1 Mass. Hist Soc. Proceedings, xx. 265.

Each wished to set up a press in Boston itself, but the General Court,

probably for police reasons, had ordered that there should be no

printing but at Cambridge, and that what was printed there should be

approved by any two of four gentlemen appointed by the Court. It thus

appeared that each printer possessed a certain superiority over his

rival. In the matter of types Johnson was favored, as he had new

types and was a trained printer; but these advantages were partially

[4]neutralized by indolence and by Green's better standing before the

magistrates.{1}

In England the excesses of the printing-press during the civil war

and commonwealth led to a somewhat strict though erratically applied

censorship under the restoration. A publication must be licensed,

and the Company of Stationers still sought, for reasons of profit, to

control printers by regulating their production. The licensing agent in

chief was a character of picturesque uncertainty and spasmodic action,

Roger L'Estrange, half fanatic, half politician, half hack writer,

in fact half in many respects and whole only in the resulting

contradictions of purpose and performance. On one point he was strong--a

desire to suppress unlicensed printing. So when in 1668 warrant was

given to him to make search for unauthorized printing, he entered into

the hunt with the zeal of a Loyola and the wishes of a Torquemada,

harrying and rushing his prey and breathing threats of extreme rigor

of fine, prison, pillory, and stake against the unfortunates who had

neglected, in most cases because of the cost, to obtain the stamp of the

licenser.{2}

New England was at this time England in little, with troubles of its

own; but, having imitated the mother country in introducing supervision

of the press, it also started in to investigate the printers of the

colony, two in number, seeking to win a smile of approval from the

foolish man on the throne. With due solemnity the inquisition was

[5]made. Green could show that all then passing through his press had

been properly licensed.

1 See the chapters on Green and Johnson in Littlefield,

The Early Massachusetts Press, 197, 209.

2 L'Estrange was called the "Devil's blood hound." Col. S.

P., Dom. 1663-1664, 616.

Johnson, less fortunate, was caught with one unlicensed piece--"The Isle

of Pines." A fine of five pounds was imposed upon him, as effectual in

suppressing him as though it had been one of five thousand pounds. He

could now turn with relish to two books then on his press, "Meditations

on Death and Eternity" and the "Righteous Man's Evidence for Heaven;"

for Massachusetts Bay, with its then powerful rule of divinity without

religion, or religion without mercy, held out small hope of his meeting

such a fine within the expedition of his natural life. But he made his

submission, petitioned the General Court in properly repentant language,

acknowledged his fault, his crime, and promised amendment{1} The fine

was not collected, and the principal result of the incident was to

further the very natural union of Johnson and Green, but with Johnson as

the lesser member in importance.

No copy of Marmaduke Johnson's issue of the "Isle of Pines" has come

to light in a period of 248 years. It might well be supposed that

the authorities caught him before the tract had gone to press, and so

snuffed it out completely. Our sapient bibliographers have dismissed the

matter in rounded phrase: "'The Isle of Pines' was a small pamphlet

of the Baron Munchausen order, which in its day passed through several

editions in England and on the Continent,"{2} a description which would

fit a hundred titles of the period. In July, 1917, Sotheby announced the

sale of a portion of the Americana collected by [6]"Bishop White Kennett

(1660-1728) and given by him to the Society for the Propagation of the

Gospel in Foreign Parts."

The Isle Of Pines (1668) and An Essay in Bibliography by Worthington Chauncey Ford · 第 32 / 78 题