[266] "The Produce of this Privilege has long been decreasing, and is

now reduced to one-third the above sum from the operation of an Act of

1764 by which members of both Houses were empowered to have Newspapers,

Votes, and all other printed Parliamentary Papers, sent by post in their

Names, free from Postage, upon a written Notice of the Direction of such

Papers being sent to the Postmaster-General by the respective Members,

whose names were to be used instead of the former Mode of franking

Newspapers the same as Letters. The Printers, News Sellers, and others,

availing themselves of this Privilege, have obtained numerous Orders,

readily granted, under the Persuasion of increasing the Stamp Revenue.

The present Number of Orders in the Office is 6,751, and the Number of

Newspapers sent weekly by the Post in Consequence thereof is 47,017;

these Dealers are enabled to supply their Customers in the Country at a

cheaper Rate than the Clerks in the Office can, who are loaded with Out

Payments from their Profits, and are obliged to purchase their Papers at

an advanced Price from an Officer appointed by the Postmaster-General to

supply them."--_Tenth Report of the Commissioners on Fees and

Emoluments_, 1788, p. 29.

[267] A. Andrews, _The History of British Journalism_, London, 1859,

vol. i. pp. 210-11.

[268] "The Postmaster-General, sensible of this Diminution, lately

directed the Payments thereout to the other Officers and Clerks in the

Office to be discontinued, and reimbursed some of them out of the

Revenue; but this is not the only Expence to which the Public is

subjected by the Increase of these Orders. The Number of Newspapers to

be forwarded every Night is now so great, that ... a separate Office is

allotted ... and 18 Extra Persons are employed, at an Annual Expence of

[L]400, to perform the Duty of sorting and packing up the Newspapers;

besides it is in Proof that Letters and written Papers are frequently

enclosed in them, by which the Revenue is defrauded, without a

Possibility of Prevention, while the present Mode continues; as the

number is by far too great to admit of a general Search for

Enclosures."--_Tenth Report of the Commissioners on Fees and

Emoluments_, 1788, p. 29.

[269] 6 Geo. IV, cap. 68, [S] 10.

[270] "Was there no way by which, without the necessity of constant

contention, private men might be prevented from using the Press to make

their opinions public? The pamphleteers were not rich, but they were

often persons of education, and not penniless. When only a few copies of

their writings were wanted they could pay for them, but now that reading

was become more common, and that great numbers of copies were printed,

the cost had, to a great extent, to be paid by the readers. If these

sheets could be taxed their distribution might become difficult, and

when any one attempted to evade the tax he could be punished, not as a

libeller, but as a smuggler."--Collet Dobson Collet, _History of the

Taxes on Knowledge_, London, 1899, vol. i. p. 7.

[271] _Chambers's Encyclopaedia_, London, 1908, vol. vii. p. 473.

[272] "There was no doubt but that, in the first instance, the stamp

duty upon newspapers had been imposed for political

purposes."--Attorney-General, 26th March 1855, _Parl. Debates_

(_Commons_), vol. cxxxvii. col. 1129.

[273] "Whereas many papers containing observations upon Public Acts

tending to excite the hatred of the public to the constitution of this

realm, and also vilifying our holy religion, have lately been published

in great numbers, and at a very small price, and it is expedient that

the same should be restrained."--Preamble of the "Six Acts," 1819.

[274] "Sir Francis Freeling states that he succeeds to the enjoyment of

the privilege of franking which had previously appertained to the

situation of the Comptroller of the Inland Office, when he held the

situation of Principal and Resident Surveyor, and that it was deemed a

measure of economy to provide for the remuneration of this officer by

these means in lieu of salary."--_Eighteenth Report of the Commissioners

of Revenue Inquiry, Post Office_, 1829, p. 26.

[275] About 12 millions a year. Ibid., p. 464.

[276] H. Joyce, _History of the Post Office_, p. 419.

[277] "These laws (the Six Acts) were specially directed--not against

the morning Newspapers, which had been cajoled or frightened into

comparative silence, or shared in the then general feeling in favour of

a 'strong Government'--but against the Radical writers and speakers,

'Cobbett, Wooler, Watson, Hunt,' as Byron reminds us, all of whom had

contributed, by cheap political publications and strong political

harangues, to raise a demand for reform, loud enough and daring enough

to be most troublesome to the authorities."--F. K. Hunt, _The Fourth

Estate_, London, 1850, vol. ii. p. 49.

[278] "Newspapers are so cheap in the United States, that the generality

even of the lowest order can afford to purchase them. They therefore

depend for support on the most ignorant class of the people. Everything

they contain must be accommodated to the taste and apprehension of men

who labour daily for their bread, and are of course indifferent to

refinement either of language or reasoning."--Quoted by Lord Sandon,

20th June 1836; _Parl. Debates_ (_Commons_), vol. xxxiv. col. 649.

[279] The duties on newspapers at that time were (1) the duty on paper,

3d. per pound weight (1/4d. a sheet), (2) a duty of 4d. a copy, (3) a

duty of 3s. 6d. on every advertisement.

[280] "The change which had taken place in the political condition of

the country made it essential to communicate to the people sound

political knowledge and information. He would say that the security of

that House, living, as it did, in the affections of the people--of the

Government, possessing, as it did, the confidence of the people--and of

the Monarchy, reigning, as it did, and as he trusted it ever would, in

the hearts of the people, depended upon the diffusion of sound political

knowledge."--Chancellor of Exchequer, 20th June 1836; _Parl. Debates_

(_Commons_), vol. xxxiv. col. 634.

[281] "Many of these publications circulated to the amount of several

thousand copies weekly; their sale, in several instances, was larger

than the sale of some among the most popular legitimate papers; their

influence over large bodies of the working classes was much

greater."--E. Lytton Bulwer, 14th June 1832; Ibid., vol. xiii. col. 623.

"You have laws imposing severe penalties upon those who are guilty of

breaches of these laws; but it has been found impossible to stop the

sale of those cheap and obnoxious publications by fiscal laws; and the

success with which they are broken, the sympathy excited in favour of

the offenders, and the assistance which they receive, only give

encouragement to pursue the same course. I have been informed that,

within the last fortnight or three weeks, between forty and fifty

persons have been taken before the police magistrates, and convicted for

selling these publications."--Mr. O'Connell, 14th June 1832; Ibid., vol.

xiii. col. 637.

"As long as the Tories were in power Lord Liverpool, or even Canning,

could consistently advocate the restriction of political discussion. But

the fact that the Whigs had now held office since 1830, and that the tax

remained undiminished, was only to be explained by their rooted

disbelief in every principle which they professed to hold.

"Year after year Place had brought the question forward. Every year the

Chancellor of the Exchequer declared himself in favour of repeal in

principle, and every year the Government, for reasons which they dared

not avow, continued the tax. Meanwhile the Commissioners of Stamps so

used their power of prosecution as to set up a peculiarly odious form of

censorship. The _Penny Magazine_, for instance, was allowed to circulate

unstamped, while the _Poor Man's Guardian_ was prosecuted."--Graham

Wallas, _The Life of Francis Place_, London, 1898, p. 336.

[282] "The market for a Newspaper at twopence appeared to be insatiable,

and this ready demand produced an ample supply. In vain the police

apprehended hawker after hawker; in vain the Stamp Office gave the

informers and detectives additional premiums for vigilance, the trade

went on with an exciting degree of activity. As the London gaols became

crowded with 'victims,' the public sympathies were touched, and a fund

was raised by subscription to support the families of the men and women

(for women were seized and imprisoned) whilst under sentence."--F. K.

Hunt, _The Fourth Estate_, London, 1850, vol. ii. p. 75.

[283] "This tax was a charter to the existing newspapers--it was not

they who suffered from it--it was the public--it was the Government--it

was order--it was society that suffered."--E. Lytton Bulwer, 22nd May

1834; _Parl. Debates_ (_Commons_), vol. xxiii. col. 1195. See also

_G.J._ Holyoake, _Sixty Years of an Agitator's Life_, London, 1893, vol.

i. p. 288.

[284] _Parl. Debates_ (_Commons_), vol. xxxiv. col. 625.

[285] "2755. _Chairman_: That penny which was left when the stamp was

reduced, was called by some noble Lord the worst penny of all; and was

not it always foreseen by those who looked deeply into the subject, that

the retention of that penny just made the difference between not being

able to circulate a cheap paper and being able to circulate it?--It

makes all the difference, I think."--Evidence of Mr. H. Cole, _Report

from Select Committee on Newspaper Stamps_, 18th July 1851.

[286] "The penny was avowedly retained in 1836 not for the purposes of

revenue but as a compensation to the State for services performed in the

transmission of newspapers by post."--Viscount Canning, 24th May 1855;

_Parl. Debates_ (_Lords_), vol. cxxxviii. col. 954.

[287] McCulloch has some remarks which indicate the line on which was

justified the practice of charging the stamp duty on every copy of a

newspaper, in order that a portion of them might be transmitted by post

without further charge:--

"_Impolicy of Imposing a Postage on Newspapers._--The duties now

substantially repealed produced, in 1853, [L]412,220 nett, no

inconsiderable sum in a period of war. In point of fact, however, they

could hardly be called duties, and ought rather to have been regarded as

a payment for the trouble and expense attending the conveyance and

distribution of newspapers by post. But supposing such to be the case,

it was argued that the duty should be so limited, that is, that it

should only be imposed on papers carried by the post. Matters of this

sort are not, however, to be decided by mere logical considerations. The

effect of the new plan is to confine, in a greater or less degree,

according to circumstances, the circulation of newspapers to the

districts within which they are published; and this certainly is not a

desirable object.... Under the new plan the charge for conveyance, or it

may be postage, being added to the price of the metropolitan journals,

they will be dearer than the local papers, and people in many, or rather

perhaps in the majority of instances, will be disposed to prefer the

low-priced though inferior journal published at their door, to the

superior but higher priced journal of the capital.... On the whole,

therefore, we anticipate little or no advantage from the new plan. But

we are, at the same time, ready to admit that no system of this sort can

be safely judged _a priori_; and that the results of experience may

differ very widely from those of theory."--J. R. McCulloch, _Commercial

Dictionary_, London, 1856, p. 893.

[288] "We are living under a disguised censorship of the Press. I use

the word advisedly; and I find that generally where there is an avowed

censorship of the Press there are no taxes on knowledge; no stamp duty

and generally no paper duty. From the time when the stamp duty was first

imposed in the reign of Queen Anne, the number of newspapers has been

very much diminished by the stamp. For instance, Steele's _Spectator_

was nearly if not quite ruined by it; and from that time to this the

amount of revenue has never been so large as to be a serious subject of

consideration."--Evidence of Collet Dobson Collet, _Report from the

Select Committee on Newspaper Stamps_, 18th July 1851, p. 113.

[289] Mr. Roebuck, 20th June 1836; _Parl. Debates_ (_Commons_), vol.

xxxiv. col. 653.

[290] Treasury Minute, No. 21,355, 28th November 1838: "It appears that

these papers, though stamped as newspapers, are not according to Law

Newspapers, and consequently need not have been stamped, but that the

proprietors have caused them to be stamped for the purpose probably of

obtaining the facility of passing them free of postage.

"My Lords consider that all publications which are in the construction

of the law newspapers and are compelled to be stamped are in equity

entitled to the privilege of passing free of postage, but with respect

to publications, which like these now under consideration are not

properly newspapers, or necessarily stamped, they are of opinion that

they are not in equity entitled to the privilege, and that my Lords must

take into consideration the convenience of the public service and the

other circumstances of the case. My Lords are desirous of affording

every fair facility which may not be inconsistent with the proper

despatch of the mails, and in this view they consider that a limit of

weight may be properly applied, and adverting to the average weight of a

large newspaper, they are of opinion that the limit may be properly

fixed at 2 ounces.

"They are pleased therefore to direct that for the future in all cases

where applications are made for the transmission of any stamped

publication through the post free of postage, if it shall appear that

such publication is legally a newspaper and compelled to be stamped such

paper shall pass postage free whatever may be its weight, and that when

such publication may not appear to be strictly a newspaper, still it

should be permitted the indulgence in case the weight shall not exceed 2

ounces."

[291] _Parl. Debates_ (_Commons_), vol. cxxxvii. col. 1130.

[292] "If a tradesman at the present time carries his circular to the

Board of Inland Revenue, he obtains the postal privilege on the

condition of his declaring his circular to be a newspaper, although, if

the Board of Inland Revenue were afterwards to prosecute him for not

stamping his entire impression, he would be entitled to go into a Court

of Justice and there to contend that that was not a newspaper which he

himself had declared to be a newspaper in order to obtain the postal

privilege for part of his impression."--Mr. Gladstone, 19th March 1855;

ibid., vol. cxxxvii. col. 791.

[293] 'The Solicitor of the Board of Inland Revenue, being examined

before a Committee upon the subject of class publications, was asked why

class publications were not subjected to the compulsory stamp.

Inadvertently, instead of saying that they were exempted because they

were addressed to a particular class of the community, he said that it

was because they related only to one subject. In giving that reason, he

made a slight error of statement. That error has now been taken up in

different parts of the country, and a number of periodicals have

appeared, such as the _War Telegraph_ and the _War Times_, containing

intelligence relating exclusively to the war, which they say is 'one

subject,' and so saying, set the Board of Inland Revenue at

defiance."--Chancellor of the Exchequer, 19th March 1855; ibid., vol.

cxxxvii. col. 804.

[294] "I am quite satisfied, from years of attention to this subject,

that there never was so large a measure involved in a small measure, so

to speak, as is the case with regard to this proposition for making the

Press free. I am willing to rest on the verdict of the future, and I am

quite confident that five or six years will show that all the votes of

Parliament for educational purposes have been as mere trifles compared

with the vast results which will flow from this measure, because, while

the existing papers will retain all their powers of usefulness, it will

call to their aid numbers of others not less useful, and while we

continue to enjoy the advantage of having laid before us each morning a

map of the events of the world, the same advantage will be extended to

classes of society at present shut out from it."--John Bright, 19th

March 1855; ibid., vol. cxxxvii. cols. 810-11.

[295] "Another objection, and that of a more serious character, has been

brought under my notice by various persons, who have described the

proposition to repeal the compulsory newspaper stamp as one which would

be most dangerous to society. It has been described as a measure which

will open the floodgates of sedition and blasphemy, and which will

inundate the country with licentious and immoral productions, which will

undermine the very foundations of society, and scatter the seeds of

revolution broadcast over the land. These expressions are not

exaggerated representations of the opinions which have been communicated

to me from many quarters since this measure has been under my

consideration."--Chancellor of the Exchequer in House of Commons, 19th

March 1855; ibid., vol. cxxxvii. col. 782.

"The Right Hon. Gentleman who has just resumed his seat (Mr. Disraeli)

has spoken of the 'liberty of the Press.' That has been long spoken of.

It has been said that it must be 'free as the air we breathe; take it

away, we die.' But, Sir, what is the 'liberty of the Press'? It is the

liberty of a certain number of persons to slander anonymously whomever

they please, against whom you have no redress. It is freedom to the

anonymous libeller."--Mr. Drummond in the House of Commons, 23rd April

1855; ibid., vol. cxxxvii. col. 1680.

[296] "This is not merely a fiscal matter, because, as I have already

stated to the Committee, the existing law respecting the stamp duty upon

newspapers has been brought into a most inconsistent state by a

succession of indulgences which were made for the benefit of a certain

class of newspaper publications. The consequence of these indulgences

is, that the greatest difficulty exists in the administration of the

present law."--Chancellor of the Exchequer in House of Commons, 19th

March 1855; ibid., vol. cxxxvii. col. 802.

[297] "Q. 1852. _Mr. Cobden_: Would the carrying of newspapers be

profitable to the Post Office at the present rates, provided you were

left to adopt your own regulations as to the transmission of newspapers

without the intervention of the Board of Inland Revenue?--In one sense

it would be profitable and in another it would not. If we were to charge

against the newspapers a share of the fixed expenses of the

establishment, then it is very questionable whether it would be

profitable; but if you consider, as we probably should, that the

expenses of the establishment are incurred in respect of the letters,

and only calculate the additional expense which would be thrown upon us

for the transmission of newspapers, then I think we should find them

profitable.

"Q. 1853: Having an immense organization at the Post Office with a

certain amount of fixed charges, with a large amount of postmen

necessarily travelling over the whole of the kingdom, you would find it

profitable to carry newspapers for a penny, in addition to the letter

carrying, would you?--Yes.

"Q. 1854: Therefore, if the newspaper stamp were abolished, and you were

left to regulate the postage at the Post Office, you would deem it

profitable to carry newspapers at a penny each?--Yes, certainly we

should: what I mean is, that the carrying of newspapers would not

increase our expenses to the extent of a penny each.

"Ans. 1912: I was in hopes that we might distribute them at a halfpenny,

if we could have completed a plan in the simple form in which it

presented itself to my mind at first.

"Q. 1913: The plan is so far under consideration, and, perhaps, these

difficulties may be got over?--I cannot hold out any expectation of

that; I think I have considered it sufficiently to see that those

difficulties are all but insuperable."--Evidence of Sir Rowland Hill,

_Report from Select Committee on Newspaper Stamps_, 18th July 1851.

[298] "He believed it would be admitted that there was no wish to make

revenue out of this carriage of newspapers; but, on the other hand, the

newspaper interest had no right to ask that their productions should be

carried at less than cost price. It should be as near as possible an

equal bargain between the parties, by which neither the revenue on the

one hand, nor the newspapers on the other, should gain.... He believed

it was the opinion of the Post Office that a halfpenny would not be

sufficient to cover the expenses of transmission."--Lord Stanley, 23rd

April 1855; _Parl. Debates_ (_Commons_), vol. cxxxvii. col. 1664.

[299] The duty was reduced to 1d. upon a sheet containing a superficies

not exceeding 2,295 inches.

[300] See _infra_, p. 221.

[301] "Another objection might be urged that, by once touching the

permanency of the 1d. rate they were endangering its stability, and that

if the edge of the wedge were once inserted it might lead to the uniform

rate of 1/2d. He shared no such apprehension, and believed that the

wisest way to maintain the permanency of the 1d. rate was to remove the

cause of the agitation."--Mr. Graves, 6th April 1869; _Parl. Debates_

(_Commons_), vol. cxcv. col. 241.

[302] "A newspaper with an impressed stamp circulates free for fifteen

days. It is the last relic of the old taxes on knowledge. The law is

complicated and leads to fraud by the abuse of free transmission. An

unstamped newspaper now goes at the rate of 1d. for every 4 ounces, and

every fraction of 4 ounces. About 35,000,000 newspapers pass through the

Post Office annually with an impressed stamp, and about the same number

without. What we propose to do is to abolish the impressed stamp

altogether, at a loss to the Revenue of [L]120,000.... Then we propose

to carry all newspapers which weigh less than 6 ounces for a 1/2d. That

will be limited to bona fide newspapers; but we propose, instead of 1d.

for every 4 ounces and fraction on of 4 ounces, to charge 1/2d. for

every 2 ounces of other printed matter. There will in this way be a loss

to the Post Office, over and above that incurred by the abolition of the

impressed stamp, of [L]250,000 a year. There may be besides some

additional expense in connection with building and the increase in the

number of persons to be employed; but this has not been estimated for,

and the amount cannot be very large."--Chancellor of the Exchequer, 11th

April 1870; _Parl. Debates_ (_Commons_), vol. ce. col. 1636. The

limitation to 6 ounces was withdrawn. Ibid., vol. cciii, col. 1383.

[303] _Parl. Debates_ (_Commons_), 7th May 1855, vol. cxxxviii. col.

197.

[304] In 1899 the number of registered newspapers which normally

exceeded 8 ounces in weight was 29.

[305] See _infra_, p. 293. The size and weight of many of the largo

trade papers has decreased in consequence of the war.

[306] "Newspapers and books are carried at a low rate for the sake of

the education and general information of the people."--Mr. W. Monsell

(Postmaster-General), 14th March 1871; _Parl. Debates_ (_Commons_), vol.

cciv. col. 2014.

[307] In 1854 the average weight of the mails which left London daily

was 279 cwt. of which 219 cwt. consisted of newspapers.

[308] Only some 150 copies of the _Daily Mail_ are delivered in London

by the post each day.

[309] "There is no reason whatever why the Post Office should charge a

man threepence or fourpence for a book and a halfpenny for these vast

trade circulars, and it would be the simplest, as well as the wisest and

most beneficial of reforms, to bring the book post down to the newspaper

level."--H. G. Wells, _Mankind in the Making_. London, 1914, chap. ix.

The following further suggestions by Mr. Wells are reprinted here for

the consideration of postal reformers. Their adoption involves merely an

extension of the principle of State benefit.

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