

Lambert agreed with Cromwell's suggestion, but the General would not

decide without Monk's opinion. He was probably busy superintending the

embarkation of his heavy guns, but he was quickly found and received

the idea favourably. All depended on the success of the first attack.

The ford must be seized before Leslie was ready to cross, and then the

Scotch line as it lay between the hills and the burn taking ground to

the right might be rolled up like a scroll. There must be no thought of

repulse; he offered to lead the foot in person, and again he was given

the post that Lambert as major-general ought to have filled.

The Council of War was assembled at once, and Monk demonstrated to the

colonels the practicability of Cromwell's idea. The attack was decided

on, and the first glimmer of dawn saw Monk standing beside the burn,

half-pike in hand, at the head of his regiment of foot.[6] All was

ready to begin, but Lambert, who was to lead the attack at the head of

the horse, was away, to Cromwell's annoyance, worrying about Monk's

guns with which he had suggested a feint should be made upon the Scots'

left. Valuable time was lost, but at last he came, and the horse dashed

across the ford followed by Monk in support. A desperate hand-to-hand

fight ensued. For an hour the thing hung in a balance. The flower of

the Scotch regiments was there, and the resistance they offered was

worthy of their reputation. But regiment after regiment poured over

from the Dunbar side, ever inclining to the left till the Scotch right

was overlapped. All this time Monk was fighting desperately at pike's

length with a regiment that would not break. But now as the rout of

the out-flanked regiments exposed it to the horse it had to go with

the rest, and then the day was won. Galled by the guns and small-shot

from across the swollen burn, the Scots' left and centre, incapable of

reaching their enemy, would stand no longer. As the beaten right fell

back upon them, rolling up the line as they came, a panic ensued.

Throwing down their arms they fairly ran, nor stopped till they reached

Edinburgh.

The fall of Edinburgh Castle ended the campaign of 1650. Monk had been

appointed governor of the city, and with the duties of his office and

the preparations for the next campaign he was occupied during the

winter. By February, however, in the following year, he was at active

work again. Tantallon Castle was his first care, and by the aid of

the splendid siege-train he had organised he battered the ancient

stronghold of the Douglas into submission in forty-eight hours:

Blackness Castle on the Forth followed in March; and thus by the time

spring had fairly begun the way was cleared for the real object of the

campaign, and Monk's services were rewarded with the substantive rank

in which he had been acting.

Leslie during the winter had reorganised his army, and was occupying

an intrenched position at Torwood, to the north of Falkirk, covering

Stirling. Beyond him the government was being carried on in security

at Perth. The Torwood position was far too strong for a direct attack

to be risked. Every endeavour to turn it or to tempt Leslie to leave

failed, and yet it was imperative that he should be dislodged.

Who suggested the daring manoeuvre by which the end was at last

achieved we do not know. At this time Monk was higher in his

commander's counsels than ever. Brilliant tactician as he was, Cromwell

had hitherto given little evidence of far-sighted strategy. He was

not a trained soldier, and Lambert was only a talented civilian like

himself. Deane had had no scientific training in the continental

school, nor did he join the army till May. Indeed Monk was the

only professional soldier on the staff at the time the manoeuvre

was projected. But if Cromwell was no professional soldier he had

the military instinct too highly developed not to know his own

shortcomings, and to appreciate at its full value the consummate

technical knowledge of his new adviser. The few words that fell blunt

and sure from the taciturn soldier of fortune had more weight in the

Council of War than all the rest together. At any rate we may be sure

the movement was the result of Cromwell's and Monk's reconnaissance

of Leslie's position at Stirling in September, and that it was worked

out by Monk on his return to Edinburgh. For in November a requisition

went up to the Council of State for the flotilla of flat-bottomed boats

which the contemplated operation required.

It was known at the English headquarters that there was a party

about the King who were urging an advance into England. The plan had

much to recommend it, and Cromwell determined to spoil it by forcing

Leslie's hand. A footing was to be secured upon the opposite side

of the Forth, and a blow threatened upon Perth. If Leslie attempted

to quit his intrenchments to parry it he was to be attacked in his

true front, and compelled to reoccupy his position. The English army

was then to be thrown suddenly across the Forth, and a dash on Perth

developed before he could move again. Thus the Torwood position would

be turned, Stirling taken in reverse, and no way would remain of

loosing Cromwell's new hold except to attack him on his own ground, or

by advancing into England to compel him to follow. In either case the

victory was almost a certainty for the Commonwealth.

As early as the middle of April part of the flotilla had arrived, and

Monk had made an attack on Burntisland. He was repulsed. Cromwell's

illness delayed further operations for some time. At the end of June

he recovered. Major-General Harrison was sent with all the force that

could be spared into Cumberland to check the expected inroad of the

Scots, and Cromwell advanced to threaten the position at Torwood. Early

in July he moved westward to Glasgow with the double object of securing

the affections of the people in that quarter and of drawing Leslie's

attention away from the Forth, while the preparations for the descent

on the north bank of the river were completed. On July 17th a small

party landed at North Ferry, rapidly intrenched themselves, and Lambert

followed with a strong division. Cromwell had moved back to his old

position before Torwood, and as though a direct attack were still his

real object, Monk was ordered to storm an outpost.

All was now ripe, and at the end of July the long contemplated

operation was commenced. In the precision with which it was carried out

we may at least see Monk's unerring hand. The success was complete. By

August 3rd Perth was in the possession of the Commonwealth. Leslie was

in full career for the south, and Cromwell and his generals repassing

the Forth in hot pursuit.

Yet some one must be left behind. The centre of interest had suddenly

shifted, but work in plenty remained. Some one must be left in the

post of peril to play Cromwell's part while he was gone; some one who

knew how to strike sharp and hard, and could fix a grip of iron on the

country before the army that was gathering in the Highlands could

replace the one that was gone. Monk was the man, and well he justified

the choice.

The force at his command consisted of but four regiments of horse and

three of foot, in all less than six thousand men. With this he attacked

Stirling, and on the 16th the maiden castle surrendered. For this

service he received the thanks of Parliament, and was voted £500 a year

in Scotch land for ever.

But the work was only commenced. By the capture of Stirling he had

but secured an advanced base from which to operate against the north.

The Committee of Estates, to which Charles had entrusted the kingdom

before he left, was sitting at Dundee, and organising, in concert

with a number of clan-chieftains, a new army for the King. Dundee

then was Monk's real objective. No sooner was Stirling in his hands

than he hurried forward a small flying column to stop the supplies of

the town. Three or four days were spent in disposing of prisoners and

booty at Stirling and in setting things in order there, for the most

precise strategist of to-day could not be more careful about his base

than Monk. Then the general followed with the bulk of the foot and the

siege-train.

Just before reaching Dundee he was joined by a body of cavalry under

two officers, who were destined to play a prominent part in history.

The horse were commanded by Colonel Alured, a daring cavalry leader

with red-hot political opinions of an advanced socialistic type, an

Anabaptist of the Anabaptists. At the head of the dragoons rode a

little fiery man, whom they all adored. It was the famous Colonel

Morgan, a soldier of fortune after Monk's own heart, who knew nothing

of politics and everything of his profession. They had probably served

together the greater part of their lives, and were now at any rate fast

friends with unbounded mutual admiration. There was no one to whom Monk

would rather commit a piece of difficult work than this little dragoon,

and he had arrived in the nick of time.

For Monk, as we have seen, with his advanced ideas of the military

art, the Intelligence Department was his chiefest care. "The eyes of

an army," to use his own expression, he cherished as his own. Spies

as usual had been busy, and now he learned that on his approach the

Government had retired to the Highlands and was sitting at Alyth,

fourteen miles away, at the edge of the hills, where a force was daily

expected to assemble for the relief of Dundee. Monk at once determined

on a surprise so daring that it savours more of romance than the

deliberate expedient of a wary strategist. Morgan was sent for, and he

and Alured were told to take their men, disguised as far as possible

and mixed with Scotch deserters, and attend the enemy's rendezvous.

Late on the night of the 27th they marched, and unmolested reached

Alyth in the first hours of the morning. To avoid suspicion they boldly

marched to the farther side of the town, and there quietly halted as

though they were a party of the expected troops. No one interfered, and

about three o'clock, after a short rest, when sleep was the deepest,

they suddenly broke into the astonished town. Hardly a blow was struck.

Old Leslie, the commander-in-chief, was taken in his bed, and the rest

of the Government shared his fate; and as Monk went forth to direct

his siege-works Alured and Morgan rode into camp with three hundred

noblemen, lairds, and ministers prisoners in their train. At one

stroke Scotland was as it were beheaded. It was a bloodless victory,

as complete almost as the "crowning mercy" at Worcester, now on the

eve of being fought. "Truly," wrote Monk in his despatch to Cromwell,

"it is a very great mercy which the Lord of Hosts hath been pleased to

bestow upon us, observing the time and season. This is the Lord's work,

and therefore He alone ought to have the praise." But he concludes by

asking for Morgan's promotion. That he could so far have departed from

his ordinary style only shows us how great had been the influence of

Cromwell's coercive personality upon him.

Still Dundee did not know the extent of the disaster. The garrison

could not believe that all hope of relief was at an end, and

contemptuously refused Monk's summons. On the third day the batteries

opened. All through the last night of August they thundered, and in the

morning there was a practicable breach. Monk knew well the garrison was

hopelessly demoralised and would be an easy prey, yet he strove to save

bloodshed. Twice again he offered them quarter, and twice again they

refused. Then at last he gave the word for an assault.

The infantry were very weak from sickness, and the storming parties

were strengthened by dismounted troopers and a naval brigade. These

elements were not likely to decrease the heat of the fight, and added

to this the town was known to contain property of immense value. With

incredible fury the breach was carried in one rush. The supports of

horse were through almost as soon as the footmen, and a desperate

struggle ensued in the streets. In a few minutes it was over and the

stormers rushed on wildly through the town hacking down everything in

their way. A number of women, and even some children who were in the

streets, were borne down in the rush. Soon all that resisted were a

party who with the governor had taken refuge in a tower. Preparations

were being made to smoke them out, when they asked and received

quarter. Unhappily, as the governor was being taken before Monk he was

pistolled by a fanatic officer, an outrage which the general seems to

have felt as a blot on his own untarnished reputation as a soldier.

Resistance was now at an end, but Monk seems to have thought it his

duty to give over the town to two days' pillage as a chastisement for

its obstinate refusal of quarter.

The remaining garrisons surrendered on terms in rapid succession,

and the Highland strongholds were one after another reduced by his

officers. He himself took no active part in the operations. The iron

constitution on which he drew so recklessly during his long campaigns

at length gave way, and a few days after the surrender he was laid up

in Dundee with a fever. By January he had sufficiently shaken it off

to be able to meet the new Scotch commissioners who had arrived at

Dalkeith from London to negotiate the Union, but in February he was

compelled to go south for the benefit of his health. It is worthy of

note that he started on the journey in the same coach with Lambert, who

was also on the commission, but before Berwick was passed they agreed

to separate, ostensibly because Monk was too ill to travel fast enough

for his rival.

It is said that at this time there was an idea of sending into France

ten thousand of those matchless troops of whom all Europe was talking,

as was afterwards done under Morgan. For Monk was reserved the

superlative honour of commanding them. But the time was not yet ripe,

and instead of figuring as leader of the finest soldiers in the world,

for so every one then considered them, Monk went quietly down to Bath

to mend his shattered health.

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