THE PATH FOLLOWED UP.
“How can a man learn to know himself? By reflection never--only
by action. In the measure that thou seekest to do thy duty shalt
thou know what is in thee. But what is thy duty? The demand of the
hour.”--_Goethe._
The reader is now asked to kindly assume, for the sake of argument,
that our Garden City experiment has been fairly launched, and is a
decided success, and to consider briefly some of the more important
effects which such an object-lesson, by the light which it will throw
upon the pathway of reform, must inevitably produce upon society, and
then we will endeavour to trace some of the broader features of the
after-development.
Among the greatest needs of man and of society to-day, as at all times,
are these: A worthy aim and opportunity to realise it; work and ends
worth working for. All that a man is, and all that he may become, is
summed up in his aspirations, and this is no less true of society than
of the individual. The end I venture to now set before the people of
this country and of other countries is no less “noble and adequate”
than this, that they should forthwith gird themselves to the task of
building up clusters of beautiful home-towns, each zoned by gardens,
for those who now dwell in crowded, slum-infested cities. We have
already seen how _one_ such town may be built; let us now see how the
true path of reform, once discovered, will, if resolutely followed,
lead society on to a far higher destiny than it has ever yet ventured
to hope for, though such a future has often been foretold by daring
spirits.
There have in the past been inventions and discoveries on the making
of which society has suddenly leaped upward to a new and higher plane
of existence. The utilisation of steam--a force long recognised, but
which proved somewhat difficult to harness to the task it was fitted
to accomplish--effected mighty changes; but the discovery of a method
for giving effect to a far greater force than the force of steam--to
the long pent-up desire for a better and nobler social life here on
earth--will work changes even more remarkable.
What clearly marked economic truth is brought into view by the
successful issue of such an experiment as we have been advocating?
This:--That there is a broad path open, through a creation of new
wealth forms, to a new industrial system in which the productive forces
of society and of nature may be used with far greater effectiveness
than at present, and in which the distribution of the wealth forms
so created will take place on a far juster and more equitable basis.
Society may have more to divide among its members, and at the same time
the greater dividend may be divided in a juster manner.
Speaking broadly, industrial reformers may be divided into two camps.
The first camp includes those who urge the primary importance of
paying close and constant attention to the necessity of _increased
production_: the second includes those whose special aim is directed to
_more just and equitable division_. The former are constantly saying,
in effect, “Increase the national dividend, and all will be well”; the
latter, “The national dividend is fairly sufficient were it but divided
equitably.” The former are for the most part of the individualistic,
the latter of the socialistic type.
As an instance of the former point of view, I may cite the words of
Mr. A. J. Balfour, who, at a Conference of the National Union of
Conservative Associations held at Sunderland on 14th November, 1894,
said: “Those who represented society as if it consisted of two sections
disputing over their share of the general produce were utterly mistaken
as to the real bearing of the great social problem. We had to consider
that the produce of the country was not a fixed quantity, of which, if
the employers got more, the employed would get less, or if the employed
got more, the employers would get less. The real question for the
working-classes of this country was not primarily or fundamentally a
question of division: it was a question of production.” As an instance
of the second point of view, take the following: “The absurdity of
the notion of raising the poor without, to a corresponding degree,
depressing the rich will be obvious.”--“Principles of Socialism made
plain,” by Frank Fairman (William Reeves, 83 Charing Cross Road, W.C.),
page 33.
I have already shown, and I hope to make this contention yet more
clear, that there is a path along which sooner or later, both the
Individualist and the Socialist must inevitably travel; for I have made
it abundantly clear that on a small scale society may readily become
more individualistic than now--if by Individualism is meant a society
in which there is fuller and freer opportunity for its members to do
and to produce what they will, and to form free associations, of
the most varied kinds; while it may also become more socialistic--if
by Socialism is meant a condition of life in which the well-being of
the community is safe-guarded, and in which the collective spirit is
manifested by a wide extension of the area of municipal effort. To
achieve these desirable ends, I have taken a leaf out of the books
of each type of reformer and bound them together by a thread of
practicability. Not content with _urging_ the necessity of increased
production, I have shown _how it can be achieved_; while the other and
equally important end of more equitable distribution is, as I have
shown, easily possible, and in a manner which need cause no ill-will,
strife, or bitterness; is constitutional; requires no revolutionary
legislation; and involves no direct attack upon vested interests.
Thus may the desires of the two sections of reformers to whom I have
referred be attained. I have, in short, followed out Lord Rosebery’s
suggestion, and “borrowed from Socialism its large conception of
common effort, and its vigorous conception of municipal life, and from
Individualism the preservation of self-respect and self-reliance,” and,
by a concrete illustration, I have, I think, disproved the cardinal
contention of Mr. Benjamin Kidd in his famous book, “Social Evolution,”
that “the interests of the social organism and of the individuals
comprising it at any particular time are actually antagonistic;
they can never be reconciled; they are inherently and essentially
irreconcilable” (page 85).
Most socialistic writers appear to me to exhibit too keen a desire
to appropriate old forms of wealth, either by purchasing out or by
taxing out the owners, and they seem to have little conception that the
truer method is to create new forms and to create them under juster
conditions. But this latter conception should inevitably follow an
adequate realisation of the ephemeral nature of most forms of wealth;
and there is no truth more fully recognised by economic writers than
that nearly all forms of material wealth, except, indeed, the planet
on which we live and the elements of nature, are extremely fugitive
and prone to decay. Thus for instance, J. S. Mill, in “Elements of
Political Economy,” Book 1, Chapter v., says: “The greater part in
value of the wealth now existing in England has been produced by human
hands within the last twelve months. A very small proportion indeed of
that large aggregate was in existence ten years ago;--of the present
productive capital of the country, scarcely any part except farm-houses
and manufactories and a few ships and machines; and even these would
not in most cases have survived so long if fresh labour had not been
employed within that period in putting them into repair. The land
subsists, and the land is almost the only thing that subsists.” The
leaders of the great socialistic movement, of course, know all this
perfectly well; yet this quite elementary truth seems to fade from
their minds when they are discussing methods of reform, and they appear
to be as anxious to seize upon present forms of wealth as if they
regarded them as of a really lasting and permanent nature.
But this inconsistency of socialistic writers is all the more striking
when one remembers that these writers are the very ones who insist most
strongly upon the view that a very large part of the wealth-forms now
in existence are not really _wealth_ at all--that they are “filth,” and
that any form of society which represents even a step towards their
ideal must involve the sweeping away of such forms and the creation
of new forms in their place. With a degree of inconsistency that is
positively startling, they exhibit an insatiable desire to become
possessed of these forms of wealth which are not only rapidly decaying,
but are in their opinion absolutely useless or injurious.
Thus Mr Hyndman, at a lecture delivered at the Democratic Club, 29th
March, 1893, said:--“It was desirable that they should map out and
formulate socialistic ideas which they should desire to see brought
about when the so-called Individualism of the present day has broken
down, as it inevitably would do. One of the first things that they as
Socialists would have to do would be to depopulate the vast centres of
their over-crowded cities. Their large towns had no longer any large
agricultural population from which to recruit their ranks, and through
bad and insufficient food, vitiated atmosphere, and other insanitary
conditions, the physique of the masses of the cities was rapidly
deteriorating, both materially and physically.” Precisely; but does not
Mr. Hyndman see that in striving to become possessed of present wealth
forms, he is laying siege to the wrong fortress? If the population
of London, or a large part of the population of London, is to be
transplanted elsewhere, when some future event has happened, would it
not be well to see if we cannot induce large numbers of these people to
transplant themselves _now_, when the problem of London administration
and of London reform would, as we shall shortly discover, present
itself in a somewhat startling fashion?
A similar inconsistency is to be noticed in a little book which has
had an enormous and well-deserved sale, “Merrie England” (Clarion
Offices, Fleet Street). The author, “Nunquam,” remarks at the outset:
“The problem we have to consider is:--Given a country and a people,
find how the people may make the best of the country and themselves.”
He then proceeds to vigorously condemn our cities, with their houses
ugly and mean, their narrow streets, their want of gardens, and
emphasises the advantages of out-door occupations. He condemns the
factory system, and says: “I would set men to grow wheat and fruit,
and rear cattle and poultry for our own use. Then I would develop the
fisheries, and construct great fish-breeding lakes and harbours. Then
I would restrict our mines, furnaces, chemical works, and factories
to the number actually needed for the supply of our own people.
Then I would stop the smoke nuisance by developing water-power and
electricity. _In order to achieve these ends, I would make all the
lands, mills, mines, factories, works, shops, ships, and railways
the property of the people._” That is (the italics are my own), the
people are to struggle hard to become possessed of factories, mills,
works, and shops, at least half of which must be closed if Nunquam’s
desires are attained; of ships which will become useless if our foreign
trade is to be abandoned, (_see_ “Merrie England,” Chap. iv.); and
of railways, which, with an entire redistribution of population such
as Nunquam desires, must for the most part become derelict. And how
long is this useless struggle to last? Would it not--I ask Nunquam to
consider this point carefully--be better to study a smaller problem
first, and, to paraphrase his words, “Given, say, 6,000 acres of land,
let us endeavour to make the best use of it”? For then, having dealt
with this, we shall have educated ourselves to deal with a larger area.
Let me state again in other terms this fugitiveness of wealth forms,
and then suggest the conclusion to which that consideration should
lead us. So marked are the changes which society exhibits--especially
a society in a progressive state--that the outward and visible forms
which our civilisation presents to-day, its public and private
buildings, its means of communication, the appliances with which
it works, its machinery, its docks, its artificial harbours, its
instruments of war and its instruments of peace, have most of them
undergone a complete change, and many of them several complete changes,
within the last sixty years. I suppose not one person in twenty in
this country is living in a house which is sixty years old; not one
sailor in a thousand is sailing a ship, not one artisan or labourer in
a hundred is engaged in a workshop or handling tools or driving a cart
which was in existence sixty years ago. It is now sixty years since
the first railway was constructed from Birmingham to London, and our
Railway Companies possess one thousand millions of invested capital,
while our systems of water supply, of gas, of electric lighting, and of
sewerage are, for the most part, of recent date. Those material relics
of the past which were created more than sixty years ago, though some
of them are of infinite value as mementos, examples, and heirlooms,
are, for the most part, certainly not of a kind which we need wrangle
over or fight about. The best of them are our universities, schools,
churches, and cathedrals, and these should certainly teach us a
different lesson.
But can any reasonable person, who reflects for a moment on the
recent unexampled rate of progress and invention, doubt that the next
sixty years will reveal changes fully as remarkable? Can any person
suppose that these mushroom forms, which have sprung up as it were
in a night, have any real permanence? Even apart from the solution
of the labour problem, and the finding of work for the thousands of
idle hands which are eager for it--a solution, the correctness of
which I claim to have demonstrated--what possibilities are opened up
by the bare contemplation of the discovery of new motive powers, new
means of locomotion, perhaps, through the air, new methods of water
supply, or a new distribution of population, which must of itself
render many material forms altogether useless and effete! Why, then,
should we squabble and wrangle about what man _has_ produced? Why
not rather seek to learn what man _can_ produce; when, aiming to do
that, we may perhaps discover a grand opportunity for producing not
only better forms of wealth, but how to produce them under far juster
conditions? To quote the author of “Merrie England”: “We should first
of all ascertain what things are desirable for our health and happiness
of body and mind, and then organise our people with the object of
producing those things in the best and easiest way.”
Wealth forms, then, in their very nature are _fugitive_, and they are
besides liable to constant displacement by the better forms which in an
advancing state of society are constantly arising. There is, however,
one form of material wealth which is most permanent and abiding; from
the value and utility of which our most wonderful inventions can never
detract one jot, but will serve only to make more clear, and to render
more universal. The planet on which we live has lasted for millions of
years, and the race is just emerging from its savagery. Those of us who
believe that there is a grand purpose behind nature cannot believe that
the career of this planet is likely to be speedily cut short now that
better hopes are rising in the hearts of men, and that, having learned
a few of its less obscure secrets, they are finding their way, through
much toil and pain, to a more noble use of its infinite treasures. The
earth for all practical purposes may be regarded as abiding for ever.
Now, as every form of wealth must rest on the earth as its foundation,
and must be built up out of the constituents found at or near
its surface, it follows (because foundations are ever of primary
importance) that the reformer should first consider how best the earth
may be used in the service of man. But here again our friends, the
Socialists, miss the essential point. Their professed ideal is to make
society the owner of land _and of all instruments of production_; but
they have been so anxious to carry both points of their programme that
they have been a little too slow to consider the special importance of
the land question, and have thus missed the true path of reform.
There is, however, a type of reformers who push the land question very
much to the front, though, as it appears to me, in a manner little
likely to commend their views to society. Mr. Henry George, in his
well-known work, “Progress and Poverty,” urges with much eloquence,
if not with complete accuracy of reasoning, that our land laws are
responsible for all the economic evils of society, and that as our
landlords are little better than pirates and robbers, the sooner the
State forcibly appropriates their rents the better, for when this is
accomplished the problem of poverty will, he suggests, be entirely
solved. But is not this attempt to throw the whole blame of and
punishment for the present deplorable condition of society on to a
single class of men a very great mistake? In what way are landlords as
a class less honest than the average citizen? Give the average citizen
the opportunity of becoming a landlord and of appropriating the land
values created by his tenants, and he will embrace it to-morrow. If
then, the average man is a potential landlord, to attack landlords as
individuals is very like a nation drawing up an indictment against
itself, and then making a scape-goat of a particular class.[26]
But to endeavour to change our land system is a very different matter
from attacking those individuals who represent it. But how is this
change to be effected? I reply--By the force of example, that is, by
setting up a better system, and by a little skill in the grouping of
forces and manipulation of ideas. It is quite true that the average
man is a potential landlord, and as ready to appropriate the unearned
increment as to cry out against its appropriation. But the average man
has very little chance of ever becoming a landlord and of appropriating
rent-values created by others; and he is, therefore, the better able to
consider, quite dispassionately, whether such a proceeding is really
honest, and whether it may not be possible to gradually establish a new
and more equitable system under which, without enjoying the privilege
of appropriating rent-values created by others, he may himself be
secured against expropriation of the rent-values which he is now
constantly creating or maintaining. We have demonstrated how this may
be done on a small scale; we have next to consider how the experiment
may be carried out on a much wider scale, and this we can best do in
another chapter.
FOOTNOTE:
[26] I hope it is not ungrateful in one who has derived much
inspiration from “Progress and Poverty” to write thus.