attended the "ratification banquet" the evening of February 14 and
there were almost as many disappointed women who could not obtain
seats. Mrs. Catt presided and the following program of sparkling
speeches was given: The Apology of New York [for re-election of U. S.
Senator Wadsworth], Mrs. F. Louis Slade; The Specials of the Middle
West, Mrs. Peter Olesen, Minnesota; Tradition vs. Justice, Mrs. Pattie
Jacobs, Alabama; By the Grace of Governors, Dr. Grace Raymond Hebard,
Wyoming; "All's Well That Ends Well," Mrs. T. T. Cotnam, Arkansas.
Mrs. Halsey W. Wilson, "cheer leader," had prepared a program of
well-known songs cleverly adapted to suffrage and set to popular airs.
The culminating feature, arranged by Mrs. Richard E. Edwards, was a
living "ratification valentine." On the stage was disclosed a big
heart of silver and blue and in the opening appeared one after another
the faces of the presidents of the States whose Legislatures had
ratified and they recited caustic but good humored rhymes at the
expense of the women whose States were still in outer darkness. It was
a hilarious occasion greatly enjoyed by the younger suffragists and
those who had come late into the movement. Many memories were
awakened, however, in those older in years and service of the days
when conventions were largely a time of serious conferences and
impassioned appeal; a time when one banquet table was all sufficient
but those who gathered around it were very near and dear to each other
as they consecrated themselves anew to continue the work till the hour
of victory, which seemed very far ahead.
The 14th of February was the seventy-third birthday of Dr. Shaw, who
had died the preceding July 2, and the 15th was the one hundredth of
Susan B. Anthony, falling on Sunday this year, but it was arranged to
have the memorial services for Dr. Shaw on the afternoon of this day.
The following program was carried out:
MEMORIAL TO DR. ANNA HOWARD SHAW
Fourth Presbyterian Church
Corner Lake Shore Drive and Delaware Place
Dr. Stone, pastor of the church, presiding.
Sunday, February 15, 1921.
"She was a genuine American with all the qualities which in
fiction collect about that name but which are not so often seen
in real life; an American with the measureless patience, the deep
and gentle humor, the whimsical and tolerant philosophy and the
dauntless courage, physical as well as moral, which we find most
satisfyingly displayed in Lincoln, of all our heroes."--New York
_Times_.
Organ Prelude, "In Memoriam."
Anthem by Choir, "How blest are they."
Invocation.
Anthem, "Crossing the bar."
Scripture Lesson, Bishop Samuel Fallows, D.D., LL.D.
Greetings and Communications, Miss Caroline Ruutz-Rees.
Address--Memory Pictures, Mrs. Florence Cotnam.
Anthem--The Shepherds and Wise Men. (Composed for this
occasion by Witter Bynner and A. Madely Richardson.)
Address--The Courageous Leader, Mrs. James Lees Laidlaw.
Address--Reminiscences, Miss Jane Addams.
Address--Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt.
A Closing Word, Rev. John Timothy Stone, D.D., LL.D.
The Last Farewell, Dr. Caroline Bartlett Crane.
Hymn--"My Country 'Tis of Thee."
Benediction.
Choir Refrain.
Organ Postlude--Toccata.
Eric Delamater, formerly director of the Chicago Symphony Orchestra,
was the organist. It was a most impressive occasion with many
evidences of deep feeling, and, although it was a church service, the
audience responded with warm applause as Mrs. Catt closed her eulogy
with this beautiful comparison: "A significant ceremony is performed
each Easter in the Church of the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem. In the
wall that encloses the tomb of Christ there is an opening which on
Easter Sunday is surrounded by priests of the shrine carrying
unlighted candles. It is believed that the candles are touched into
flame by a holy fire emanating from Divinity through this opening.
Also provided with candles are the worshippers who throng the church,
the nearby receiving their light from the priests and passing it on
until every candle is aflame. Men nearest the door hasten to light the
candles of horsemen outside who speed away on the mission of
torchbearer to every home, so that by nightfall the candles on every
altar burn with a new brightness that has been transmitted from the
holy fire. Likewise the fire of inspiration, kindled in the great soul
of Anna Howard Shaw, touched into flame the zeal and courage of her
messengers, who in turn reached the homes throughout the nation with
her fervor and power."
* * * * *
[Dr. Shaw had given forty-five years of consecrated devotion to the
cause of woman suffrage and this was the first national convention for
nearly thirty years without the inspiration of her presence. She first
met Miss Anthony at the International Council of Women in Washington
in 1888 and from that time gave her the deepest affection and truest
allegiance. While the years went by she became nearer and dearer to
Miss Anthony and was loved by her beyond all others. As an orator she
played upon the whole gamut of human emotions, lifting her audiences
to intellectual heights, touching their sentiment with her exquisite
pathos, convincing them with her keen logic and winning their hearts
with her irresistible humor. People not only admired but loved her,
and this was true not alone in the United States but in all parts of
the world, as she had addressed international congresses in most of
the large cities of Europe. She lived to see the submission by
Congress of the Federal Suffrage Amendment and to render most
valuable assistance to her country during the World War as chairman of
the Woman's Committee of the Council of National Defense, and she died
in its service.]
There was considerable discussion in the convention of a suitable
memorial to Dr. Shaw and finally a resolution was adopted that the
association establish an official joint memorial--at Bryn Mawr College
a Foundation in Politics and at the Woman's Medical College of
Pennsylvania a Foundation in Preventive Medicine--as a fitting
continuation of her life work;[128] that a committee be appointed to
carry out the project by appealing to the women throughout the country
and that this committee be incorporated and assume the financial
responsibility.[129] The Chair presented as the first donation towards
the fund a check of $1,000 sent by Mrs. George Howard Lewis of
Buffalo, in memory of Dr. Shaw on her birthday. The gift was
accompanied by an eloquent tribute from Mrs. Lewis, an intimate and
devoted friend of nearly twenty years, in which she gave beautiful
quotations from Dr. Shaw's letters and an extract from her charming
autobiography, The Story of a Pioneer.[130]
As had long been the custom the officers of the association gave an
informal reception to the delegates and friends on Sunday evening.
This took place in the Congress Hotel and they were assisted by the
local committee of arrangements.
The final report of the Oversea Hospitals maintained by the National
Association, as given by Mrs. Charles L. Tiffany, chairman, and Mrs.
Raymond Brown, general director in France, is in the chapter on the
War Work of Organized Suffragists.
A brief report of the Leslie Bureau of Education was made by Miss
Young who said: "The Leslie Bureau was founded by Mrs. Catt in 1917,
as administratrix of the fortune left to her to promote the cause of
suffrage by Mrs. Frank Leslie. Mrs. Catt cherished the view that if
the public were thoroughly educated on the subject of suffrage it
would be wholly in favor of it. She proposed to set aside a large part
of the Leslie fund for use in channels of education. I was appointed
director of the bureau and departmentalized it under the following
heads: News, Field Work, Features, Research.... The _Woman Citizen_
was termed "an adventure in journalism." Miss Young was
editor-in-chief and business manager and Miss Mary Ogden White was
associate editor. "The great body of testimony shows," she said, "that
the service of the magazine has been at all times indispensable."
Miss Esther G. Ogden, president of the National Woman Suffrage
Publishing Co., supplemented Mrs. Shuler's report of its dissolution,
paid a tribute to its board of directors and said: "In reviewing the
six years of the company's existence a few facts come to my mind which
I think may interest you. We have printed and distributed over
50,000,000 pieces of literature. Besides supplying suffrage material
to practically every State in the Union we have filled orders from
Switzerland, France, Italy, Great Britain, Norway, Canada, Philippine
Islands, Hawaiian Islands, Porto Rico, Argentina, China and Japan.
Recently we have been asked to send a complete line of our
publications to the new American Library in Rome, Italy, and nearly
every day we receive requests for pamphlets from libraries all over
the United States and from universities for their extension courses.
My correspondence and association with suffragists over the country
through the Publishing Company will ever be among the happiest
memories of my life."
Almost every State president submitted a report of vigorous work
either to secure the suffrage or where this had been done to organize
and put into operation a League of Women Voters. Never before in the
history of the National Association had so much interest and activity
been manifest in the States.
The Pioneer Suffrage Luncheon with Mrs. McCormick presiding brought
together many of the older workers, whose rejoicing over the final
victory after their long years of toil and sacrifice such as the
younger ones had never known, was lessened by the thought that this
was the last of the love feasts which they had shared together for
many decades. The response to the leading toast--What the Modern Woman
Owes to the Pioneers--was made by the Rev. Olympia Brown, now
eighty-four years old, whose excellent voice was not equalled among
any of the younger women. Songs, reminiscences and clever, informal
speeches contributed to a most delightful afternoon.
It had been a keen disappointment that the Jubilee Convention of the
preceding year--March, 1919--which marked the fiftieth anniversary of
the founding of the association, could not have celebrated the
submission of the Federal Suffrage Amendment but this had to await a
new Congress. Now it was almost unendurable that this commemoration of
Miss Anthony's one hundredth birthday could not have been glorified by
the proclamation that this amendment was forever a part of the
National Constitution. However, by the time another month had rolled
by, this culmination of her life work awaited the ratification of only
one more Legislature and it was so universally recognized as near at
hand that this last meeting could appropriately be termed the Victory
Convention. Following is the program of the celebration of her
centenary:
SUSAN B. ANTHONY CENTENARY CELEBRATION.
"To me Susan B. Anthony was an unceasing inspiration--the torch
that illumined my life. We went through some difficult times
together--years when we fought hard for each inch of headway
gained--but I found full compensation for every effort in the
glory of working with her for the cause that was first in our
hearts and in the happiness of being her trusted friend."--Anna
Howard Shaw.
MONDAY, FEBRUARY 16, 1920, 2 p. m.
What Happened in Ten Decades Briefly Told:
1820-1830--The Age of Mobs and Eggs.
Mrs. E. F. Feickert, president of New Jersey.
1830-1840--The First School Suffrage.
Mrs. Desha Breckenridge, president of Kentucky.
1840-1850--The Dawn of Property Rights.
Mrs. Walter McNab Miller, former president of
Missouri.
1850-1860--The First High School for Girls.
Miss Alice Stone Blackwell, president of Massachusetts.
1860-1870--The World's First Full Suffrage.
Dr. Grace Raymond Hebard, professor of Political
Science, University of Wyoming.
1870-1880--The Negro's Hour.
Mrs. Henry Youmans, president of Wisconsin.
1880-1890--The First Municipal Suffrage.
Mrs. William A. Johnston, president of Kansas.
1890-1900--Suffrage Spreads.
Mrs. Ida Porter Boyer, former press director of
Pennsylvania.
1900-1910--Ridicule Gives Way to Argument, Indifference to
to Organization.
Mrs. Harriet Taylor Upton, president of Ohio.
1910-1920--The Portent of Victory.
Mrs. Raymond Brown, national vice-president.
Miss Anthony--An Appreciation, Mrs. Harriette Taylor Treadwell,
member of the Illinois board.
Miss Anthony--A Historical Recognition, Mrs. Helen H. Gardener,
national vice-president.
THE SUFFRAGE HONOR ROLL.
"Undaunted by opposition brave spirits led on."
PRESENTATION OF ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS BY THE NATIONAL AMERICAN WOMAN
SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION to Pioneers, those who labored before 1880;
Veterans, those who labored between 1880 and 1900; Honor Workers
after 1900.
While Mrs. Catt was busy handing out the honor rolls to pioneers and
veterans with a few precious words to each, Mrs. Upton came suddenly
forward and laid a detaining hand on her arm. With tender
reminiscence, relieved by the sparkles of humor never absent from
whatever she said, she presented in the name of countless suffragists
an exquisite pin, a large star sapphire surrounded by diamonds and set
in platinum. It was the association's parting gift to its beloved
leader, whose usually perfect poise deserted her and she could not
acknowledge it. To her whispered appeal to Mrs. Upton to speak for
her, the latter laughingly answered that this was the first time she
ever was able to do something that Mrs. Catt could not.
The evening part of the celebration began with community singing,
William Griswold Smith, director, and was followed by an illustration
of Then and Now, Told in Pictures, under the management of Miss Young.
Down a wide flight of stairs came one picturesque figure after another
garbed to represent the passing years during the suffrage contest,
beginning with the middle of the last century, many clothed in the
actual garments worn at the period, and after crossing the stage they
took their seats in tiers, a lovely spectacle. At the last came the
Red Cross workers, the nurses, the motor corps and others in war
service. The picture ended with a gay group of debutantes in filmy
chiffon gowns to symbolize the present day of rejoicing. The triumphs
of women in the intellectual field were told in the program that
followed: Education--Professor Maria L. Sanford; Medicine--Dr. Julia
Holmes Smith; Law--Miss Florence Allen; Theology--the Rev. Olympia
Brown; Journalism--Miss Ethel M. Colson; Politics--Miss Mary Garrett
Hay.
Different sections of the League of Women Voters were in session day
and night perfecting the organization of this most significant
association of women ever attempted. The culmination of seventy years'
continuous effort was about to be reached in the complete and
universal enfranchisement of women and now a new generation, under the
guidance of the older workers who remained, was bravely taking up
another great task, that of bringing about cooperation among women in
the effective use of this supreme power for the highest welfare of the
State. On the last afternoon of the convention the National American
Woman Suffrage Association and the League of Women Voters held a joint
session for discussion of matters in which they had a mutual interest.
On the last evening, just before the beginning of the first session of
the School for Political Education in the Florentine Room, Mrs. Catt,
with suitable ceremony formally adjourned the Victory Convention, the
last of a series held for fifty years by the old association.
FOOTNOTES:
[121] Following are the officers of the association who were elected
at the convention in St. Louis in 1919 and re-elected in Chicago in
1920 to remain in office until the association should go out of
existence: President, Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt; first vice-president,
Mrs. Katharine Dexter McCormick; second vice-president, Miss Mary
Garrett Hay; third vice-president, Mrs. Guilford Dudley; fourth
vice-president, Mrs. Raymond Brown; fifth vice-president, Mrs. Helen
H. Gardener; treasurer, Mrs. Henry Wade Rogers; corresponding
secretary, Mrs. Nettie R. Shuler; recording secretary, Mrs. Halsey W.
Wilson. All were of New York City except Mrs. Dudley of Tennessee and
Mrs. Gardener of the District of Columbia. Dr. Anna Howard Shaw, who
had been president from 1904 to 1915 and honorary president
thereafter, had died July 2, 1919.
Directors: Mrs. Charles H. Brooks (Kans.); Mrs. J. C. Cantrill (Ky.);
Mrs. Richard E. Edwards (Ind.); Mrs. George Gellhorn (Mo.); Mrs. Ben
Hooper (Wis.); Mrs. Arthur L. Livermore (N. Y.); Miss Esther G. Ogden
(N. Y.); Mrs. George A. Piersol (Penn.).
[122] Fraternal delegates were present from the Association of
Collegiate Alumnae; Florence Crittenden Mission; General Federation of
Women's Clubs; Ladies of the Grand Army of the Republic; National
Board of the Young Women's Christian Association; National Congress of
Mothers; Parent Teachers' Association; National Council of Jewish
Women; National Council of Women; National Council of College Women;
National Women's Trade Union League; National Women's Association of
Commerce; National Women's Relief Corps; National Women's Relief
Society; State Federation of Women's Clubs; State Trade Union League;
Woman's Christian Temperance Union; Women's City Club; State League of
Women Voters; Womens' International League for Peace and Freedom.
[123] To Governors who called special sessions: "On behalf of the
National American Woman Suffrage Association meeting in its 51st
annual convention I am instructed to express its official appreciation
and gratitude to you for your assistance in ratifying the Federal
Suffrage Amendment. Woman suffrage will soon be a closed chapter in
the history of our country and we are confident that the pride and
satisfaction of every Governor and legislator who has aided the
ratification will increase as time goes on. We want you to know that
the women of the nation are truly grateful to you for your part in
their enfranchisement. Nettie Rogers Shuler, corresponding secretary.
[124] For account of meetings of the Board of Officers and Executive
Council in April and June, 1921, see Appendix for this chapter.
[125] The names of the organizers retained, all of whom gave most
effective service, were Mrs. Augusta Hughston, Miss Edna Annette
Beveridge, Mrs. Maria S, McMahon, Miss Mary Elizabeth Pidgeon, Miss
Josephine Miller, Miss Lola Trax, Miss Edna Wright, Miss Marie Ames
and Miss Gertrude Watkins. Their organized work extended over Iowa,
Missouri, Texas, Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, South
Carolina, North Carolina, Virginia, West Virginia, Tennessee,
Kentucky, Delaware and New Hampshire. In addition to the regular force
Mrs. Minnie Fisher Cunningham and Miss Liba Peshakova were sent to
Mississippi for two months. The work of the organizers is regarded as
the hardest and most difficult connected with a State campaign and
Mrs. Shuler paid high tribute to them.
[126] The final report of the Oversea Hospitals Committee is given in
the chapter on War Work of Organized Suffragists.
[127] In this space have been placed the little mahogany table on
which were written the Call for the first Woman's Rights Convention in
1848, the Declaration of Principles and the Resolutions; a portrait in
oil of Miss Anthony on her eightieth birthday; large framed
photographs of Dr. Shaw and Mrs. Catt; photographs of the signing of
the Federal Suffrage Amendment by Vice-president Marshall and Speaker
Gillett, the pens with which it was done and the pen with which
Secretary of State Colby signed the Proclamation that it was a part of
the National Constitution, and personal mementoes of Miss Anthony. The
table has special historical value. It stood for years in the parlor
of the McClintock family at Waterloo, N. Y., and was bequeathed to
Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, who, with Mrs. McClintock, Lucretia Mott
and her sister, Martha C. Wright, wrote the Call, etc. When Mrs.
Stanton died in New York City it stood at the head of her casket
holding the Biography of Susan B. Anthony and the History of Woman
Suffrage, of which Mrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony wrote the first three
volumes. The table was left to Miss Anthony and was in her home at
Rochester, N. Y., until her death, when it stood at the head of her
casket, bearing a floral tribute from the National American Woman
Suffrage Association. It then passed to Dr. Anna Howard Shaw and was
in her home at Moylan, Penn., until the national suffrage headquarters
were opened in Washington December, 1916, when it was taken there. At
the time they were closed, after the Federal Suffrage Amendment had
been submitted by Congress, the table found a final haven in the
Smithsonian Institution.
[128] Dr. Shaw was a graduate of Albion College, Mich.; of the medical
department of Boston University and of its School of Theology. The
honorary degree of LL.D. was conferred on her by Temple University,
Philadelphia.
[129] Mrs. John O. Miller, president of the Pennsylvania State
Suffrage Association, was appointed chairman of this committee, to
which six others were added and it was decided to raise $500,000 to be
divided between the two colleges. When Bryn Mawr was making its
"drive" for $2,000,000 in 1920 it included an appeal for $100,000 for
this chair in politics, which were subscribed. The Medical College
raised $30,000 for the chair in preventive medicine. The committee
hopes to have the full amount by Feb. 14, 1922.
Several months before, at the invitation of Dean Virginia C.
Gildersleeve, a meeting had been held at Barnard College, Columbia
University, to arrange for the Anna Howard Shaw Chair of American
Citizenship. It was addressed by President Nicholas Murray Butler, who
strongly favored it; by Dean Gildersleeve, Mrs. James Lees Laidlaw and
other alumnae and a committee formed to raise $100,000, of which amount
$4,000 were subscribed at that time. Mrs. George McAneny (a daughter
of Dr. Mary Putnam Jacobi) was made chairman and the other members
were Barnard alumnae and well-known workers for woman suffrage. The
convention was asked to endorse the project, which was done. The
committee expects soon to have the full amount. These lectures on
American Citizenship will not be confined to Barnard students but will
be offered to women in general.
[130] For accounts and tributes see Appendix for this chapter.
CHAPTER XX.
THE FEDERAL AMENDMENT FOR WOMAN SUFFRAGE.[131]
The first convention in all history to consider the Rights of Women
was called by Lucretia Mott, Elizabeth Cady Stanton and two others to
meet July 19, 20, 1848, at Seneca Falls in western New York, Mrs.
Stanton's home.[132] In 1851 the work was taken up by Susan B.
Anthony, destined to be its supreme leader for the next half century.
Meetings soon began to take place and societies to be formed in
various States, so that by 1861 there was a well-defined movement
toward woman suffrage. Large conventions were held annually in eastern
and western cities, in which the most prominent men and women
participated. The commencement of the Civil War ended all efforts for
this object and its leaders devoted themselves for the next five years
to the women's part of every war. In May, 1866, Mrs. Stanton and Miss
Anthony issued a call for the scattered forces to come together in
convention in New York City, and here began the movement for woman
suffrage which continued without a break for fifty-four years.
No large extension of the franchise had been made since the government
was founded except to the working men between 1820 and 1830 and this
had been accomplished by amending State constitutions. There had been
no thought of enfranchising women in any other way but now Congress,
for the purpose of giving the ballot to the recently freed negro men,
was about to submit an amendment to the National Constitution. This
convention was called to protest against "class legislation" and
demand that women should be included. It adopted a Memorial to
Congress, prepared by Mrs. Stanton, which contained a portion of
Charles Sumner's great speech, Equal Rights for All, and was a
complete statement of woman's right to the franchise. In Miss
Anthony's address she said: "Up to this hour we have looked only to
State action for recognition of our rights but now, by the results of
the war, the whole question of suffrage reverts to Congress and the
United States Constitution. The duty of Congress at this moment is to
declare what shall be the true basis of representation in a republican
form of government."
As soon as the intention to submit the 14th Amendment was announced
Miss Anthony and her co-workers began rolling up petitions to Congress
that it should provide for the enfranchisement of women and tens of
thousands of names had been sent to Washington. These petitions
represented the first effort ever made for an amendment to the Federal
Constitution for woman suffrage and the action of this convention
marked the first organized demand--May 10, 1866. At this time the
American Equal Rights Association was formed and the Woman's Rights
Society merged with it, as having a larger scope.[133]
The following month the 14th Amendment was submitted by Congress for
the ratification of the State Legislatures and it was declared adopted
by the necessary three-fourths in July, 1868. By this amendment the
status of citizenship was for the first time definitely
established--"All persons born or naturalized in the United States and
subject to the jurisdiction thereof are citizens." This plainly put
men and women on an exact equality as to citizenship. Then followed
the broad statement: "No State shall make or enforce any law which
shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United
States." This also seemed to guarantee the equal rights of men and
women. It was the second section which aroused the advocates of
suffrage for women to vigorous protest:
Section 2. Representatives shall be apportioned among the several
States according to their respective numbers, counting the whole
number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. But
when the right to vote at any election for the choice of electors
for President and Vice-President of the United States,
Representatives in Congress, the Executive and Judicial officers
of a State or the members of the Legislature thereof, is denied
to the _male_ inhabitants of such State, being 21 years of age
and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged except
for participation in rebellion or other crime, the basis of
representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which
the number of such _male_ citizens shall bear to the whole number
of _male_ citizens 21 years of age in such State.
Up to this time there was no mention of suffrage in the Federal
Constitution except the provision for electing members of the Lower
House of Congress but now for the first time it actually discriminated
against women by imposing a penalty on the States for preventing men
from voting but leaving them entirely free to prohibit women. When
even this penalty proved insufficient to protect negro men in their
attempts to vote, Congress in 1869 submitted a 15th Amendment which
was declared ratified the following year: "The right of citizens of
the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the
United States or by any State on account of race, color or previous
condition of servitude."
Those who had been striving for two decades to obtain suffrage for
women protested by every means in their power against this second
discrimination. They implored and demanded that the word "sex" should
be included in this amendment, which would have forever settled the
question, just as the omission of the word "male" in the 14th
Amendment would have settled it. The most of the men who had stood by
them in their early struggles for the vote, when both were working
together for the freedom of the slaves, now sacrificed them rather
than imperil the political rights of the negro men. Some of the women
themselves were persuaded to abandon their opposition to these
amendments by the promise of the Republican leaders that as soon as
they were safely intrenched in the constitution another should be
placed there providing for woman suffrage. This promise they did not
try to keep and it remained unfulfilled over fifty years. Miss Anthony
and Mrs. Stanton were never for one moment deceived or silenced but in
their paper, _The Revolution_, they opposed these amendments as long
as they were pending.
* * * * *
Although the protests were in vain the women had learned that they
might be relieved of the intolerable burden of having to obtain the
suffrage State by State through permission of a majority of the
individual voters. They had seen an entire class enfranchised through
the quicker and easier way of amending the Federal Constitution and
they determined to invoke this power in their own behalf. From the
office of _The Revolution_ in New York in the autumn of 1868 went out
thousands of petitions to be signed and sent to Congress for the
submission of an amendment to enfranchise women. Immediately after its
assembling in December, 1868, Senator S. C. Pomeroy of Kansas
introduced a resolution providing that "the basis of suffrage shall be
that of citizenship and all native or naturalized citizens shall enjoy
the same rights and privileges of the elective franchise but each
State shall determine the age, etc." A few days later Representative
George W. Julian of Indiana offered one in the House which declared:
"The right of suffrage shall be based on citizenship ... and all
citizens, native or naturalized, shall enjoy this right equally ...
without any distinction or discrimination founded on sex." These were
the first propositions ever made in Congress for woman suffrage by
National Amendment.
In order to impress Congress with the seriousness of the demand, a
woman's convention--the first of its kind to meet in the national
capital--was held in Washington in January, 1869. It continued several
days with large audiences and an array of eminent speakers, including
Lucretia Mott, Clara Barton, Mrs. Stanton, a number of men and Miss
Anthony, the moving spirit of the whole. In response Congress the next
month submitted the 15th Amendment with even a stronger discrimination
against women than the 14th contained.
* * * * *
The annual gatherings of the Equal Rights Association had been growing
more and more stormy while the 14th and 15th Amendments were pending
and the point was reached where any criticism of them made by the
women was met by their advocates with hisses and denunciation. Finally
at the meeting of May 12, 1869, in New York City, with Mrs. Stanton
presiding, an attempt was made, led by Frederick Douglass, to force
through a resolution of endorsement. Miss Anthony opposed it in an
impassioned speech in which she said: "If you will not give the whole
loaf of justice to the entire people, then give it first to women, to
the most intelligent and capable of them at least.... If Mr. Douglass
had noticed who applauded when he said black men first and white women
afterwards, he would have seen that it was only the men."
The men succeeded in wresting the control of the convention from the
women, who then decided that the time had come for them to have their
own organization and endeavor to have the question of their
enfranchisement considered entirely on its own merits. Three days
later, at the Women's Bureau in East 23rd Street, where now the
Metropolitan Life Building stands, with representatives present from
nineteen States, the National Woman Suffrage Association was formed.
Mrs. Stanton was made president, Miss Anthony chairman of the
executive committee. One hundred women became members that evening and
here was begun the organized work for an Amendment to the Federal
Constitution to confer woman suffrage which was to continue without
ceasing for half a century.[134] Its constitution declared the object
of the association to be "to secure the ballot to the women of the
Nation on equal terms with men." On June 1 its executive board sent a
petition to Congress for "a 16th Amendment to be submitted to the
Legislatures of the States for ratification which shall secure to all
citizens the right of suffrage without distinction of sex."
Before the work for a 16th Amendment was fairly organized a number of
members of Congress and constitutional lawyers took the ground that
women were already enfranchised by the first clause of the 14th
Amendment. At the convention held in St. Louis in the autumn of 1869,
Francis Minor, a prominent lawyer of that city, presented this
position so convincingly that the newly formed National Association
conducted an active campaign in its favor for several years. In 1872
women tried to vote in a number of States and in a few of them were
successful. Miss Anthony's vote was accepted in Rochester, N. Y., and
later she was arrested, charged with a _crime_, tried by a Justice of
the U. S. Supreme Court and fined $100. The inspectors in St. Louis
refused to register Mrs. Francis Minor, she brought suit against
them, and her husband carried the case to the Supreme Court of the
United States (Minor vs. Happersett). He made an able and exhaustive
argument but an adverse decision was rendered March 29, 1875.[135]
The women then returned to the original demand for a 16th Amendment,
which indeed many of them, including Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton,
never had entirely abandoned. Beginning with 1869 Congressional
committees had granted hearings on woman suffrage every winter, even
though no resolution was before them. Under the auspices of the
National Association petitions by the tens of thousands continued to
pour into Congress, which were publicly presented. Finally on Jan. 10,
1878, Senator A. A. Sargent of California offered the following joint
resolution: "The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall
not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on
account of sex."
The Committee on Privileges and Elections granted a hearing which
consumed a part of two days, with the large Senate reception room
filled to overflowing and the corridors crowded. Extended hearings
were given also by the House Judiciary Committee and constitutional
arguments of the highest order were made by noted women in attendance
at the national suffrage convention. The Senate committee reported
adversely, however, and the House committee not at all. This took
place over forty years ago. Senator Sargent's amendment, which in
later years was sometimes called the Susan B. Anthony Amendment, was
presented to every Congress during this period and hearings were
granted by committees of every one. The women who made their pleadings
and arguments simply to persuade these committees to give a favorable
report and bring the question before their respective Houses for
debate comprised the most distinguished this country had produced. It
is only by reading their addresses in the History of Woman Suffrage
that one can form an idea of their masterly exposition of laws and
constitution, their logic, strength and oftentimes deep pathos.
There are in the pages of history many detached speeches of rare
eloquence for the rights of man but nowhere else is there so long an
unbroken record of appeals for these rights--the rights of man and
woman. Again and again at the close of the suffrage hearings the
chairman and members of the committee said that none on other
questions equalled them in dignity and ability. From 1878 to 1896
there were five favorable majority reports from Senate committees, two
from House committees and four adverse reports. Thereafter, when Miss
Anthony no longer spent her winters in Washington and persisted in
having a report, none of any kind was made until the movement for
woman suffrage entered a new era in 1912. One significant event,
however, occurred during this time. Largely through the efforts of
Senator Henry W. Blair (Rep.) of New Hampshire, the resolution for a
16th Amendment was brought before the Senate. After a long and earnest
discussion the vote on Jan. 25, 1887, resulted in 16 ayes, all
Republican; 34 noes, eleven Republican, twenty-three Democratic;
twenty-six absent.[136]
* * * * *
It early became apparent to the leaders of the movement that there
would have to be a good deal of favorable action by the States before
Congress would give serious consideration to this question and
therefore under the auspices of the National American Association,
they continuously helped with money and work the campaigns for
securing the suffrage by amendment of State constitutions. Miss
Anthony herself took part in eight such campaigns, only to see all of
them end in failure. Up to 1910 there had been at least twenty and
only two had been successful--Colorado, 1893; Idaho, 1896; Wyoming and
Utah had equal suffrage while Territories and came into the Union with
it in their constitutions, but all were sparsely settled States whose
influence on Congress was slight. Commercialism had become the
dominating force in politics and moral issues were crowded into the
background. Nevertheless in every direction was evidence of an
increasing public sentiment in favor of woman suffrage in the
accession of men and women of influence, in the large audiences
at the meetings, in the official endorsement of all kinds of
organizations--the Federation of Labor, the Grange and many others of
men, of women and of the two together, for educational, patriotic,
religious, civic and varied purposes almost without number. There was
not yet, however, any strong political influence back of this movement
which was so largely of a political nature.
In 1910 an insurgent movement developed in Congress and extended into
various States to throw off the party yoke and the domination of
"special interests" and adopt progressive measures. One of its first
fruits was the granting of suffrage to women by the voters in the
State of Washington. Under the same influence the women of California
were enfranchised in 1911, a far-reaching victory. In 1912 Oregon,
Arizona and the well populated State of Kansas adopted woman suffrage
by popular vote. In 1913 the new Legislature of Alaska granted it, and
that of Illinois gave all that was possible without a referendum to
the voters, including municipal, county and that for Presidential
electors. In 1914 Nevada and Montana completed the enfranchisement of
women in the western part of the United States, except in New Mexico.
The effect upon Congress of the addition of between three and four
million women to the electorate was immediately apparent. A woman
suffrage amendment to the Federal Constitution had suddenly become a
live question. A circumstance greatly in its favor was the shattering
of the traditional idea that the Federal Constitution must not be
further amended, by the adoption of two new Articles--for an income
tax and the election of U. S. Senators by the voters.
* * * * *
In 1912 came the division in Republican ranks and the forming of the
Progressive party, headed by former President Theodore Roosevelt,
which made woman suffrage one of the principal planks in its platform,
and for the first time it took a place among the other political
issues. The Republican party so long in power was defeated. Woman
suffrage never had received any special assistance from this party
during its long regime but the entire situation had now changed. The
National Association appointed a Congressional Committee of young,
energetic women headed by Miss Alice Paul, a university graduate with
experience in civic work in this country and England. They arranged an
immense suffrage parade in which women from many States participated.
It took place in Washington March 3, 1913, the day before the
inauguration of Woodrow Wilson, and the new administration entered
into office with a broader idea of the strength of the movement than
its predecessor had possessed. An extra session was soon called and
Senate and House Resolution Number One, introduced April 7, was for a
Federal Woman Suffrage Amendment. The chairmanship of the new Senate
Committee on Woman Suffrage, instead of being filled as usual by an
opponent, was given to Senator Charles S. Thomas (Dem.) of Colorado,
always an ardent suffragist, and a friendly committee was
appointed--Robert L. Owen (Okla.); Henry F. Ashurst (Ariz.); Joseph E.
Ransdell (La.); Henry P. Hollis, (N. H.); George Sutherland (Utah);
Wesley L. Jones (Wash.); Moses E. Clapp (Minn.); Thomas B. Catron (N.
M.). There were now eighteen members of the Senate with women
constituents and several million women were eligible to vote, so that
it was possible to bring a pressure which had never before existed.
Many of the large newspapers were declaring that the time had come for
the submission of this amendment to the State Legislatures.
On May 3 a great suffrage procession took place in New York with a
mass meeting in the Metropolitan Opera House addressed by Colonel
Roosevelt, who made a ringing speech in favor of votes for women. On
June 13 the Senate Committee on Woman Suffrage gave a unanimous
favorable report, Senator Catron, the only opponent, not voting. On
July 31 the resolution was discussed on the floor of the Senate,
twenty-two speaking in favor and three in opposition. It had been
referred to the Judiciary Committee in the Lower House, where
resolutions also were introduced for the creation of a Committee on
Woman Suffrage and referred to the Committee on Rules. During July
pilgrimages of women came from different parts of the country and on
the 31st a petition with 200,000 signatures was presented to the
Senate by 531 "pilgrims." Three deputations called on President Wilson
asking his support of the amendment, one from the National American
Association, one from the National College Equal Suffrage League and
one from the National Council of Women Voters, and in November a
fourth from his own State of New Jersey. Congress remained in session
all summer and mass suffrage meetings in theaters were held in
Washington. The large corps of newspaper correspondents were
constantly supplied with news. Countless suffrage meetings were held
in Maryland, Virginia and all the way up to New York and the members
were kept constantly informed of the activities in their own
districts. On September 18 Senator Ashurst announced on the floor of
the Senate that he would press the resolution to a vote at the
earliest possible moment and Senator Andrieus A. Jones of New Mexico
spoke in favor and asked for immediate action.
During the regular session in 1914 the resolution was discussed at
different times and many strong speeches in favor were made. The
Senate vote, which was taken on March 19, stood, ayes, 35; noes, 34;
lacking eleven of a necessary two-thirds majority. Twenty Republicans,
one Progressive and fourteen Democrats voted aye; twelve Republicans
and twenty-two Democrats voted no; ten Republicans and sixteen
Democrats were absent. For the first time southern Senators declared
in favor of giving suffrage to women by amending the National
Constitution--Senators Owen, Ransdell, Luke Lea of Tennessee and
Morris Sheppard of Texas voting in the affirmative.
For a trial vote this was considered satisfactory. The effort in the
Lower House was not so successful. Its Judiciary Committee had been
continuously opposed to allowing the amendment to reach the
Representatives, but two favorable majority reports having been made
in the thirty-six years during which the question had been before it
(1883, 1890). A larger Congressional Committee had been formed by the
National Suffrage Association, of which the chairman was Mrs. Ruth
Hanna McCormick, a daughter of former U. S. Senator Mark Hanna, who
had inherited her father's genius for constructive politics.
Headquarters were opened in the Munsey Building in Washington and the
work was divided into three departments--Lobby, Publicity and
Organization. Careful and systematic effort was made and it was
followed by the Senate vote recorded above. A record was compiled of
the votes of every member of Congress on prohibition, child labor and
various humanitarian and welfare measures and sent to the women in his
district for use in urging him to vote for the suffrage amendment.
Organizers were placed where needed to hold meetings and arrange for
chairmen of counties who would cooperate with the national committee
in bringing pressure on members from their own constituencies.
The Federal Amendment as usual was held up in the House Judiciary
Committee in 1914. The suffrage leaders had tried for years to get a
House Committee on Woman Suffrage, such as the Senate had. A
resolution for this purpose had been introduced by Representative
Edward T. Taylor of Colorado in April, 1913, referred to the Committee
on Rules, an extended hearing granted, but no action taken. Mrs.
McCormick's committee brought great pressure to bear and on Jan. 24,
1914, the question came before the Committee on Rules through a motion
by Representative Irvine L. Lenroot (Wis.) to make a favorable report.
Eight of the eleven members were present and Martin D. Foster (Ills.),
Philip P. Campbell (Kans.), and M. Clyde Kelly (Penn.) voted with Mr.
Lenroot; James C. Cantrill (Ky.), Finis J. Garrett (Tenn.), Edward W.
Pou (N. C.) and Thos. W. Hardwick (Ga.) voted in the negative, making
a tie. Two of the absent members were known to be favorable and a
Democratic caucus was called for February 3 to discuss the matter.
Just before it met the Democratic members of the Ways and Means
Committee, who constitute the ruling body of that party's membership,
met in the office of Representative Oscar W. Underwood (Ala.).
Representative John E. Raker (Cal.) offered a resolution for the
creation of a Committee on Woman Suffrage. Representative J. Thomas
Heflin (Ala.) moved a substitute: "Resolved, that it is the sense of
this caucus that woman suffrage is a State and not a Federal
question." It was carried by 123 ayes, 55 noes and further action
blocked.
The House Judiciary Committee, after granting a hearing to the
suffragists on March 3, 1914, voted to report the resolution for a
Federal Amendment "without recommendation." At a meeting of the Rules
Committee August 27 Representative Campbell moved that an opportunity
be given to the House to vote on submitting this amendment.
Representatives Pou, Garrett and Cantrill voted to adjourn; Campbell,
Kelly and Goldfogle (N. Y.) against it. Chairman Robert L. Henry
(Texas) gave the deciding vote to adjourn.[137]
During this year of 1914, while such heroic efforts were being made to
secure favorable action by Congress on a Federal Amendment and the
workers were being told that they should look to the States for the
suffrage, hard campaigns were carried on for this purpose in seven
States. In only two, and those the most sparsely settled--Montana and
Nevada--were they successful. Even these had their influence, however,
as they added four to the U. S. Senators who were elected partly by
the votes of women. The National Suffrage Association continued Mrs.
McCormick as chairman of its Congressional Committee and she increased
her forces. Although the Judiciary Committee had reported the
resolution for the Federal Amendment "without recommendation"
Representative Frank W. Mondell, who introduced it, and its other
friends were determined to have a vote on it and a reluctant consent
was obtained from the Committee on Rules. The Congressional Committee
directed its fullest energies toward obtaining as large an affirmative
vote as was possible. Through the courtesy of Speaker Champ Clark they
learned who would be the probable speakers and carefully assorted
literature was sent them. Thousands of letters and telegrams poured in
upon the members from their constituencies. Every available pressure
was used to obtain favorable votes and to have all the friends
present. Mr. Mondell, the Republican leader, and Mr. Taylor, the
Democratic, gave fullest support. The first debate on this amendment
in the House of Representatives took place on Jan. 12, 1915, and
lasted ten hours without intermission. At its conclusion the vote
resulted in 174 ayes, 88 Republicans and Progressives, 86 Democrats;
204 noes, 33 Republicans and 171 Democrats. The affirmative vote was
larger than expected. The suffragists had been thirty-seven years
trying to secure a vote in the Lower House and they felt that this was
the beginning which could have but one end.
Both the suffragists and the anti-suffragists now redoubled their
efforts. The four big campaigns of 1915 in Massachusetts New York,
New Jersey and Pennsylvania for suffrage amendments to their State
constitutions attracted the attention of the whole country. All failed
of success at the November election but the effects were not wholly
disastrous. The announcement by President Wilson and the majority of
his Cabinet that they were in favor of woman suffrage brought many
doubters into the fold. The two-thirds vote of Massachusetts in
opposition set that State aside as one in which women could only hope
to gain the suffrage through a Federal Amendment. In New Jersey in one
county alone thousands of votes were afterwards found to have been
cast illegally and there was colossal fraud throughout the State, yet
the law did not permit the question to be submitted again for five
years. In Pennsylvania the amendment polled over 46 per cent of the
whole vote cast on it and was defeated by the notoriously dishonest
election practices of Philadelphia, but by the law of that State it
could not be submitted again for four years. The facts thus disclosed
converted many people to a belief in the necessity for an amendment to
the National Constitution.
In New York the measure had received 42-1/2 per cent. of the vote cast
on it; in New Jersey 42 per cent. (by the returns), and the total vote
in the four States of a million and a quarter for the amendments was
indisputable evidence of the large sentiment for woman suffrage. The
immense cost of these campaigns in time, labor and money made it seem
more than ever necessary to bring about the short cut to the universal
enfranchisement of women through a Federal Amendment. The
Congressional Committee was strengthened and as Mrs. McCormick could
no longer act as chairman it was headed by Mrs. Frank M. Roessing, the
efficient president of the State association in the recent
Pennsylvania campaign. Resolutions for the amendment were presented to
the Senate on December 7 by Senators Thomas, Sutherland and Thompson
(Kans.). On Jan. 8, 1916, the favorable report was made by Senator
Thomas, a valuable document, widely circulated by the National
Association. This was the year of the Presidential campaign and there
was no time when the prospect for a majority vote seemed good enough
to take the risk. It was carefully considered after Judge Charles E.
Hughes, the Republican candidate for President, made his declaration
for the Federal Amendment but many members were absent and a vote was
not deemed advisable. The planks in the Republican and Democratic
national platforms demanding woman suffrage by State action deprived
it of political support.
The Judiciary Committee of the House, Edwin Y. Webb (N. C.), chairman,
added to its unpleasant reputation. Resolutions for the amendment were
introduced in December, 1915, by five members--Representatives
Mondell, Raker, Taylor, Keating of Colorado and Hayden of Arizona.
They were referred to a sub-committee which on Feb. 9, 1916, reported
one of them to the main committee "without recommendation." On the
15th it sent the resolution back to the sub-committee to hold until
the next December by a vote of 9, all Democrats, to 7, three Democrats
and four Republicans. As this was done when many were absent the
Congressional Committee undertook to have the Judiciary take up the
resolution again when the full committee could be present. It finally
agreed to do so on March 14. Twenty of the twenty-one members were
present, nine opponents and eleven friends, Hunter H. Moss of West
Virginia among the latter coming from a sick bed. A motion was made to
reconsider the action of February 15, which Chairman Webb ruled out of
order. A debate of an hour and a half followed and to relieve the
parliamentary tangle unanimous consent was given to act on the
amendment resolution March 28 at 10:30 a.m. Four members of the
National Association's Congressional Committee were on hand at that
time but the Judiciary went at once into executive session, which
barred them out. Instead of presenting the amendment resolution for
consideration, which was the chairman's duty when there was a special
order of business, he permitted a motion to postpone all
constitutional amendments indefinitely! Ten of the members present
were pledged to vote for a favorable report but Representative
Leonidas C. Dyer of Missouri defaulted and voted with the nine
opponents and no further action in 1916 was possible.
* * * * *
With the whole country now aroused to the importance of the votes of
women in the election of a President the suffrage leaders saw the
opportune time for pushing a measure which they had long advocated,
namely, the granting to women by State Legislatures of the right to
vote for Presidential electors. That of Illinois had been persuaded
to do this in 1913; they had exercised it in 1916 and its
constitutionality had been established by the acceptance of the
State's vote in the Electoral College. As soon as the Legislatures of
the various States met in 1917 they received from the headquarters of
the National American Association in New York the opinion of Chief
Justice Walter Clark of North Carolina that the Federal Constitution
empowered Legislatures to determine who should vote for Presidential
electors, with the authorities and arguments to support it. The
presidents of the State suffrage associations affiliated with the
National were prepared to take up the matter at once with their
Legislatures and as a result those of North Dakota, Nebraska, Indiana,
Michigan, Ohio and Rhode Island conferred this vote on women during
the winter. That of Arkansas gave to women full suffrage in all
Primaries, equivalent to a vote in regular elections, and that of
Vermont gave the Municipal franchise. The following November came the
great victory in New York.
This was the situation when Congress met in December, 1917. Mrs.
Roessing could not serve longer as chairman of the Congressional
Committee and the National Association had appointed Mrs. Maud Wood
Park (Mass.), a founder and organizer of the National College Women's
Suffrage League, who had taken up the work in March. The association,
whose headquarters were in New York City, had enlarged its staff in
Washington and taken a large house for this committee and its work.
There on April 2 the first woman ever elected to Congress, Miss
Jeannette Rankin of Montana, was entertained at breakfast, made a
speech from an upper balcony and was escorted to the Capitol by Mrs.
Carrie Chapman Catt, national president, at the head of a cavalcade of
decorated automobiles, filled with suffragists. That day the President
asked Congress for a declaration of war against Germany. The
resolution for the Federal Suffrage Amendment was to have been the
first introduced in the Senate but the War Resolution took its place
and it became Number Two on the calendar. Senator Thomas had given up
the chairmanship of the Committee on Woman Suffrage and Senator
Andrieus A. Jones (N. M.) had been appointed. Senators Nelson
(Minn.), Johnson (S. D.) Cummins (Iowa) and Johnson (Cal.) had been
added to the committee and Senators Ashurst, Sutherland, Clapp and
Catron had retired.
In the House the resolution was introduced by Representatives Rankin,
Raker, Mondell, Taylor, Keating and Hayden. Both Houses agreed that
only legislation pertaining to the war program should be considered
during the extra session, which excluded the amendment, but there were
some forms of work not prohibited. On April 20 the Senate Committee
gave a hearing on it with Mrs. Catt in charge and very strong
addresses were made by her and by Senators Shafroth (Colo.), Kendrick
(Wyo.), Walsh (Mont.), Smoot (Utah), Thomas, Thompson and
Representative Rankin. Thousands of copies were franked and given to
the National Association for distribution. On September 15 Chairman
Jones made a unanimous favorable report to the Senate. In the House
efforts were concentrated on securing a Committee on Woman Suffrage,
resolutions for which had been introduced by Representatives Raker,
Hayden and Keating and referred to the Committee on Rules. Mrs. Park's
report said:
Our first step was to get the approval of Speaker Clark, who gave
us cordial support. Later, to offset the fear on the part of
certain members of conflicting with President Wilson's
legislative program, a letter was sent to Chairman Edward W. Pou
(N. C.) of the Rules Committee by the President, who stated that
he thought the creation of the committee "would be a very wise
act of public policy and also an act of fairness to the best
women who are engaged in the cause of woman suffrage."
A petition asking for the creation of a Committee on Woman
Suffrage was signed by all members from equal suffrage States and
by many of those from Presidential suffrage States, and from
Arkansas. This was presented to the Rules Committee, which, on
May 18, granted a hearing. On June 6, by a vote of 6 to 5, on
motion of Mr. Cantrill a resolution calling for the creation of a
Committee on Woman Suffrage to consist of thirteen members, to
which all proposed action touching the subject of woman suffrage
should be referred, was adopted by the Rules Committee, with an
amendment, made by Mr. Lenroot to the effect that the resolution
should not be reported in the House until the pending war
legislation was out of the way.
The report of the Rules Committee, therefore, was not brought
into the House until September 24, when the extremely active
opposition of Chairman Webb and most of the other members of the
Judiciary Committee made a hard fight inevitable. Thanks to the
hearty support of Speaker Clark, the good management of Chairman
Pou and the help of loyal friends of both parties in the House,
as well as to the admirable work done by our own State
congressional chairmen, the report was adopted by a vote of 180
yeas to 107 nays, with 3 answering present and 142 not voting. Of
the favorable votes, 82 were from Democrats and 96 from
Republicans. Of the unfavorable votes, 74 were from Democrats and
32 from Republicans. Of those not voting, 59 were Democrats and
81 were Republicans. These facts show that the measure was
regarded, as we had hoped that it would be, as strictly
non-partisan. The victory came so late in the session that the
appointment of the new committee was postponed until the present
session.
At the November election in 1917 occurred the greatest victory for
woman suffrage ever achieved, when the voters of New York by a
majority of 102,353 declared in favor of an amendment to the State
constitution granting the complete franchise to women. This added 45
to the members of Congress elected partly by votes of women and
presumably obligated to support a Federal Amendment. Colonel Roosevelt
and other leading Republicans and Progressives were advocating it and
William Jennings Bryan headed the Democratic leaders in its favor.
President Wilson had not yet reached this point but he had
congratulated Mrs. Catt, Dr. Anna Howard Shaw and the other leading
suffragists on every victory gained. Both Republican and Democratic
opponents now realized that it was inevitable and they could only hope
to postpone it. After strong efforts to prevent it the Committee on
Woman Suffrage was appointed in the House on December 13 with Judge
Raker (Cal.) chairman. Besides himself nine of the thirteen members
were openly in favor of submitting the amendment: Benjamin C. Hilliard
(Colo.); James H. Mays (Utah); Christopher D. Sullivan (N. Y.); Thomas
L. Blanton (Texas); Jeannette Rankin (Mont.); Frank W. Mondell (Wyo.);
William H. Carter (Mass.); Edward C. Little (Kans.); Richard N.
Elliott (Ind.). Three were opposed: Edward W. Saunders (Va.); Frank
Clark (Fla.); Jacob E. Meeker (Mo.).
The Judiciary refused to turn over the amendment resolution to the new
Committee but amended it by limiting to seven years the time in which
the Legislatures could ratify it, and reported it "without
recommendation" on December 11. Democratic floor leader Claude
Kitchin (N. C.) announced that it would come to a vote on the 17th. He
was strongly pressed to set a later date, as the required number of
votes were not yet assured, but the alternative was probably a long
postponement. Finally he consented to wait until January 10. At the
beginning of the session, through the initiative of Mrs. Park, a
"steering committee" of fifty-three friendly Republicans had been
brought together with an executive composed of Mr. Hayden chairman,
Mr. French (Ida.) secretary, Mr. Keating, Mr. McArthur (Ore.) and Mr.
Cantrill, who had now become an ally. During all of December the
National Suffrage Association had a large lobby of influential women
working daily at the Capitol with the members from their States. The
national suffrage convention met in Washington December 10-16, and,
following a plan of Mrs. Catt, the president, Senators from about
thirty States invited the Representatives to their offices to meet the
women from their States who were attending the convention and many
pledges of votes were obtained. In the meantime, at the suggestion of
Speaker Clark and Chairman Pou, Judge Raker introduced a new amendment
resolution, which went automatically to his own committee, where it
was in the hands of a strong friend instead of a bitter opponent as
was Mr. Webb.
The Committee on Woman Suffrage held hearings Jan. 3-7, 1918, for the
National Suffrage Association, the National Woman's Party and the
Anti-Suffrage Association.[138] On the 8th it reported favorably and
on the 9th the Committee on Rules voted to give to it instead of the
Judiciary Committee charge of the hearing.
Great efforts were made to secure the cooperation of Democratic and
Republican leaders. Letters of endorsement were given out by
Secretaries McAdoo, Daniels and Baker of the Cabinet among others of
influence. It was now understood that President Wilson had come to
favor the Federal Amendment but he had not yet spoken. Finally through
the mediation of Mrs. Helen H. Gardener, vice-president of the
National Suffrage Association, an appointment was made for Chairman
Raker and eleven Democratic Representatives to call on the President
January 9. After a conference he wrote with his own hand the
following statement to be made public: "The Woman Suffrage Committee
found that the President had not felt at liberty to volunteer his
advice to members of Congress in this important matter but when we
sought his advice he very frankly and earnestly advised us to vote for
the amendment as an act of right and justice to the women of the
country and of the world." This declaration had a marked effect on the
Democratic members and on the party outside.
[Illustration: BALCONY OF THE NATIONAL SUFFRAGE HEADQUARTERS IN
WASHINGTON.
Mrs. Helen H. Gardener,
Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt,
Mrs. Maud Wood Park.]
On the Republican side, Colonel Roosevelt wrote a letter to Chairman
Willcox of the Republican National Committee, urging that the party do
everything possible for the amendment, and Mr. Willcox went more than
once to Washington to labor with Republican leaders in the House to
secure fuller party support for it. On the evening of January 9, a
meeting was called in the hope of securing caucus action. It could not
be had but the following very moderate resolution was adopted: "The
Republican conference of the House of Representatives recommends and
advises that the Republican members support the Federal Suffrage
Amendment in so far as they can do so consistently with their
convictions and the attitude of their constituents"!
Shortly after 12 o'clock on Jan. 10, 1918, with the galleries of the
House crowded, Representative Foster (Ills.) presented the rule,
which, when adopted, provided for the closing of debate at five
o'clock that afternoon and even division of time between supporters
and opponents. With Chairman Raker's consent the general debate was
opened by Miss Rankin and it continued until five o'clock, when
amendments were in order. One, offered by Representative Moores of
Indiana, providing for ratification by convention in the several
States instead of by the Legislatures, was defeated by a vote of 131
to 274. A second, by Representative Gard of Ohio, limiting the time
allowed for ratification by the States to seven years, was defeated by
a vote of 158 to 274.
Analyzed by parties and not including pairs, the vote on the joint
resolution for submitting the Federal Suffrage Amendment to the
Legislatures was as follows:
Republicans 165 ayes, 33 noes
Democrats 104 " 102 "
Miscellaneous 5 " 1 "
--- ---
274 136
This vote was a fraction less than one over the necessary two-thirds.
Twenty-three State delegations voted solidly for the amendment:
Arizona, Arkansas, California, Colorado, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana,
Kansas, Maine, Minnesota, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, New Hampshire,
New Mexico, North Dakota, Oklahoma, Oregon, Rhode Island, South
Dakota, Utah, Washington and Wyoming. The delegations of only six
States voted solidly against it--Alabama, Delaware, Georgia,
Louisiana, Mississippi and South Carolina.
A number of men who voted favorably came to the Capitol at
considerable inconvenience to cast their votes. Republican Leader Mann
of Illinois at much personal risk came from a hospital in Baltimore.
He had not been present in Congress for months and his arrival shortly
before five o'clock caused great excitement in the chamber.
Representative Sims of Tennessee, who had broken his shoulder two days
before, refused to have it set until after the suffrage vote and
against the advice of his physician was on the floor for the
discussion and the vote. Representative Barnhart of Indiana was taken
from his bed in a hospital in Washington and stayed at the Capitol
just long enough to cast his vote. One of the New York Representatives
came immediately after the death of his wife, who had been an ardent
suffragist, and returned on the next train.
When it became apparent that the resolution had carried, the opponents
became very active on the floor attempting to persuade some member to
change his vote. They demanded a recapitulation but it stood the same
as the original vote. Speaker Clark had given his assurance that in
case of a tie he would vote in favor. Only one member broke his pledge
to the women. The most remarkable feature was that 56 of the
affirmative votes were from southern States.
The women were jubilant, as they believed the end of their long
struggle was near. It was not anticipated that there would be serious
difficulty in the Senate. Its committee had reported favorably and in
a short time promises were obtained for the needed two-thirds lacking
only three or four. There had been, however, an unprecedented series
of deaths in the Senate during the past few months which in the early
part of 1918 were increased to ten, seven of whom were pledged to
vote for the amendment. Some of the vacancies were filled by friends
and some by foes but there was a net loss to it of one. Nevertheless
no means were left untried to obtain help from individuals, committees
and organizations with influence.
Through the national headquarters in New York a petition signed by a
thousand men of nation wide reputation was obtained and presented to
the Senate. Among the most important favorable resolutions adopted
were those by the Democratic National Committee Feb. 11, 1918; by the
Republican National Committee February 12; by the Democratic
Congressional Committee June 4; by the model State platforms of the
Republican and Democratic parties in Indiana in May and June; by the
Republican Congressional Committee; by the General Federation of
Women's Clubs May 3; by the American Federation of Labor June 14. Will
H. Hays, newly elected chairman of the Republican National Committee,
gave interviews in favor and worked diligently in many other ways for
its success, as did Vance McCormick, former chairman, and Homer
Cummings, present chairman of the National Democratic Committee, and
many other men conspicuous in public life.
It was finally decided to take a vote on May 10 but on the 9th so
serious a fight in opposition had developed that it was considered
best to postpone it. By June 27 the outlook was so favorable that the
amendment was brought before the Senate. Senators Poindexter (Wash.)
and Thompson (Kans.) spoke in favor, Brandegee (Conn.) in opposition.
A wrangle over "pairs" followed and Reed (Mo.) launched a
"filibuster." After he had spoken two hours Chairman Jones saw that
the situation was hopeless and withdrew his motion.
During the summer representatives of the National Association obtained
in Delaware a petition of over 11,000 to Senators Wolcott and
Saulsbury to support the amendment. Petitions poured in on other
opposing Senators and influence of many kinds was exerted. Only two
more votes were needed and it seemed important to put the amendment
through before the fall election. On August 24 a conference of
Republican Senators was held in Washington to elect a floor leader in
place of Senator Gallinger (N. H.), who had died, and it passed the
following resolution: "We shall insist upon the consideration of the
Federal Suffrage Amendment immediately after the disposition of the
pending unfinished business and upon a final vote at the earliest
possible moment, provided that this resolution shall not be construed
as in any way binding the action or vote of any member of the Senate
upon the merits of said suffrage amendment"!
The friends of the measure could have had "immediate consideration" at
almost any time during the past year. They could have had a vote on
May 10 had they considered that time favorable. Even on June 27 some
way might have been found to obtain it had there been a very great
desire to have it taken then. This conference resolution called upon
the Senate to vote on it and get it out of the way, no matter whether
it should be carried or defeated, and did not even give it the
prestige of a favorable endorsement. Here, as in the State's rights
plank put into the Republican national platform in 1916, one could
easily see the fine hand of Senator Henry Cabot Lodge of
Massachusetts.
The way was now wide open for President Wilson to secure for the
Democratic party the credit for submitting the amendment, which the
suffrage leaders were quick to take advantage of. On September 18 a
delegation of Democratic women, members of the National American
Suffrage Association, had a conference with him to ask his help, which
he willingly promised. A few of the newly elected or appointed
Senators held out some hope and Chairman Jones gave notice that he
would call up the amendment on September 26, as it was most important
to get it through at this session, so as not to have it go back to the
House.
On August 26 a five days' debate in the Senate began and the report of
it in the _Congressional Record_ is a historic document which will
take its place with the debates on slavery before the Civil War. It
was soon apparent that three of the new Senators, who there was reason
to hope would vote in favor--Drew of New Hampshire, Baird of New
Jersey and Benet of South Carolina--were among the opponents and there
would be two less than a two-thirds majority. Every minute was filled
with the efforts to obtain these votes and finally an appeal was again
made to President Wilson. There was the greatest anxiety until it was
learned that he would take the unprecedented step of addressing the
Senate in person on the subject September 30. This was done to the joy
of its friends and the wrath of its enemies. Mrs. Park, chairman of
the Congressional Committee of the National Suffrage Association, said
in her report: "For a while our fears were at rest and Monday
afternoon when the words of that noble speech fell upon our ears it
seemed impossible that a third of the Senate could refuse the
never-to-be-forgotten plea.[139]
Scarcely had the door closed upon the President when Senator Underwood
took the floor for a prolonged State's rights argument against the
amendment. He was followed by others opposed and in favor, during
whose speeches the leaders of the opposition of both parties went
about among the members trying to counteract the influence of the
President's address.
The next day various amendments proposed were defeated; one by Senator
Williams (Miss.) to amend by making the resolution read: "The right of
_white_ citizens to vote shall not be denied, etc.," was laid on the
table by a vote of 61 to 22. One by Senator Frelinghuysen (N. J.),
denying the vote to "female persons who are not citizens otherwise
than by marriage" was also laid on the table by a vote of 53 to 33.
One by Senator Fletcher (Fla.) to strike out the words "or by any
State" so that the section would read: "The right of citizens of the
United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United
States on account of sex," was laid on the table by a vote of 65 to
17.
The Senate vote Oct. 1, 1918, on the amendment itself, stood 54 in
favor to 30 against, or, including pairs, 62 in favor to 34 against,
two votes short of the needed two-thirds majority. Chairman Jones
changed his vote and moved reconsideration, which put the amendment
back in its old place on the calendar. Analyzed by parties and
including pairs the vote stood:
Yes No
Democrats 30 22
Republicans 32 12
-- --
Total 62 34
President Wilson on the eve of sailing for Europe to the Peace
Conference included in his address to a joint session of Congress
December 2 another eloquent appeal for the passage of the Federal
Suffrage Amendment.
It had become evident by the action of the 65th Congress that
something more efficacious than public opinion or pressure from high
sources was required to secure the needed two votes in the Senate. The
official board of the National Suffrage Association, therefore, for
the first time in its history decided to enter the political
campaigns. Those of New Hampshire, New Jersey, Massachusetts and
Delaware were selected in the hope of defeating the Senatorial
candidates for re-election who had opposed the amendment and electing
those who would support it. It was necessary to use influence against
Republican candidates in three States and a Democratic candidate in
Delaware. Two of these efforts were successful and a Republican, J.
Heisler Ball, defeated the Democratic Senator Saulsbury of Delaware,
and a Democrat, David I. Walsh, defeated the Republican Senator Weeks
of Massachusetts. Both of the new members voted for the amendment in
the 66th Congress.
The election returns on November 6 indicated that the necessary
two-thirds majority in the 66th Congress had been secured. This belief
was shared by prominent Democrats, who from that time spared no effort
to make unfriendly Democratic Senators realize the folly of their
position in leaving the victory for the Republican Congress which had
been elected. At this election the voters of Michigan, South Dakota
and Oklahoma by large majorities fully enfranchised their women,
adding six Senators and twenty-four Representatives to the number
partly elected by the votes of women. Texas this year had given women
a vote at Primary elections, almost equal to the complete suffrage.
Resolutions were passed by twenty-five State Legislatures in January
and early February, 1919, calling upon the Senate to submit the
Federal Amendment. William P. Pollock of South Carolina, who had been
elected to succeed Senator Benet, was not only in favor of it but was
working to secure the one vote among the southern Senators which,
added to his own, would complete the two-thirds. A conference of
friendly Democratic Senators on February 2 decided that a vote must
be taken the following week if this party was to have the credit. The
next day the Senate Woman Suffrage Committee met and unanimously voted
to bring up the amendment on February 10. The reasons for the decision
were, first, that there was a chance to win and nothing to be lost by
recording the friends and enemies; second, that one man had been
gained since the last vote and there was a possibility that another
could be won. President Wilson cabled from Paris urging doubtful
Senators to vote in favor. William Jennings Bryan came to Washington
to intercede for it.
On petition of twenty-two Democratic Senators, a party caucus on
suffrage was held on February 5, but the enemies died hard. They
immediately made a motion to adjourn but the suffragists without
proxies defeated the "antis," who voted proxies, by 22 to 16. On a
resolution that the Democratic Senators support the Federal Suffrage
Amendment, twenty-two voted in the affirmative but when ten had voted
in the negative those ten were allowed by Senator Thomas S. Martin
(Va.), Democratic floor leader, to withdraw their votes in order that
he might declare that, as the vote stood 22 to 0, a quorum had not
voted!
After the close of the morning business on Feb. 10, 1919, Chairman
Jones moved to take up the amendment. An extremely strong speech in
its favor was made by Senator Pollock. The only other speeches were by
Senator Frelinghuysen on points of naturalization and by Edward J.
Gay, the new Senator from Louisiana, in opposition. The vote taken
early in the afternoon showed 55 in favor and 29 opposed. As on
October 1, all the members who were not present to vote were accounted
for by pairs, so that it stood practically 63 to 33. In other words
the amendment was lost in the 65th Congress by only one vote and the
individual responsibility for the defeat lay at the door of every
Senator who voted against it.
From the States west of the Mississippi River only three Senators
voted "no"--Borah of Idaho, Reed of Missouri and Hitchcock of
Nebraska.
Only three States--Alabama, Delaware and Georgia--cast all their votes
in both Senate and House against the amendment.
Twenty States cast all their votes in Senate and House in
favor--Arizona, Arkansas, California, Colorado, Idaho, Illinois,
Indiana, Kansas, Minnesota, Montana, Nevada, North Dakota, New Mexico,
Oklahoma, Oregon, Rhode Island, South Dakota, Utah, Washington and
Wyoming. In all of these women already had full or partial suffrage.
On February 17 Senator Wesley L. Jones of Washington re-introduced the
amendment in its old form, stating that he expected no action during
the present Congress. On the following day Senator Gay introduced an
amendment in which the right of enforcement was given to the various
States and Congress was excluded. On the 20th Senator Kenneth McKellar
of Tennessee introduced one requiring personal naturalization of alien
women. Senator Gay agreed to support an amendment introduced February
28 by Chairman Jones, giving the States the right to enforce the
amendment, but, in case of their failure to do so, permitting Congress
to enact appropriate legislation. Just before the close of the session
on March 3, a southern Democrat, in response to a cablegram from
President Wilson, consented to give the measure the lacking vote if it
could be brought up again but this the Republicans declined to permit.
* * * * *
During this winter of 1919 the National American Association continued
the work of obtaining from the Legislatures Presidential suffrage for
women and to the list were added Maine, Vermont, Wisconsin, Minnesota,
Iowa, Missouri and Tennessee, fourteen altogether. By May 1, adding
the States with this Presidential suffrage to the fifteen where women
had the complete franchise, it was estimated that about 15,500,000
would be able to "vote for the President" in the general election of
1920. They could vote for 306 of the 531 members of the Electoral
College, 40 more than half. About half of the above number would
exercise the full suffrage. Thirty-four Senators and 130
Representatives were now elected partly by women, including those from
Arkansas and Texas.
One-third of the Senate and all of the House of Representatives were
elected in November, 1918. Many of the old members were re-elected,
some friends and some enemies of the Federal Suffrage Amendment. The
Republicans had a large majority and both parties wanted an early
vote on it. President Wilson made this possible by calling a special
session to meet May 19, 1919. Representative Frank W. Mondell (Wyo.)
was elected majority leader of the House and Representative James R.
Mann (Ills.) appointed chairman of the Committee on Woman Suffrage,
both Republicans. The resolution for the Federal Amendment was
introduced by six members on the opening day and on the 20th was
favorably reported by the committee and placed on the calendar for the
next day, even before the President's message was read, in which it
was recommended. On May 21, after two hours' discussion, it was passed
by 42 more than the needed two-thirds. The vote stood as follows:
In Favor Opposed
Republicans 200 19
Democrats 102 70
Miscellaneous 2 0
--- --
304 89
Members from southern States cast 71 of the affirmative votes and four
from the North were born in the South. The Democrats polled 54 per
cent. of their voting strength for the amendment and the Republicans
polled 84 per cent. of theirs.
In all the great area west of the Mississippi River, excluding Texas
and Louisiana, only one vote in the lower house was cast against the
amendment--that of Representative H. E. Hull (Rep.), Iowa. In the
group of Middle States only five opposing votes were cast--two from
Wisconsin, one from Michigan, two from Ohio. The opposition centered
in the coast States from Louisiana to Maryland; aside from these the
largest opposing majorities were from Pennsylvania and Massachusetts.
Twenty-six States--over half of the whole number--gave unanimous
support; thirteen had large favorable majorities; one was
tied--Maryland; five gave opposing majorities--Alabama, Georgia,
Louisiana, North Carolina, Virginia; only two cast a solid vote in
opposition--Mississippi and South Carolina.
These statistics did not indicate that "a few States were trying to
force this amendment on a vast unwilling majority of States," as the
opponents asserted. The increase from the majority of one in 1918 to
42 in 1919 is accounted for by the fact that at the congressional
election during the interim 117 new members were elected, of whom 103
voted for the amendment. As it had been an issue in the campaign they
represented the sentiment of their constituencies. Fifteen of the
former members who were re-elected changed from negative to
affirmative. From January, 1918, to June, 1919, not one member of
either House broke his promise to vote for the amendment except
Representative Daniel J. Riordan (Dem.) of New York, although many of
them were subjected to extreme pressure by the interests opposed to
it.
The resolution for the Amendment was introduced in the Senate May 23,
1919, by four members and half a dozen others expressed a wish to
present it. The new Committee on Woman Suffrage had not been appointed
and it was referred to the old one, whose chairman, Senator Jones,
asked unanimous consent to have it placed on the calendar at once.
Senators Underwood of Alabama; Hoke Smith of Georgia; Swanson of
Virginia; Reed of Missouri, Democrats; Borah of Idaho; Wadsworth of
New York, Republicans, and other opponents objected and it was delayed
several days. Meanwhile a new committee was appointed with Senator
James E. Watson (Rep.) of Indiana, as chairman. Finally on May 28 he
was able to report the resolution favorably, by unanimous vote of the
committee, and have it placed on the calendar for June 3.
The discussion was continued for two days, principally by the
opposition, the friends of the amendment having agreed to consume no
time except when necessary to correct misstatements. For this purpose
Senators Lenroot of Wisconsin and Walsh of Montana, Republicans, and
Thomas of Colorado, King of Utah, Kirby of Arkansas and Ashurst of
Arizona, Democrats, made brief speeches. Senators Wadsworth, Brandegee
(Rep.) of Connecticut and Borah; Underwood, Smith (Dem.) of South
Carolina and Reed, consumed the rest of the time, Reed speaking
several hours. Senator Underwood offered an amendment to have the
ratifications by conventions instead of Legislatures, and Senator
Phelan (Dem.) of California wanted to amend this by requiring them to
be called the first week in December. Senator Harrison (Dem.) of
Mississippi tried to have the word "white" inserted in the original
amendment. Senator Gay (Dem.) of Louisiana wished to amend by
providing that the States instead of the Congress should have power to
enforce it. All these amendments were defeated by large majorities.
The Senators knew that all this debate was a waste of time, as enough
votes were pledged to pass the amendment. Senator Watson opened and
closed it in a dozen sentences. The roll was called at 5 p. m. June 4,
and the vote was announced, 56 ayes, 25 noes. With the "pairs" that
had been arranged the entire 96 members of the Senate were recorded
and they stood as follows:
Ayes Noes
Republicans 40 9
Democrats 26 21
-- --
Total 66 30
The certificate to be sent to the Legislatures for ratification was
signed by President of the Senate Thomas R. Marshall (Ind.) and
Speaker of the House Frederick H. Gillett (Mass.) both unyielding
opponents of the amendment.
Thus ended the struggle for the submission to the Legislatures of an
amendment to the National Constitution to give complete universal
suffrage to women, which had been carried on without cessation for
almost exactly fifty years--a struggle which has no parallel in
history.
It is not possible to give in this limited space due recognition to
all the Senators and Representatives who during this long period stood
faithfully by this Federal Amendment, many of them at serious
political risk. This was especially true of those from the South. The
speech of Senator Morris Sheppard of Texas, Aug. 5, 1918, was as
strong an argument as ever was made for the Federal Amendment. The
great corporate interests of the country, including the liquor
interests, which were the dominating force in politics, were
implacably opposed to woman suffrage and the women had no material
influence to counteract them. All the more honor is due, therefore, to
those members who loyally supported it in this long contest founded
upon abstract right, justice and democracy.
VOTE ON FEDERAL WOMAN SUFFRAGE AMENDMENT IN THE U. S. SENATE, JUNE 4,
1919.
_Republicans, Aye_ _Democrats, Aye_
Cal. Johnson Ariz. { Ashurst
Col. Phipps { Smith
Del. Ball Ark. { Kirby
Ills. { McCormick { Robinson
{ Sherman Cal. Phelan
Ind. { New Col. Thomas
{ Watson Ga. Harris
Iowa { Cummins Ida. Nugent
{ Kenyon Ky. Stanley
Kans. { Capper La. Ransdell
{ Curtis Mass. Walsh
Me. { Fernald Mont. { Myers
{ Hale { Walsh
Md. France Nev. { Henderson
Mich. { Newberry { Pittman
{ Townsend N. M. Jones
Minn. { Kellogg Okla. { Gore
{ Nelson { Owen
Mo. Spencer Ore. Chamberlain
Neb. Norris R. I. Gerry
N. H. Keyes S. D. Johnson
N. J. { Edge Tenn. McKellar
{ Frelinghuysen Tex. { Culberson
N. M. Fall { Sheppard
N. Y. Calder Utah King
N. D. { Gronna Wyo. Kendrick
{ McCumber
Ohio Harding
Ore. McNary
R. I. Colt
S. D. Sterling
Utah Smoot
Vt. Page
Wash. { Jones
{ Poindexter
W. Va. { Elkins
{ Sutherland
Wis. { LaFollette
{ Lenroot
Wyo. Warren
-------- --------
Total 40 Total 26
_Republicans, No_ _Democrats, No_
Conn. { Brandegee Ala. { Bankhead
{ McLean { Underwood
Ida. Borah Del. Wolcott
Mass. Lodge Fla. { Fletcher
N. H. Moses { Trammell
N. Y. Wadsworth Ga. Smith
Penn. { Knox Ky. Beckham
{ Penrose La. Gay
Vt. Dillingham Md. Smith
Miss. { Harrison
{ Williams
Mo. Reed
Neb. Hitchcock
N. C. { Overman
{ Simmons
Ohio Pomerene
S. C. { Dial
{ Smith
Tenn. Shields
Va. Martin
Swanson
-------- --------
Total 9 Total 21
Benet was appointed for a few months to succeed Senator Tillman and
voted against the amendment October 1. Pollock was elected to serve
until March and voted for it February 10. Dial was elected for the
full term beginning March 4. Senator Hale of Maine was the only
hold-over Senator who changed his position, voting "no" in October and
"aye" in June. The suffragists deeply regretted that Senator John F.
Shafroth of Colorado, an able and valued friend for the past
twenty-five years, was no longer a member of the Senate.
After the woman suffrage amendment had become a part of the
Constitution of the United States Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, the
national president, prepared a complete summary of the several votes
on it in the two Houses of Congress according to the political parties
and sent it to Chairman Will H. Hays of the Republican National
Committee and Chairman George White of the Democratic. To the former
she said in part: "I take the occasion to express to you personally on
behalf of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, our
grateful appreciation of your own faithful, consistent and always
sincere efforts to carry out the platforms of your party wherein they
referred to the enfranchisement of women. Ratification at this date
would not have been achieved without your conscientious and
understanding help. I wish also to express our gratitude to the
Republican party for its share in the final enfranchisement of the
women of the United States...."
To Mr. White Mrs. Catt said: "There is one important Democratic factor
which should be included in the record and that is the fearless and
able sponsorship of the amendment by the leader of your party, the
President of the United States.... He has never hesitated to let
members of his party know in every State that he favored
ratification.... His championship furnishes cause for pride to all
forward-looking Democrats, since his vision foresaw this now achieved
fact of the enfranchisement of the women of this country. On behalf of
the National American Woman Suffrage Association, I wish to thank you
and your party for its share in the completion of the task to which
our association set itself more than fifty years ago."
Mrs. Catt said in the course of her summing up: "Women owe much to
both political parties but to neither do they owe so much that they
need feel themselves obligated to support that party if conscience and
judgment dictate otherwise. Their political freedom at this time is
due to the tremendous sentiment and pressure produced by their own
unceasing activities over a period of three generations. Had either
party lived up to the high ideals of our nation and courageously taken
the stand for right and justice as against time-serving, vote-winning
policies of delay, women would have been enfranchised long ago.... If,
however, neither of the dominant parties has made as clean and
progressive a record as its admirers could have wished, there is no
question but that individual men of both parties have given heroic
service to the cause of woman suffrage and this has been true in every
State, those which ratified and those which rejected. Women should not
forget these men who have stepped in advance of the more slow moving
of their own constituents to help this great cause of political
freedom."
RATIFICATION.
Before this Federal Amendment could become effective it had to be
ratified by the Legislatures of thirty-six States, three-fourths of
the whole number. The plan by which Mrs. Catt, president of the
National American Suffrage Association, had expected ratification to
follow the submission immediately was that all of the western equal
suffrage States would ratify at once. To make certain that this would
be done a representative of the association was sent on a circuit of
these States while the amendment was still pending. She called on the
Governors and instructed the women as to the procedure when it was
submitted. If there had been the expected early vote this plan would
have succeeded but it was thwarted by the late submission. Had the
vote taken place even as late as February, 1919, the Legislatures
could have considered it, which was the principal reason why the
opponents prevented it. By June 4 most of them had adjourned not to
meet again for two years. A few, however, were still in session and of
these Illinois, Wisconsin and Michigan ratified it within six days of
its submission and Pennsylvania and Massachusetts a little later. That
of Ohio had taken a recess until June 16 and ratified it on this date.
To obtain enough extra sessions, with all the expense, time and
trouble entailed, seemed a hopeless undertaking. Nevertheless,
scarcely had the Senate vote been announced when Mrs. Catt began
telegraphing to the Governors of many States a request that they would
call special sessions for the purpose of ratification. This was
favored by leaders in both political parties in order that it might be
completed in time for the women of the entire country to vote in the
general election of 1920.
Governors Alfred E. Smith (Dem.) of New York and Henry J. Allen (Rep.)
of Kansas were the first to call special sessions. They were followed
by a few others, some willingly, others under great pressure from the
women of their States. Even the Governors of some of the equal
suffrage States were hesitating for various reasons and vigorous
action seemed to be necessary. Under the auspices of the National
Association four women, Mrs. Minnie Fisher Cunningham of Texas, Mrs.
John G. South of Kentucky, Mrs. Ben Hooper of Wisconsin and Miss
Marjorie Shuler of New York, were sent to these States in July. The
two Republican women visited Republican States and the two Democratic
women visited Democratic States, the four reaching Salt Lake City to
attend the National Conference of Governors. Despite their pledges of
extra sessions some of them still demurred, as special sessions were
not approved by the taxpayers. Two of these Governors, one Republican
and one Democratic, were threatened with impeachment proceedings
whenever the Legislature should meet. Others feared that matters
besides the ratification might come up.
The summer waned and the required number of special sessions were not
called, although letters and telegrams and every kind of influence
were being used. Finally Mrs. Catt herself headed a deputation
consisting of Miss Julia Lathrop, chief of the U. S. Children's
Bureau; Mrs. Jean Nelson Penfield of New York; Dr. Valeria H. Parker
of Connecticut; Mrs. Catharine Waugh McCulloch of Illinois, Mrs.
Edward P. Costigan of Colorado and Miss Shuler, who had continued
working in those western States. The Governors were again interviewed;
the situation was presented to the States through public meetings and
at last the desired pledges were secured. In Oregon the women agreed
to raise the money to pay for a special session. In Nevada, Wyoming
and South Dakota campaigns to persuade the members to attend at their
own expense were started and carried through. Altogether sixteen
conferences were held in twelve western States. While this campaign in
the West was under way the women of other States were hard at work to
obtain legislative action. Those of Indiana had the Herculean task of
collecting a petition of 86,000 names asking for a special session and
securing pledges from two-thirds of the Legislature to consider no
other business, before the Governor would call the session.
While this strenuous work was in progress, which continued into 1920,
the National Republican and Democratic Committees, Will H. Hays and
Homer S. Cummings, chairmen, used all of their great influence for
special sessions and for favorable action. Prominent politicians of
both parties lent their assistance. The successful efforts to secure
ratification planks in the national platforms of all the political
parties are described in Chapter XXIII. Every candidate for President
and Vice-president gave his full endorsement.
It was only necessary for thirteen Legislatures to hold out against
ratification to prevent the adoption of the amendment and those of the
nine southeastern States from Maryland to Louisiana were certain to do
this. All of them defeated it except that of Florida, which did not
vote on it. By March 22, 1920, thirty-five Legislatures had ratified,
leaving but four States from which to obtain the thirty-sixth and
final ratification. Delaware defeated it in June, leaving only
Tennessee, Connecticut and Vermont. A provision in the State
constitution of Tennessee prevented action by its Legislature. The
Republican Governors of Connecticut and Vermont refused absolutely to
call a special session. The former declared that there was no
emergency requiring it and was adamant to every argument. Mrs. Catt
and her Board then undertook another Herculean task of bringing to
Connecticut an influential woman from every State, and, cooperating
with those of Connecticut, a mass meeting was held in Hartford. After
this they divided into groups and held meetings in every city and
large town, ending the campaign with a visit to the Governor, at which
earnest pleas were made that he would call the Legislature to give the
final vote for ratification, as the women of the nation were waiting
for it. In Vermont, under the auspices of the National Board, 400
women of the State under most trying weather conditions met in
Montpelier and called on the Governor with pleadings and arguments for
a special session, through whose action the women of the whole country
would be enfranchised. Both Governors remained obdurate.
In the meantime the opponents had succeeded in Maine under its
Initiative and Referendum law in having the ratification submitted to
the voters and they threatened to take this action in all States
having this law. The Ohio Supreme Court sustained the legality of a
petition for a referendum and it was carried to the Supreme Court of
the United States--Hawk vs. the Secretary of the State of Ohio. Here
it was argued April 23, 1920. On June 1 the Court announced its
decision that the ratification of a Federal Amendment was not subject
to action by the voters.
This decision removed the obstacle that existed in Tennessee and its
Governor called a special session for August 9. Mrs. Catt took charge
of the campaign in person and the ratification was obtained in the
Senate on the 13th and the House on the 18th, in the latter with the
greatest difficulty. It called for assistance from President Wilson,
from both of the Presidential candidates, the National Committees of
both parties and many prominent men and women within and without the
State. A full account will be found in the Tennessee chapter. A vote
for reconsideration followed; enough members left the State to prevent
a quorum and it was not until the 24th that Governor Roberts could
forward the certificate of ratification to Secretary of State
Bainbridge Colby in Washington.[140] Here on August 26 he proclaimed
the 19th Amendment a part of the Federal Constitution. A body of the
Tennessee legislators, headed by Speaker of the House Seth Walker,
went immediately to Washington and undertook to obtain an injunction
on this action but it was refused by the court.
Although the ratification by the Tennessee Legislature was due to the
votes of both Democrats and Republicans the former claimed the credit.
The general election was close at hand in which all women could take
part and Republican leaders felt that some action was necessary.
Governor Marcus H. Holcomb of Connecticut called a special session of
the Legislature for September 14 and its first act was to ratify the
Federal Amendment by unanimous vote of the Senate and 216 to 11 in the
House. Owing to a technical question the ratification was repeated
September 21.[141]
The stories of these 37 ratifications are interesting--in some States
occasions of much pleasure accompanied by music and feasting; in
others strenuous contests which left some unpleasant memories. They
are described in each State chapter and the failures as well. Especial
reference should be made to those of States mentioned here and of
Delaware, Virginia, West Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia,
Mississippi and Louisiana.
When the opponents could not prevent ratification they had recourse to
the law. The attempt to have a referendum to the voters has been
referred to. Efforts were made in many States to have the Attorney
Generals declare that the ratification was unconstitutional or that
further legislation by the States would be necessary, but they were
unavailing. In May, 1920, the official board of the National Woman
Suffrage Association retained former U. S. Supreme Court Justice
Charles Evans Hughes as counsel and his advice and his opinions widely
published proved to be of the greatest benefit. Although one of the
most eminent of lawyers his interest in woman suffrage was so great
that he never refused any appeal for assistance.
On July 7, 1920, before the 36th State had ratified, Charles S.
Fairchild, president of the American Constitutional League, formerly
the Men's Anti-Suffrage Association of New York, instituted injunction
proceedings in the Supreme Court of the District of Columbia against
Secretary of State Bainbridge Colby and Attorney General A. Mitchell
Palmer. They sought to restrain the Secretary from proclaiming the
Federal Suffrage Amendment when it should receive the final
ratification and the Attorney General from doing anything to enforce
it. On July 13 the case for the Government was argued by Solicitor
General William L. Frierson and Assistant U. S. District Attorney
James B. Archer. Mr. Fairchild and the league were represented by
Everett P. Wheeler, a New York attorney and officer of the league. He
contended that under the U. S. Constitution Congress had no power to
submit the amendment and that various ratifications were illegal.
Justice Thomas J. Bailey dismissed the injunction proceedings on the
ground that neither Mr. Fairchild nor the league had sufficient
interest to entitle them to ask for an injunction and that the court
had no authority to go behind the action of the Legislatures in voting
for ratification. The case was taken to the District Court of Appeals.
On October 4 this court denied the injunction and dismissed the case
as "frivolous and brought for delay." It was then carried to the
Supreme Court of the United States.
Litigation was threatened in Tennessee. In Maryland a League for State
Defense was formed to defeat ratification. It succeeded in the
Maryland Legislature and had delegations of legislators sent to
Tennessee and West Virginia for the purpose, who were not successful.
On Oct. 30, 1920, this league brought a test case in the Court of
Common Pleas in Baltimore through Attorney William L. Marbury against
J. Mercer Garnett et al., constituting the Board of Registry, to
compel them to strike the names of two women from the registration
books. The suit was filed in the name of Oscar Leser, a former Judge,
who had long fought woman suffrage, and twenty members of the league,
on the following grounds: The alleged 19th Amendment is not authorized
by Article V of the U. S. Constitution; it was never legally ratified
by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the States; (those of West
Virginia, Tennessee and Missouri were cited); it was rejected by the
Maryland Legislature. Everett P. Wheeler assisted in the trial just
before Christmas. The case was conducted for the State by Attorney
General J. Lindsay Spencer. Judge Heuisler gave an adverse decision on
Jan. 29, 1921. The case was taken to the Court of Appeals and set for
April 7. The decision of the lower court was sustained--that "the
power to amend the Constitution of the United States granted by
Article V is without limit except as to the words 'equal suffrage in
the Senate.' ... From all the exhibits and other evidence submitted
the court is of the opinion that there was due, legal and proper
ratification of the amendment by the required number of State
Legislatures."
This case also went to the U. S. Supreme Court and there both of them
rested. Meanwhile millions of women voted in the general election on
Nov. 2, 1920, and in the State and local elections which followed
through 1921, and the cases were almost forgotten. Finally in
February, 1922, the court heard the arguments, the Government
represented by Solicitor General James M. Beck. On the 27th it handed
down its decision on the two cases. It upheld the authority of
Congress under the Constitution of the United States to submit the
amendment; declared that "the validity of the 15th Amendment had been
recognized for half a century"; that "the Federal Constitution
transcends any limitations sought to be imposed by the State"; that
"the Secretary of State having issued the proclamation the amendment
had become a part of the National Constitution."
This was the decision of the highest legal authority, from which there
was no appeal.
FOOTNOTES:
[131] The History is indebted for this chapter to Mrs. Ida Husted
Harper, author of the Life and Work of Susan B. Anthony, and with Miss
Anthony of Volume IV of the History of Woman Suffrage, which ended
with 1900.
[132] For full account see History of Woman Suffrage, Volume I, page
67.
[133] Life and Work of Susan B. Anthony, Chapter XVI.
[134] The American Woman Suffrage Association was organized in
Cleveland, O., Nov. 25, 1869, with the Rev. Henry Ward Beecher,
president; Lucy Stone, chairman of the executive committee, to work
especially for amending State constitutions. The two bodies united in
February, 1890, under the name National American and the association
thenceforth worked vigorously by both methods.
[135] History of Woman Suffrage, Volume II, page 734.
[136] For full account see History of Woman Suffrage, Volume IV,
Chapter VI.
[137] In 1913 and the years following strenuous work with members of
Congress was done by the Congressional Union, afterwards called the
National Woman's Party.
[138] For full report of this hearing see Chapter XVIII.
[139] For speech in full see Appendix for this chapter.
[140] As soon as the certificate was despatched Mrs. Catt left
Nashville, where she had been for six weeks, accompanied by Mrs.
Harriet Taylor Upton, vice-chairman of the National Republican
Executive Committee; Miss Charl Williams, vice-chairman of the
Democratic National Committee, and Miss Marjorie Shuler, the National
Association's chairman of publicity, who had been working with her
during this time. They went to Washington, called on the President and
Secretary of State and in the evening addressed an enthusiastic mass
meeting that filled the largest theater to overflowing. Secretary
Colby represented President Wilson, from whom he brought this message:
"Will you take the opportunity to say to my fellow citizens that I
deem it one of the greatest honors of my life that this great event,
the ratification of this amendment, should have occurred during the
period of my administration. Nothing has given me more pleasure than
the privilege that has been mine to do what I could to advance the
cause of ratification and to hasten the day when the womanhood of
America would be recognized by the nation on the equal footing of
citizenship that it deserves."
From Washington the women, joined by others, went to New York, where
Governor Alfred E. Smith was waiting at the station and said in
greeting Mrs. Catt: "I am here on behalf of the people of the State of
New York to convey congratulations to you on your great victory for
the motherhood of America." [See frontispiece Volume VI.]
[141] Vermont was thus left the only State, except those in the
so-called "black belt," which did not ratify the Federal Amendment and
its Legislature was ready to do so any day when Governor Percival W.
Clement would permit it to meet. It ratified unanimously in the Senate
and with three negative votes in the House when it met in regular
session in 1921.
CHAPTER XXI.
VARIOUS WOMAN SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES.
The National Woman Suffrage Association formed in New York City May
15, 1869, by pioneers in the movement from nineteen States was the
first of the kind in the world. [History of Woman Suffrage, Volume II,
page 400.] This was followed by the forming on November 24 at
Cleveland, O., of the American Woman Suffrage Association. [Same, page
576.] In 1890 these two were combined under the name National
American. [Volume IV, pages 164, 174.] For various reasons other
organizations came into existence, as the years passed, which had some
claim to being considered national, but this great united association
was the bulwark of the movement for woman suffrage from its beginning
to its end in 1920. It was always the official authority recognized by
Congress, State Legislatures, the press and the public, but all of the
others assisted, each in its own way and degree, and, except in the
case of one, the National Woman's Party, there was no antagonism among
them, as all were consecrated to a common cause, and followed similar
methods.
THE FEDERAL SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION.
This association was organized on March 3rd and 10th, 1892, in the
lecture room of the Sherman House, Chicago, with the following
officers: President, the Hon. M. B. Castle, Sandwich, Ills.;
vice-president, the Rev. Olympia Brown, Racine, Wis.; secretary, Mrs.
A. J. Loomis, Chicago; treasurer, Mrs. S. M. C. Perkins, Cleveland, O.
Judge Charles B. Waite of Chicago; Mrs. Isabella Beecher Hooker of
Hartford, Conn.; Mrs. Lucinda H. Stone of Kalamazoo, Mich., and Mrs.
Lucia E. Blount of Washington, D. C., with many other prominent people
assisted. The object was to secure the passage of a Law by
Congress authorizing women to vote for members of the House of
Representatives, according to Sections 2 and 4, Article I of the
Federal Constitution, which gives Congress authority to change the
regulations made by the States for the election of these members. The
way for this organization had been prepared by articles in the _Forum_
and the _Arena_ by Judge Francis Minor of St. Louis, presenting the
arguments for this law. He quoted James Madison, who said at the time
Virginia adopted the National Constitution that "the power was given
to Congress to change the regulations made by the States in order to
protect the people. Should the people at any time be deprived of the
right of suffrage for any cause it was deemed proper that it should be
remedied by the general government." At the first meeting a memorial
was adopted asking Congress to enact this law, which later was
presented by Representative Clarence D. Clark of Wyoming. The officers
of the association were instructed to present a memorial to the
Republican national convention in Minneapolis that summer asking that
a plank approving this Federal suffrage be inserted in the platform.
The Rev. Mrs. Brown and Mrs. Perkins attended the convention, where
they were treated with marked courtesy and given prominent seats. They
secured a hearing and the presentation of the memorial in the
Committee on Resolutions. The papers of Minneapolis printed it in
full, which was something unusual at that time when woman suffrage was
scarcely recognized by the press. At the Columbian Exposition in 1893
a section in the Political Congress was assigned to the Federal
Association and a day appointed for its meetings. Two sessions were
held, addressed by prominent speakers and attended by large audiences.
Much propaganda work was done and efforts were made to form local
organizations. The subject was kept before the Republican and
Democratic parties by memorials presented to their national
conventions. In 1902 the society was reorganized as the Woman's
Federal Equality Association in order to include other interests of
women besides suffrage. It was hoped thus to enlist the cooperation of
those employed by the Government but this hope not being realized the
name was changed to the original. Mrs. Belva A. Lockwood had been
chosen president in 1902 and was followed in 1903 by the Rev. Olympia
Brown, who held the office until the end in 1920, Mrs. Lockwood
continuing as honorary president until her death. Mrs. Clara Bewick
Colby was chosen corresponding secretary in 1902 and devoted herself
to the interests of the association unceasingly until her death Sept.
7, 1916. No session of Congress was allowed to pass without the
presenting of a bill demanding the right of women to vote for federal
officers. These bills were referred to the Committee on Election of
President, Vice-President and Representatives in Congress. Usually
hearings were granted and arranged for with much care by Mrs. Colby,
who resided in Washington. They were very effective. Among the most
important was that of 1904, which attracted so much attention that the
committee appointed a second day to continue it and invited Mrs. Colby
to explain more fully the demand of the association. Another important
hearing was that of 1913, when the largest committee room was filled,
many standing outside. It began in the morning and was continued in
the evening, with the speakers nearly all members of Congress, a
remarkable circumstance at that time.
At the hearings of 1914, 1915 and 1916 Representative Burton L. French
of Idaho was a valuable speaker, as was Representative John E. Raker
of California. Mrs. Lockwood and other women took part at different
times, Mrs. Colby in all the hearings and the Rev. Mrs. Brown in most
of them. Dr. Clara McNaughton, the treasurer, rendered important
service in raising money and in other ways. At the great Gettysburg
celebration in 1913 she and Mrs. Anna Harmon represented the
association, obtaining signatures to petitions, circulating literature
and finding a wide sentiment for woman suffrage among the old
soldiers.
On July 11-13, 1915, the Federal Suffrage Association held a Congress
at the Panama Pacific Exposition in San Francisco, over which the Rev.
Olympia Brown presided. Mrs. Colby went out some time before the
meeting and made the arrangements. Among the distinguished people who
took part were Mrs. May Wright Sewall, founder of the International
Council of Women, Mrs. Ida Husted Harper, historian of woman suffrage
and biographer of Susan B. Anthony; Mrs. Adelaide Johnson, the noted
sculptor; the eminent Mrs. Elizabeth Lowe Watson of California; Mrs.
Emma Smith DeVoe of Tacoma, president of the National Council of Women
Voters, and Mrs. Mary G. Bellamy, former member of the Wyoming
Legislature. The most notable of the exercises was the fine pageant in
the Court of Abundance on the closing night. This court was a most
beautiful place for scenic display, the arrangement of the platform,
lights and decorations all contributing to make any function there an
enchanting scene. Mrs. Colby had prepared a comprehensive lecture on
Woman's Part in the Building of America, and, with the assistance of a
skilful specialist, Mrs. Andrea Hofer, had arranged a memorable
entertainment. She stood on the pedestal of a massive column while she
gave her lecture, which was illustrated by tableaus on the platform in
the presence of a large audience. The congress was continued at San
Diego with largely attended meetings.
The history of Federal Suffrage would not be complete without some
mention of the work of Miss Laura Clay and her sister, Mrs. Sarah Clay
Bennett, of Kentucky, who advocated the idea of Federal Suffrage even
before the forming of the association and long worked for a U. S.
Elections Bill. Miss Clay's maintenance of the Federal suffrage
principles, her writings and her strong personality were a guarantee
to many of the southern women that no infringement of the State's
rights idea was intended. By Aug. 26, 1920, the Federal Amendment had
been submitted by Congress and ratified. All the women of the United
States were fully enfranchised and the association had no longer any
reason for being.
[Prepared by the Rev. Olympia Brown.]
UNITED STATES ELECTIONS BILL.
From the time the National Woman Suffrage Association was organized to
secure the enfranchisement of women by amending the Federal
Constitution there were among its members those who did not favor this
method because it was contrary to the doctrine of State's rights. They
did, however, want Congress to provide that woman should vote for its
own Representatives, which could be done simply by a Law requiring
only a majority vote of each House. From the early 80's this group was
led by Miss Laura Clay and Mrs. Sarah Clay Bennett of Kentucky. There
was no doubt that Congress had authority over the election of its
Representatives, as was clearly shown in Article I, Section 2, which
prescribes the manner of their election and the qualifications of the
electors in the different States. Later it fixed a time for these
elections. This authority was conferred when, after the amendment was
adopted for the election of U. S. Senators by the voters, Congress
enacted that all who were qualified to vote for Representatives should
be eligible to vote for Senators. The leaders of the National American
Suffrage Association recognized the constitutionality of the bill and
for many years kept a standing committee on it but they did not
believe Congress ever would accept it. Its advocates claimed that if
members of Congress had women for their constituents they would soon
see that the States enfranchised them. The national leaders held that
if women could elect members of Congress it would not take them long
to compel the submission of a Federal Amendment and that the members
would not put this power into their hands. They held also that it
would be just as much a violation of the State's right to determine
its own voters as would the Federal Amendment itself. The Southern
Woman Suffrage Conference, or Association, however, had a committee to
further this U. S. Elections Bill.
At the annual convention of the National American Association in 1914
its Congressional Committee was instructed to include this bill in the
measures which it promoted. It was re-endorsed at the conventions of
1915 and 1916. Miss Clay went to Washington and lobbied for it with
all the prestige of her family back of her and with all her commanding
ability, supporting it by unanswerable argument. Members often
presented it in both Houses but it never was reported by a committee.
NATIONAL COLLEGE EQUAL SUFFRAGE LEAGUE.
While Miss Maud Wood of Boston was a senior in Radcliffe College her
attention was directed to woman suffrage by the efforts of its women
opponents in Cambridge to enlist the college girls on their side.
Later, hearing a speech in favor of it by Miss Alice Stone Blackwell,
she associated herself with the Massachusetts Suffrage Association,
spoke at its next annual convention and was drawn into its work. After
hearing and meeting Miss Susan B. Anthony she felt a deeper
obligation of service to the cause for which Miss Anthony and her
associates had sacrificed so much and she thought that college women
especially should pay their debt to those who had made their education
possible by helping them fight the battle for woman suffrage. In 1900,
with the help of Mrs. Inez Haynes Gillmore, also a Radcliffe student,
Miss Wood, now Mrs. Park, founded the Massachusetts College Equal
Suffrage League and steps were at once taken to form leagues in other
States. In 1906 the National American Woman Suffrage Association held
its annual convention in Baltimore and under the auspices of Dr. M.
Carey Thomas, president of Bryn Mawr, there occurred that remarkable
"college women's evening," when before an audience that filled the
theater women professors from the largest Colleges for Women in the
United States paid their tributes to Miss Anthony and announced their
allegiance to her cause.
It was decided at this meeting that there ought to be a national
association of college women, the first steps toward it were taken,
and Mrs. Park was appointed to organize leagues in the States. In 1908
a Call was sent out signed by Dr. Thomas, President Mary E. Woolley of
Mt. Holyoke College: Miss Mary E. Garrett, a founder of the Johns
Hopkins Medical School; Mrs. Elsie Clews Parsons, Ph.D. of Barnard
College; Miss Caroline E. Lexow (Barnard), president of the New York
College Equal Suffrage League, and Miss Florence Garvin of the Rhode
Island League, to meet for organization. The time and place selected
were during the annual convention of the National American Woman
Suffrage Association in Buffalo, N. Y., October 15-21. By this time
College Leagues had been formed in fifteen States extending across the
country to California. On October 17, in the beautiful club house of
the Woman's Twentieth Century Club, with delegates present from most
of these States, the National College League was organized with the
following officers: President, Dr. Thomas; Professor Sophonisba
Breckinridge of Chicago University at the head of a list of five
vice-presidents; secretary, Miss Lexow; treasurer, Dr. Margaret Long
(Smith) of Denver; Mrs. Park was made chairman of the organization
committee. The purpose of the league was announced to be "to promote
equal suffrage sentiment among college women and men both before and
after graduation." It became auxiliary to the National Association and
its annual conventions were to be held at the same time and place as
those of the association. In its early existence office space was
given in the national suffrage headquarters in New York City.
For the next nine years this National College League was a vital force
in the movement for woman suffrage. It soon had the largest voting
delegation at the national suffrage conventions except that of New
York. Dr. Thomas remained its president and Dr. Anna Howard Shaw its
honorary vice-president. Miss Martha Gruening and Miss Florence Allen
(now Judge of the Court of Common Pleas in Cleveland, O.), were
secretaries, and from 1914 Mrs. Ethel Puffer Howes (Smith) of New York
City. Organizers were sent throughout the States to form new leagues
and lecturers of note were engaged to address league meetings. Among
the latter were Professor Frances Squire Potter of the University of
Minnesota; Dr. B. O. Aylesworth and Mrs. Helen Loring Grenfell, State
Superintendent of Public Instruction of Colorado; Mrs. Charlotte
Perkins Gilman of New York and Mrs. Philip Snowden of England. Dr.
Shaw spoke a number of times. In 1915 a lecture tour among the
colleges was arranged for Mrs. Emmeline Pankhurst. Literature and
letters were sent to colleges and to graduates. In 1914, for instance,
twenty colleges in New York State were supplied and letters were sent
to a thousand graduates in New Jersey, campaigns being in progress in
those States. During the Iowa campaign in 1916 the colleges of that
State received 12,000 leaflets. Travelling libraries of twenty-five
volumes relating to suffrage were circulated among the colleges. The
most important achievement of an individual league was that in
California in 1911. Under the presidency of Miss Charlotte Anita
Whitney the work of the league of over a thousand members was a large
factor in the success of the campaign for a woman suffrage amendment.
In 1917, during the second New York campaign, Miss M. Louise Grant
(Columbia), under the auspices of the National and State leagues, made
forty-five speeches to arouse the college women, which contributed to
the victory for the suffrage amendment in November.