[563] "Terram castelli Pechefers tenuerunt Gerneburn et Hunding." D.

B., i., 276a, 2.

[564] There are similar nook-shafts to Henry II.'s keep at Scarborough,

and to Castle Rising. Mr Hartshorne (_Arch. Journ._, v., 207) thought

that there had been an earlier stone keep at Peak Castle, because

some moulded stones are used in the walls, and because there is some

herring-bone work in the basement. But this herring-bone work only

occurs in a revetment wall to the rock in the cellar; and the moulded

stones may be quite modern insertions for repairs, and may have come

from the oratory in the N.E. angle, or from some of the ruined windows

and doorways. The sums entered to this castle between the years 1172

and 1176 are less than half the cost of Scarborough keep, and do not

appear adequate, though the keep was a small one. But there is some

reason to think that the cost of castles was occasionally defrayed in

part from sources not entered in the _Pipe Rolls_.

[565] Rex E. tenuit Peneverdant. Ibi 2 carucatæ terræ et reddebant 10

denarios. Modo est ibi castellum.... Valent 3 libras. D. B., i., 270.

[566] We need not resort to any fanciful British origins of the name

Peneverdant, as it is clearly the effort of a Norman scribe to write

down the unpronounceable English name Penwortham.

[567] See _ante_, under Clitheroe.

[568] Mr Halton's book (_Documents relating to the Priory of

Penwortham_) throws no light on this point.

[569] _Transactions of the Historic Society of Lancashire and

Cheshire_, vol. ix., 1856-1857, paper on "The Castle Hill of

Penwortham," by the Rev. W. Thornber; Hardwick's _History of Preston_,

pp. 103-11.

[570] In a paper published in the _Trans. Soc. Ant. Scot_, for 1900, on

"Anglo-Saxon Burhs and Early Norman Castles," the present writer was

misled into the statement that this hut was the remains of the cellar

of the Norman _bretasche_. A subsequent study of Mr Hardwick's more

lucid account of the excavations showed that this was an error. There

were two pavements of boulders, one on the natural surface of the hill,

on which the hut had been built, the other 5 feet above it, and 12 feet

below the present surface. The hut appeared to have been circular, with

wattled walls and a thatched roof. Several objects were found in its

remains, and were pronounced to be Roman or Romano-British. The upper

pavement would probably be the flooring of a Norman keep.

[571] Mr Roach Smith pronounced this spur to be Norman. As its evidence

is so important, it is to be regretted that its position was not more

accurately observed. It was found in the lowest stratum of the remains,

but Mr Hardwick says: "As it was not observed until thrown to the

surface, a possibility remained that it might have fallen from the

level of the upper boulder pavement, 5 feet higher." We may regard this

possibility as a certainty, if the lower hut was really British.

[572] Mr Willoughby Gardner says the castle commands a ford, to which

the ancient sunk road leads. _Victoria Hist. of Lancashire_, vol. ii.

[573] Hugh Candidus, _Coenob. Burg. Historia_, in Sparke's _Scriptores_,

p. 63. This passage was kindly pointed out to me by Mr Round. Hugh

lived in Henry III.'s reign, but he must have had the more ancient

records of the monastery at his disposal.

[574] Domesday Book mentions that the value of the burgus had greatly

risen. It was one of the _burhs_ mentioned in the _Burghal Hidage_.

[575] _Pipe Roll_, 1187-1188. William of Jumièges says, "Statim

firmissimo vallo castrum condidit, probisque militibus commisit." VII.,

34. Wace professes to give the account of an eye-witness, who saw

the timber for the castle landed from the ships, and the ditch dug.

But Wace was not a contemporary, and as he has made the mistake of

making William land at Pevensey instead of Hastings, his evidence is

questionable. _Roman de Rou_, p. 293 (Andresen's edition).

[576] The ruins of this keep, until 1908, were buried under so large a

mound of earth and rubbish that Mr G. T. Clark mistook it for a motte,

and the present writer was equally misled. It ought to be stated,

before the date of this keep is finally settled, that the _Gesta

Stephani_ speaks of this castle as "editissimo aggere sublatum." P. 106.

[577] _Ibid._

[578] _Close Rolls_, i., 631a.

[579] D. B., i., 20b.

[580] D. B., i., 373b.

[581] Cited in Holmes' _History of Pontefract_, p. 62.

[582] Another charter, which is a confirmation by the second Ilbert

de Lacy of the ecclesiastical gifts of Ilbert I. and Robert his son,

states that the Chapel of St Clement in the castle of Pontefract was

founded by Ilbert I. in the reign of William II. _Mon. Ang._, v., 128.

[583] It is not necessary to discuss the meaning of the name

Pontefract, since for whatever reason it was given, it was clearly

bestowed by the Norman settlers.

[584] "Castrum de Pontefracto est quasi clavis in comitatu Ebor."

Letter of Ralph Neville to Henry III., _Foedera_, i., 429, cited by

Holmes, _Pontefract_, 194.

[585] The Conqueror had given him more than 200 manors in Yorkshire.

_Yorks. Arch. Journ._, xiv., 17.

[586] Four roundels are shown in the plate given in Fox's _History

of Pontefract_, "from a drawing in the possession of the Society of

Antiquaries." But the drawing is so incorrect in some points that it

can hardly be relied upon for others. There were only three roundels in

Leland's time.

[587] Drake's account of the siege says that there was a hollow place

between Piper's Tower and the Round Tower all the way down to the well;

the gentlemen and soldiers all fell to carrying earth and rubbish, and

so filled up the place in a little space. Quoted in Holmes' _Manual of

Pontefract Castle_.

[588] In the _English Historical Review_ for July 1904, where this

paper first appeared, the writer spoke of _two_ mottes at Pontefract,

having been led to this view by the great height of the east end of the

bailey, where the ruins of John of Gaunt's work are found. This view is

now withdrawn, in deference to the conclusions of Mr D. H. Montgomerie,

F.S.A., who has carefully examined the spot.

[589] _Mon. Ang._, iv., 178.

[590] From a description by Mr D. H. Montgomerie.

[591] D. B., i., 224.

[592] See Chapter IV.

[593] Domesday Book says: "Ipse comes (Roger) tenet Ardinton. Sancta

Milburga tenuit T. R. E. Ibi molinum et nova domus et burgus Quatford

dictus, nil reddentes." I., 254.

[594] G. T. Clark, in _Arch. Cambrensis_, 1874, p. 264.

[595] _Ord. Vit._, iv., 32.

[596] "In hoc manerio fecit Suenus suum castellum." D. B., ii., 33b.

[597] Freeman, _N. C._, ii., 329, and iv., Appendix H.

[598] Mr Round has suggested that this castle was at Canfield in Essex,

where there is a motte and bailey.

[599] "Isdem Osbernus habet 23 homines in castello Avreton et reddit 10

solidos. Valet ei castellum hoc 20 solidos." D. B., i., 186b.

[600] Mr Clark's plan is strangely incorrect, as he altogether omits

the bailey. Compare the plan in Mr Round's Castles of the Conquest,

_Archæologia_, vol. lviii., and Mr Montgomerie's plan here, Fig. 27.

[601] "Comes Alanus habet in sua castellata 199 maneria.... Præter

castellariam habet 43 maneria." D. B., i., 381a, 2.

[602] This is stated in a charter of Henry II., which carefully

recapitulates the gifts of the different benefactors to St Mary's.

_Mon. Ang._, iii., 548. It is curious that the charter of William II.,

the first part of which is an inspeximus of a charter of William I.,

does not mention this chapel in the castle.

[603] Mr Skaife, the editor of the _Yorkshire Domesday_, thinks that

it was at Hinderlag, but gives no reasons. Hinderlag, at the time of

the Survey, was in the hands of an under-tenant. _Yorks. Arch. Journ._,

lii., 527, 530.

[604] "Hic Alanus primo incepit facere castrum et munitionem juxta

manerium suum capitale de Gilling, pro tuitione suorum contra

infestationes Anglorum tunc ubique exhæredatorum, similiter et Danorum,

et nominavit dictum castrum Richmond suo ydiomate Gallico, quod sonat

Latine divitem montem, in editiori et fortiori loco sui territorii

situatum." _Mon. Ang._, v., 574.

[605] There are no remains of fortification at Gilling, but about a

mile and a half away there used to be an oval earthwork, now levelled,

called Castle Hill, of which a plan is given in M'Laughlan's paper,

_Arch. Journ._, vol. vi. It had no motte. Mr Clark says, "The mound at

Gilling has not long been levelled." _M. M. A._, i., 23. It probably

never existed except in his imagination.

[606] See Clarkson's _History of Richmond_.

[607] _Journal of Brit. Arch. Ass._, lxiii., 179.

[608] These are the dates given in Morice's _Bretagne_.

[609] Henry spent 51_l._ 11_s._ 3_d._ in 1171 on "operationes domorum

et turris," and 30_l._ 6_s._ in 1174 on "operationes castelli et

domorum."

[610] "Episcopus de Rouecestre, pro excambio terræ in qua castellum

sedet, tantum de hac terra tenet quod 17 sol. et 4 den. valet." D. B.,

i., 2b.

[611] See Mr George Payne's paper on _Roman Rochester_, in _Arch.

Cantiana_, vol. xxi. Mr Hope tells me that parts of all the four sides

are left.

[612] Thus Egbert of Kent, in 765, gives "terram intra castelli

moenia supra-nominati, id est Hrofescestri, unum viculum cum duobus

jugeribus," _Kemble_, i., 138; and Offa speaks of the "episcopum

castelli quod nominatur Hrofescester," Earle, _Land Charters_, p. 60.

[613] See an extremely valuable paper on _Mediæval Rochester_ by the

Rev. Greville M. Livett, _Arch. Cantiana_, vol. xxi.

[614] See the charter of Coenulf, King of Mercia, giving to Bishop

Beornmod three ploughlands on the southern shore of the city of

Rochester, from the highway on the east to the Medway on the west.

_Textus Roffensis_, p. 96.

[615] The name Boley may possibly represent the Norman-French

_Beaulieu_, a favourite Norman name for a castle or residence.

Professor Hales suggested that Boley Hill was derived from Bailey

Hill (cited in Mr Gomme's paper on Boley Hill, _Arch. Cantiana_, vol.

xvii.). The oldest form of the name is Bullie Hill, as in Edward IV.'s

charter, cited below, p. 200.

[616] Roman urns and lachrymatories were found in the Boley Hill when

it was partially levelled in the 18th century to fill up the castle

ditch. _History of Rochester_, p. 281. At the part now called Watt's

Avenue, Mr George Payne found "the fag-end of an Anglo-Saxon cemetery."

_Arch. Cantiana_, vol. xxi.

[617] "In pulchriore parte civitatis Hrouecestre." _Textus Roffensis_,

p. 145. Mr Freeman and others have noticed that the special mention of

a _stone_ castle makes it probable that the first castle was of wood.

Mr Round remarks that the building of Rochester Castle is fixed, by the

conjunction of William II. and Lanfranc in its history, to some date

between September 1087 and March 1089. _Geoffrey de Mandeville_, p.

339. Probably, therefore, it was this new castle which Bishop Odo held

against Rufus in 1088. Ordericus says that "cum quingentis militibus

intra Rofensem urbem se conclusit." P. 272.

[618] It is now attributed to Archbishop William of Corbeuil, to whom

Henry I. gave the custody of the castle in the twenty-seventh year of

his reign, with permission to make within it a defence or keep, such as

he might please. _Continuator of Florence_, 1126. Gervase of Canterbury

also says "idem episcopus turrim egregiam ædificavit." Both passages

are cited by Hartshorne, _Arch. Journ._, xx., 211. Gundulf's castle

cost 60_l._ and can scarcely have been more than an enclosing wall with

perhaps one mural tower. See Mr Round, _Geoffrey de Mandeville_, 340,

and Mr Livett's paper, cited above.

[619] Two common friends of Rufus and Gundulf advised the king that

in return for the grant of the manor of Hedenham and the remission

of certain moneys, "episcopus Gundulfus, quia in opere cæmentario

plurimum sciens et efficax erat, castrum sibi Hrofense _lapideum_ de

suo construeret." _Textus Roffensis_, p. 146. There was therefore an

exchange of land in this affair also.

[620] _Arch. Cantiana_, vol. xxi.

[621] _Arch. Cantiana_, vol. xxi., p. 49.

[622] There are several entries in the _Close Rolls_ relating to this

wall of Henry III. in the year 1225.

[623] Mr Beale Poste says that this ancient wall was met with some

years since in digging the foundations of the Rev. Mr Conway's house,

standing parallel to the present brick walls and about 2 feet within

them. "Ancient Rochester as a Roman Station," _Arch. Cantiana_, ii.,

71. The Continuator of Gervase of Canterbury tells us (ii., 235) that

at the siege of Rochester in 1265, Simon de Montfort captured the outer

castle up to the keep (forinsecum castellum usque ad turrim), and Mr

Livett thinks this outer castle must have been the Boley Hill.

[624] _Close Rolls_, ii., 98b.

[625] Hasted's _Kent_, iv., 163.

[626] "Ymb sætan tha ceastre and worhton other fæsten ymb hie selfe."

See _ante_, p. 49, _note 120_.

[627] Mr Hope suggests the east side, as the north was a marsh.

[628] _History of Rochester_ (published by Fisher, 1772), p. 285.

[629] D. B., i., 56.

[630] "Wasta erat quando Rex W. iussit ibi castellum fieri. Modo valet

36 solidos." D. B., i., 220.

[631] "I markid that there is stronge Tower in the Area of the

Castelle, and from it over the Dungeon Dike is a drawbridge to the

Dungeon Toure." _Itin._, i., 14.

[632] "In operatione nove turris et nove camere in cast. 126_l._ 18_s._

6_d._"

[633] D. B., i., 120.

[634] See the plan reproduced in Wise's _Rockingham Castle and the

Watsons_, p. 66.

[635] Vol. i., p. 224: cited by Mr Irving in his valuable paper on Old

Sarum in _Arch. Journ._, xv., 1859. Sir Richard made a vague reference

to an MS. in the Cottonian and Bodleian libraries, for which Mr Irving

says he has searched in vain.

[636] General Pitt-Rivers in his Address to the Salisbury meeting

of the Archæological Institute in 1887, says that traces of these

roads may still be seen. He adds that Old Sarum does not resemble the

generality of ancient British fortifications, in that the rampart is

of the same height all round, instead of being lower where the ground

is steeper; this led him to think that the original fortress had been

modernised in later times. Sir Richard Colt Hoare noticed that the

ramparts of Sarum were twice as high as those of the fine prehistoric

camps with which he was acquainted. _Ancient Wiltshire_, p. 226.

[637] Benson and Hatcher's _Old and New Sarum_, p. 604.

[638] _Cf._ Benson and Hatcher, 63, with _Beauties of England and

Wales_, xv., 78.

[639] D. B., i., 66. "Idem episcopus tenet Sarisberie." Part of the

land which had been held under the bishop was now held by Edward the

Sheriff, the ancestor of the earls of Salisbury. This in itself is a

proof that the castle was new. See Freeman, _N. C._, iv., 797.

[640] This policy had been dictated by an oecumenical council.

[641] He gives to the canons of the church two hides in the manor,

"et ante portam castelli Seriberiensis terram ex utraque parte viæ in

ortorum domorumque canonicorum necessitate." _M. A._, vi., 1294.

[642] _Gentleman's Magazine_, 1795.

[643] The area of the outer camp is 29-1/2 acres.

[644] It is unlikely that this is the _turris_ mentioned in the

solitary _Pipe Roll_ of Henry I. "In unum ostium faciendum ad cellarium

turris Sarum, 20s." This entry is of great interest, as entrances

from the outside to the basement of keeps were exceptional in the

12th century; but the basement entrance of Colchester keep has every

appearance of having been added by Henry I.

[645] William of Malmesbury, _Hist. Nov._, ii., 91.

[646] In 1152; the writ is given by Benson and Hatcher, p. 32.

[647] "In operatione unius Bretesche in eodem Castro 50s." _Pipe

Rolls_, 1193-4.

[648] "Virgam et mairemium ad hordiandum castrum." _Close Rolls_, i.,

198b (1215).

[649] Benson and Hatcher, p. 704.

[650] "Dicunt quod castrum cum burgo Veteris Sarum et dominicus burgus

domini Regis pertinent ad coronam cum advocatione cujusdam ecclesiæ quæ

modo vacat." _Hundred Rolls_, Edward I., cited by Benson and Hatcher,

p. 802.

[651] Cited by Benson and Hatcher, p. 802.

[652] D. B., 66a, 1. The value T. R. E. is not, however, very

distinctly stated.

[653] "Dicunt Angligenses burgenses de Sciropesberie multum grave sibi

esse quod ipsi reddunt totum geldum sicut reddebant T. R. E. quamvis

castellum comitis occupaverit 51 masuras et aliæ 50 masuræ sunt wastæ."

D. B., i., 252.

[654] Some writers, such as Mr Kerslake and Mr C. S. Taylor, have

supposed Sceargate to mean Shrewsbury.

[655] Mandatum est vicecomiti Salopie quod veterem palum et veterem

bretaschiam de vetere fossato ville Salopie faciat habere probos

homines ville Salopie ad novum fossatum ejusdem ville, quod fieri

fecerant, efforciandum et emendendum. _Close Rolls_, 1231, p. 508. The

honest men of the city are also to have "palum et closturam" from the

king's wood of Lichewood "ad hirucones circa villam Salopie faciendas

ad ipsam villam claudendam." _Ibid._ _Hirucones_ are the same as

_heritones_ or _hericias_, a defence of stakes on the counterscarp of

the ditch.

[656] "In op. castelli de Salop^be in mota 5_l._" _Pipe Rolls_, 19

Henry II., p. 108.

[657] "Dampnum mote castri Salopp' ad valenciam 60 marcarum, sed non

recolligunt totum evenisse propter molendinum abbatis Salopp', quia

30 annis elapsis mota castri fuit fere deteriorata sicut nunc est."

_Hundred Rolls_, ii., 80. "Dicunt quod unus magnus turris ligneus

(_sic_) qui ædificatur in castro Salopp' corruit in terram tempore

domini Uriani de S. Petro tunc vicecomitis, et meremium ejus turris

tempore suo et temporibus aliorum vicecomitum postea ita consumitur et

destruitur quod nihil de illo remansit, in magnum damnum domini Regis

et deteriorationem eiusdem castri." _Ibid._, p. 105.

[658] _Pipe Rolls_, 11 Henry II., p. 89; 12 Henry II., p. 59; 14 Henry

II., p. 93; 15 Henry II., p. 108; 20 Henry II., p. 108.

[659] Payment to those who dig stone for the castle of Shrewsbury,

_Close Rolls_, i., 622b. This is in 1224. There is also a payment of

50_l._ for works at the castle in 1223. _Ibid._, 533b.

[660] _Hundred Rolls_, ii., 80. A _jarola_ or garuillum is a stockade;

apparently derived from a Gallic word for _oak_, and may thus

correspond to an oak paling. See Ducange.

[661] Owen and Blakeway's _History of Shrewsbury_, i., 450.

[662] _Chronicon de Melsa_, R. S. See Preface, p. lxxii.

[663] _Yorks Inquisitions_ (Yorks Rec. Ser.), i., 83.

[664] _Rot. Lit. Claus._, i., 474b.

[665] Poulson's _History of Holderness_, i., 457.

[666] D. B., i., 323b.

[667] Ethelwerd, anno 910.

[668] "Ipse Henricus tenet Cebbeseio. Ad hoc manerium pertinuit terra

de Stadford, in qua rex precepit fieri castellum, quod modo est

destructum." D. B., i., 249a.

[669] "Apud Estafort alteram [munitionem] locavit." _Ord. Vit._, p. 199.

[670] It should be said that Mr Eyton interprets the passage

differently, and takes it to mean that the castle was built on land

in the borough of Stafford belonging to the manor of Chebsey. But he

himself says that "the site of Stafford Castle, within the liberties,

though not within the borough of Stafford, would suggest a royal

foundation"; and he believes this castle (the one on the motte) to have

been the one garrisoned by Henry I. and made a residence by Henry II.

_Domesday Studies_, p. 21.

[671] _Salt. Arch. Soc. Trans._, vol. viii., "The Manor of Castre or

Stafford," by Mr Mazzinghi, a paper abounding in valuable information,

to which the present writer is greatly indebted.

[672] In the addenda to Mr Eyton's _Domesday of Staffordshire_ (p. 135)

the learned editor says there are two Stafford castles mentioned in

Domesday, in two different hundreds. We have carefully searched through

the whole Stafford account, and except at Burton and Tutbury, there is

no other castle mentioned in Staffordshire but this one at Chebsey.

[673] Dugdale conjectures that Robert was sheriff of Staffordshire. He

had large estates round the town of Stafford. Eyton, _Staffordshire_,

p. 61.

[674] Mazzinghi, _Salt Arch. Soc. Trans._, viii., 6; Eyton, _Domesday

Studies_, p. 20.

[675] _Monasticon_, vi., 223: "Ecclesiam S. Nicholai in castello de

Stafford."

[676] Ordericus, vii., 12. See also vii., 13, p. 220 (ed. Prévost).

[677] Mazzinghi, _Salt Arch. Soc. Trans._, viii., 22.

[678] In a charter to Stone Abbey, _Salt Collections_, vol. ii. That

the castle he speaks of was the one outside the town is proved by his

references to land "extra burgum."

[679] The _Pipe Roll_ contains several entries relating to this gaol

at Stafford. It is clear from several of the documents given by Mr

Mazzinghi that the king's gaol of Stafford and the king's gaol of the

castle of Stafford are equivalent expressions.

[680] _Pipe Rolls_, 2 John.

[681] _Close Rolls_, i., 69.

[682] _Constitutional History_, i., 272.

[683] Cited in _Salt Arch. Soc. Trans._, vi., pt. i., 258.

[684] _Patent Rolls_, 22 Edward iii., cited by Mazzinghi, p. 80.

[685] _Salt Arch. Soc. Trans._, viii., 122. It was undoubtedly at this

time that the oblong stone keep on the motte, which is described in an

escheat of Henry VIII.'s reign, was built.

[686] _Salt Arch. Coll._, viii., 14.

[687] Speed's _Theatre of Britain_; Leland, _Itin._, vii., 26.

[688] The Stafford escheat of Henry VIII.'s reign, which describes the

town, also makes no mention of any castle in the town. Mazzinghi, p.

105.

[689] _Salt Arch. Trans._, viii., 231. The mistake may possibly have

arisen from the fact that a fine castellated gateway, shown in W.

Smith's map (_Description of England_), stood on the south-west wall of

the town, close to the spot where Speed's map marks a Castle Hill.

[690] There must be some error in the first statement of the Stafford

revenue in Domesday, which says that the king and earl have 7_l._

between them, as it is contradicted by the later statement. D. B., i.,

246a and 247b, 2.

[691] There were 141 _mansiones_, T. R. E., "et modo totidem sunt

præter 5 quæ propter operationem castelli sunt wastæ." From a passage

in the _Domesday of Nottingham_ it would seem that a _mansio_ was a

group of houses.

[692] _Gervase of Canterbury_, i., 156, R. S.

[693] Peck's _Antiquarian Annals of Stamford_; he gives the charter, p.

17.

[694] Cited in Nevinson's "Notes on the History of Stamford," _Journ.

Brit. Arch. Ass._, xxxv.

[695] "T. R. E. dabat Stanford 15_l._; modo dat ad firmam 50_l._ De

omni consuetudine regis modo dat 28_l._"

[696] "Ibi habet Helgot castellum, et 2 carucas in dominio, et 4

servos, et 3 villanos, et 3 bordarios, et 1 Francigenam cum 3-1/2

carucis. Ibi ecclesia et presbyter. T. R. E. valebat 18 solidos; modo

25 solidos. Wastam invenit." D. B., i., 258b. There are some fragments

of Norman work in the church, which is chiefly Early English, doubtless

of the same date as the mural tower of the castle.

[697] Stapleton's Introduction to _Rot. Scac. Normanniæ_, vol. ii.

[698] It used to be supposed that herring-bone work was a Saxon sign,

and this furnished an additional claim to the Saxon origin of this

castle; but it is now known that herring-bone work only occurs in the

later Saxon work, and is far more common in Norman. See _note_, p. 136.

[699] See _ante_, p. 34.

[700] Ordericus, xi., ch. iii.

[701] There are three entries for the works of the _turris_ at Tickhill

in the _Pipe Rolls_ of 1178 and 1179, amounting to £123, 12s. 5d.

[702] _Pipe Roll_, 31 Henry I., 33, 36. Expenses for work at the

wall of the castle are mentioned. Ordericus says that Robert Belesme

fortified the castle of Blythe at the time of his rebellion in 1101,

but he also says that it had belonged to Roger de Busli. _Hist. Ecc._,

iv., 33; xi., 3.

[703] Vicar's _Parliamentary Chronicle_, quoted by Hunter, _South

Yorks_, ii., 235.

[704] D. B., i., 319a.

[705] _A.-S. C._ in _anno_.

[706] D. B., i., 76.

[707] _M. A._, iv., 630.

[708] Leland is responsible for this last statement.

[709] D. B., i., 108b.

[710] "Egressus Lundoniæ rex _dies aliquot_ in propinquo loco Bercingio

morabatur, dum firmamenta quædam in urbe contra mobilitatem ingentis et

feri populi perficerentur." P. 165. Ordericus is quoting from William

of Poitiers. There was formerly a Roman camp at Barking, and the motte

which William hastily threw up on its rampart to defend his sojourn

still remains. See _Victoria History of Essex_.

[711] Mr Harold Sands suggests to me that the first fortification may

simply have been a bank and palisade across the angle of the Roman

wall, with perhaps a wooden keep, and that the great fire in London in

1077 determined William to build a stone keep.

[712] Hearne's _Textus Roffensis_, 212. "Idem Gundulfus, ex precepto

Regis Willielmi Magni, præesset operi magnæ turris Londoniæ."

[713] The building of stone keeps was generally spread over several

years, as we learn from the _Pipe Rolls_. Richard I. built his

celebrated keep of Chateau Gaillard in one year, but he himself

regarded this as an architectural feat. "Estne bella, filia mea de uno

anno," he said in delight.

[714] _A.-S. C._ in _anno_.

[715] Round's _History of Colchester_, ch. iv.

[716] The keep of Norwich Castle measures 100 × 95 feet; Middleham, 100

× 80; Dover, 95 × 90. These are the largest existing keeps in England,

next to the Tower and Colchester. The destroyed keep of Duffield

measured 99 × 93 feet; that of Bristol is believed to have been 110 ×

95.

[717] The reader will find little help for the structural history of

the Tower in most of the works which call themselves Histories of the

Tower of London. The plan of these works generally is to skim over the

structural history as quickly as possible, perhaps with the help of a

few passages from Clark, and to get on to the history of the prisoners

in the Tower. For the description in the text, the writer is greatly

indebted to Mr Harold Sands, F.S.A., who has made a careful study of

the Tower, and whose monograph upon it, it is hoped, will shortly

appear.

[718] _Ante_, p. 89.

[719] Many of the larger keeps contain rooms quite spacious enough to

have served as banqueting halls, and it is a point of some difficulty

whether they were built to be used as such. But as late as the 14th

century, Piers Ploughman rebukes the new custom which was growing up of

the noble and his family taking their meals in private, and leaving the

hall to their retainers. Every castle seems to have had a hall in the

bailey.

[720] Mr Sands says the main floors are not of too great a span to

carry any ordinary weight.

[721] The keep of Pevensey Castle, the basement of which has been

recently uncovered, has no less than four apsidal projections, one of

which rests on the solid base of a Roman mural tower. But this keep is

quite an exceptional building. See _Excavations at Pevensey_, Second

Report, by H. Sands.

[722] Mr Sands has conjectured that the third floor may be an addition,

and that the second storey was originally open up to the roof and

not communicating with the mural passage except by stairs. This was

actually the case at Bamborough keep, and at Newcastle and Rochester

the mural gallery opens into the upper part of the second storey by

inner windows.

[723] Until the end of the 12th century the roofs of keeps were gabled

and not flat, but probably there was usually a parapet walk for

sentinels or archers.

[724] Parts of these walls, running N. and S. have been found very near

the E. side of the Tower. No trace of the Roman wall has been found S.

of the Tower, but in Lower Thames Street lines have been found which,

if produced, would lead straight to the S. wall of the inner bailey.

Communicated by Mr Harold Sands.

[725] I have to thank Mr Harold Sands for kindly revising this account

of the Tower.

[726] "Ibi habet comes unum castrum et mercatum, reddentes 101s." D.

B., i., 122.

[727] It must be remembered that round arches, in castle architecture,

are by no means a certain sign of date. Of course the first castle on

this motte must have been of wood.

[728] _Ord. Vit._, ii., 222 (Prévost).

[729] "Henricus de Ferrers habet castellum de Toteberie. In burgo circa

castellum sunt 42 homines de mercato suo tantum viventes." D. B., i.,

248b.

[730] Shaw's _History of Staffordshire_, i., 49.

[731] Quoted in _Beauties of England and Wales_, Staffordshire, p. 1129.

[732] _Diceto_, i., 384. The castle was then besieged on Henry's behalf

by the vassal prince of South Wales, the Lord Rhys.

[733] The foundation charter is in _Mon. Ang._, iii., 393.

[734] _A.-S. C._

[735] William of Poitiers calls it an _oppidum_, p. 141.

[736] Hedges, _History of Wallingford_.

[737] "The Towne of Portsmuth is murid from the Est Tower a forowgh

lenght with a Mudde Waulle armid with Tymbre." _Itin._, iii., 113.

[738] "In burgo de Walingeford habuit Rex Edwardus 8 virgatas terræ;

et in his erant 276 hagæ reddentes 11 libras de gablo.... Pro castello

sunt 8 destructæ." D. B., i., 56. If we divide these 276 _haughs_

by the 114 acres enclosed by the town rampart, we get an average of

about 1 rood 26 perches for each haugh; multiply this by 8 (the number

destroyed for the castle) and we get an area of 3 acres, which is about

the average area of an early Norman castle.

[739] Hedges, _History of Wallingford_, i., 139.

[740] Camden speaks of the motte as being in the middle of the castle,

but this is a mistake.

[741] Such is the account in Hedges' _History of Wallingford_, p. 139,

but it sounds odd. It is to be inferred from the same source that the

fragment of a round building which stands on the top of the motte must

be modern; it is thick enough to be ancient.

[742] _Close Rolls_, i., anno 1223.

[743] D. B., i., 56.

[744] "Abbas de Couentreu habet 36 masuras, et 4 sunt wastæ propter

situm castelli." D. B., i., 238a.

[745] "Hæ masuræ pertinent ad terras quas ipsi barones tenent extra

burgum, et ibi appreciatæ sunt." D. B., i., 238.

[746] Maitland, _Domesday Book and Beyond_, p. 189.

[747] Ordericus, p. 184. "Rex _itaque_ castellum apud Guarevicum

condidit, et Henrico Rogerii de Bello Monte filio ad servandum

tradidit." Mr Freeman remarks that no authentic records connect Thurkil

of Warwick with Warwick Castle. _N. C._, iv., 781.

[748] _N. C._, iv., 190.

[749] In operatione unius domus in mota de Warwick et unius bretaschie

5_l._ 7_s._ 11_d._ _Pipe Rolls_, 20 Henry II. As _domus_ is a word very

commonly used for a keep, it is probable this expenditure refers to a

wooden keep.

[750] From information received from Mr Harold Sands. There appears to

be no foundation whatever for the curious ground plan given by Parker.

[751] See _ante_, p. 42.

[752] "Willelmus comes fecit illud castellum in wasta terra quæ vocatur

Mereston." D. B., i., 183.

[753] _Mon. Ang._, vi., 349.

[754] This keep rests on a broad extension of the earthen rampart,

similar to what is still to be seen in the mottes of Devizes,

Burton-in-Lonsdale, and William Hill, Middleham.

[755] Ordericus says: "Intra moenia Guentæ, opibus et munimine nobilis

urbis et mari contiguæ, validam arcem construxit, ibique Willelmum

Osberni filium in exercitu suo precipuum reliquit." II., 166. The

_intra moenia_ is not to be taken literally, any more than the _mari

contiguæ_. It is strange that Mr Freeman should have mistaken Guenta

for Norwich, since under 1067 Ordericus translates the Winchester of

the A.-S. C. by Guenta.

[756] "De isto manerio testatur comitatus quod injuste accepit [abbas]

pro excambio domus regis, quia domus erat regis." D. B., i., 43a, 1.

[757] _Ibid._, i., 43a, 2.

[758] "Sicut rex Willielmus pater meus ei dedit in excambium pro terra

illa in qua ædificavit aulam suam in urbe Winton." _Mon. Ang._, ii.,

444.

[759] "Pars erat in dominio et pars de dominio abbatis; hoc totum est

post occupatum in domo regis." P. 534. This passage throws light on the

fraud of the abbot of Hyde, referred to above.

[760] "Extra portam de Vuest ... ibi juxta fuit quidam vicus; fuit

diffactus quando rex fecit facere suum fossatum." P. 535.

[761] _Arch. Inst._, Winchester volume, p. 51.

[762] It should also be said that the word _domus_ is frequently used

for a keep in chronicles and ancient documents of the 11th and 12th

centuries.

[763] The line of the more ancient roof gable can be traced in the

north wall, and there is a vestige of a Norman doorway in the east wall.

[764] _History of Winchester_, ii., 210.

[765] Henry of Blois, Bishop of Winchester and brother of King Stephen,

pulled down the royal palace close to the cathedral, which presumably

was the old Saxon palace, and used the materials to build Wolvesey

Castle. See Malmesbury, "De Vitis Sex Episcoporum," _Anglia Sacra_,

ii., 421. He could hardly have dared to do this if the palace had still

been used by the Norman kings.

[766] _History of Winchester_, ii., 210. See Fig. 37.

[767] _Ibid._, p. 195. It is difficult, now that the area has been

levelled, to say exactly where this motte stood. Woodward says that the

keep stood in the N.E. corner; but he probably alludes to a mural tower

whose foundations can still be seen, near the County Hall. _History of

Hampshire_, i., 295-304.

[768] Turner, _History of Domestic Architecture_. He cites from the

_Liberate Roll_, 35 Henry II., an order for the repair of the ditch

between the great tower and the bailey.

[769] "Radulfus filius Seifrid tenet de rege Clivor. Heraldus comes

tenuit. Tunc se defendebat pro 5 hidis, modo pro 4-1/2 hidis, et

castellum de Windesores est in dimidia hida." D. B., i., 62b. The

_Abingdon History_ also mentions the foundation of Windsor Castle and

gives some interesting details about castle guard. "Tunc Walingaforde

et Oxenforde et Wildesore, cæterisque locis, castella pro regno

servando compacta. Unde huic abbatiæ militum excubias apud ipsum

Wildesore oppidum habendas regis imperio jussum." II., 3, R. S.

[770] _Leland_, iv., 1, 37. See also Tighe's _Annals of Windsor_, pp.

1-6. Until recently there was a farmhouse surrounded by a moat at Old

Windsor, which was _believed_ to mark the site of Edward's _regia

domus_.

[771] Edward's grant of Windsor to Westminster is in _Cod. Dip._, iv.,

227. Domesday does not mention the rights of the church, but says the

manor of Windsor was held of the crown T. R. E. and T. R. W. Camden

gives William's charter of exchange with the convent of Westminster.

_Britannia_, i., 151.

[772] This is stated in the charter given by Camden.

[773] In 1 virgata terræ quam Willelmus fil. Walteri habet in escambio

pro terra sua quæ capta est ad burgum. P. 721.

[774] The _Red Book of the Exchequer_, which contains an abstract of

the missing _Pipe Roll_ of 1 Henry II., has an entry of 12_s._ paid to

Richard de Clifwar for the exchange of his land, and regular payments

are made later. There was another enlargement of the bailey in Henry

III.'s reign, but the second bailey was then existing. See _Close

Rolls_, i., 531b.

[775] "In operatione muri circa castellum 11_l._ 10_s._ 4_d._ Summa

denariorum quos idem Ricardus [de Luci] misit in operatione predicta de

ballia 128_l._ 9_s._" _Pipe Roll_, 20 Henry II., p. 116.

[776] Tighe's _Annals of Windsor_, p. 21.

[777] There is a singular entry in the _Pipe Roll_ of 7 Richard I.,

"pro fossato prosternando quod fuit inter motam et domos regis,"

clearly the ditch between the motte and the bailey. Mr Hope informs

me that this can only refer to the northern part of the ditch, as the

eastern portion was only filled up in 1824. Mr Hope thinks that the

castle area has always included the lower bailey. I regret that Mr

Hope's History of Windsor Castle did not appear in time to be used in

this work.

[778] _Foedera_, vol. i.

[779] _Pipe Rolls_, 30 Henry II.

[780] D. B., i., 62b, 2; 56b, 2.

[781] Roger of Wendover, in _anno_.

[782] Walter and Cradock's _History of Wisbeach_, pp. 270-278.

[783] Morris' _Troubles of our Catholic Forefathers_, p. 223. This keep

was one built by Bishop Morton in 1471.

[784] Birch's _Cartularium_, ii., 222.

[785] Ursus erat vicecomes Wigorniæ a rege constitutus, qui in ipsis

poene faucis monachorum castellum construxit, adeo ut fossatum

coemiterii partem decideret. _Gesta Pontif._, p. 253.

[786] "Castrum Wigorniæ nobis redditum est, tanquam jus noster, usquam

motam turris." _Annales de Wigornia_, R. S., p. 407. "Rex Johanni

Marescallo salutem: Mandamus vobis quod sine dilatione faciatis habere

venerabili patri nostro domino Wigorniensi episcopo ballium castri

nostri Wigorniæ, quod est jus ecclesiæ suæ; retenta ad opus nostrum

mota ejusdem castri." _Patent Rolls_, 1 Henry III., p. 46.

[787] _Annales de Wigornia_, p. 375.

[788] "In reparatione turris Wigorniæ 8_l._" _Red Book of Exchequer_,

ii., 656.

[789] "Precipimus tibi quod per visum liberorum et legalium hominum

facias parari portam castri Wigorniæ, quæ nunc est lignea, lapideam, et

bonam et pulchram." _Rot. de Liberate_, p. 93, 1204.

[790] Green's _History of Worcester_, i., 19.

[791] Allies' _Antiquities of Worcestershire_, p. 15. His words

strictly apply to "the lofty mound called the keep, with its ditches,

etc.," but probably the whole area was not more than 4 acres.

[792] See the documents cited by Mr Round in his _Geoffrey de

Mandeville_, Appendix O, and the _Pipe Rolls_ of 1173. "In reparatione

Mote et Gaiole de Wirecestra, £35, 13s. 8d."

[793] _Gentleman's Magazine_, i., 36, 1834. See Haverfield,

"Romano-British Worcester," _Victoria County History of

Worcestershire_, vol. i.

[794] D. B., i., 172.

[795] It is needless to remark that _baile_ is the Norman word for an

enclosure or courtyard; Low Latin _ballia_; sometimes believed to be

derived from _baculus_, a stick.

[796] Ordericus, ii., 188 (edition Prévost).

[797] _Norman Conquest_, iv., 270. Mr Freeman has worked out the course

of events connected with the building and destruction of the castles

with his usual lucidity. But he never grasped the real significance of

mottes, though he emphatically maintained that the native English did

not build castles.

[798] "Ethelstanus Castrum quod olim Dani in Eboraco obfirmaverant ad

solum diruit, ne esset quo se tutari perfidia posset." _Gesta Regum_,

ii., 134.

[799] Widdrington, _Analecta Eboracensia_, p. 120. It was this suburb

which Alan, Earl of Richmond gave to the Abbey of St Mary at York,

which he had founded. "Ecclesiam sancti Olavii in quâ capud abbatiæ

in honorem sanctæ Mariæ melius constitutum est, et _burgum in quo

ecclesia sita est_." _Mon. Ang._, iii., 547. For the addition of new

boroughs to old ones see _ante_, p. 174, under Norwich. Although

Athelstan destroyed the fortifications of this borough, they were

evidently renewed when the Danish earls took up their residence there,

for when Earl Alan persuaded the monks from Whitby to settle there one

inducement which he offered was the fortification of the site, "loci

munitionem." _Mon. Ang._, iii., 545.

[800] In Eboraco civitate T. R. E. præter scyram archiepiscopi fuerunt

6 scyræ; una ex his est wasta in castellis. D. B., i., 298.

[801] _Notes on Clifford's Tower_, by George Benson and H. Platnauer,

published by the York Philosophical Society.

[802] "Thone castel tobræcon and towurpan." _A.-S. C._ See Freeman, _N.

C._, iv., 270.

[803] "In operatione turris de Euerwick, 15_l._ 7_s._ 3_d._" _Pipe

Roll_, 19 Henry II., vol. xix., 2. We assume that William's second keep

lasted till Henry II.'s reign.

[804] _Benedict of Peterborough_, ii., 107.

[805] "In operatione castri 28_l._ 13_s._ 9_d._" _Pipe Roll_, 3 Richard

I. Under the year 1193, after relating the tragedy of the Jews at York

Castle, Hoveden says: "Deinde idem cancellarius [William de Longchamp]

tradidit Osberto de Lunchamp, fratri suo, comitatum Eboracensem in

custodia, et precepit firmari castellum in veteri castellario quod

Rex Willelmus Rufus ibi construxerat." III., 34, R. S. The expression

_vetus castellarium_ would lead us to think of the Old Baile, which

certainly had this name from an early period; and Hoveden, being a

Yorkshireman as well as a very accurate writer, was probably aware of

the difference between the two castles. But if he meant the Old Baile,

then both the castles were restored at about the same time. "Rufus"

must be a slip, unless there was some rebuilding in Rufus' reign of

which we do not know.

[806] Messrs Benson and Platnauer are of the former opinion. "The

existence of a second layer of timber seems to show that the

fortification destroyed was rebuilt in wood." _Notes on Clifford's

Tower_, p. 2.

[807] "Pro mairemio castri Ebor. prostrato per ventum colligendo,

2_s._" _Pipe Roll_, 19 Henry III. It is, of course, a conjecture that

this accident happened to the keep; but the keep would be the part most

exposed to the wind, and the _scattering_ of the timber, so that it had

to be collected, is just what would happen if a timber structure were

blown off a motte.

[808] As the writer was the first to publish this statement, it will

be well to give the evidence on which it rests. The keep of York is

clearly Early English in style, and of an early phase of the style. It

is, however, evident to every one who has carefully compared our dated

keeps, that castle architecture always lags behind church architecture

in style-development, and must be judged by different standards. We

should therefore be prepared to find this and most other keeps to be

of later date than their architecture would suggest. Moreover, the

expenditure entered to York Castle in the reigns of Henry II., Richard

I., and John, is quite insufficient to cover the cost of a stone keep.

The _Pipe Rolls_ of Henry III.'s reign decide the matter, as they show

the sums which he expended annually on this castle. It is true they

never mention the _turris_, but always the _castrum_; we must also

admit that the _turris_ and _castrum_ are often distinguished in the

writs, even as late as Edward III.'s reign. (_Close Rolls_, 1334.) On

the other hand extensive acquaintance with the _Pipe Rolls_ proves that

though the mediæval scribe may have an occasional fit of accuracy, he

is generally very loose in his use of words, and his distinctions must

never be pressed. Take, for instance, the case of Orford, where the

word used in the _Pipe Rolls_ is always _castellum_, but it certainly

refers to the keep, as there are no other buildings at Orford. Other

instances might be given in which the word _castellum_ clearly applies

to the keep. It should be mentioned that in 1204 John gave an order

for stone for the castle (_Close Rolls_, i., 4b), but the amounts on

the bill for it in the _Pipe Rolls_ show that it was not used for any

extensive building operations.

[809] "Mandatum est Galterio de Cumpton forestario de Gauteris quod

ad pontem et domos castri Eboraci et breccas palicii ejusdem castri

reparandos et emendandos Vicecomitem Eboraci mæremium habere faciat in

foresta de Gauteris per visum, etc." _Close Rolls_, ii., 61b.

[810] Order to expend up to 6 marks in repairing the wooden peel about

the keep of York Castle, which peel is now fallen down. _Cal. of Close

Rolls,_ 17 Edward II., 25.

[811] _Cal. of Close Rolls_, 1313-1318, 262. _Mota_ is wrongly

translated _moat_.

[812] See Mr Cooper's _York: The Story of its Walls and Castles_.

During Messrs Benson and Platnauer's excavations, a prehistoric

crouching burial was found in the ground below the motte, 4 feet 6

inches under the present level. This raises the question whether

William utilised an existing prehistoric barrow for the nucleus of his

motte.

[813] D. B., i., 298a.

[814] _York: The Story of its Walls and Castles_, by T. P. Cooper, p.

222.

[815] See the passage from Hoveden already quoted, _ante_, p. 245.

[816] Drake's _Eboracum_, App. xliv.

[817] See Mr Cooper's _York: The Story of its Walls and Castles_, which

contains a mass of new material from documentary sources, and sheds

quite unexpected light on the history of the York fortifications. I am

indebted to Mr Cooper's courtesy for some of the extracts cited above

relating to York Castle.

[818] Cooper's _York_, chapters ii. and iv. 100_l_. was spent by the

sheriff in fortifying the walls of York in the sixth year of Henry III.

After this there are repeated grants for murage in the same and the

following reign. There are some Early English buttresses in the walls,

but the majority are later. No part of the walls contains Norman work.

[819] The details of this evidence, which consist mainly in (1) a

structural difference in the extended rampart; (2) a subsidence in the

ground marking the old line of the city ditch, will be found in Mr

Cooper's work, p. 224.

[820] "Locum in Eboraco qui dicitur Vetus Ballium, primo spissis et

longis 18 pedum tabulis, secundo lapideo muro fortiter includebat." T.

Stubbs, in Raine's _Historians of the Church of York_, ii., 417, R. S.

[821] "The plotte of this castelle is now caullid the Olde Baile, and

the area and diches of it do manifestley appere." _Itin._, i., 60.

[822] See the plan in Mr Cooper's _York_, p. 217.

[823] "In the Wales of the Laws, the social system is tribal." Owen

Edwards, _Wales_, p. 39.

[824] Vinogradoff, _Growth of the Manor_, pp. 15-16.

[825] Pennant's _Tour in Wales_, Rhys' edition, ii., 234.

[826] _Ancient Laws and Institutes of Wales_, pp. 238, 94. The MS. of

the _Leges Wallicæ_ is not earlier than the 13th century. The other

editions of the Laws are even later. See Wade Evans, _Welsh Mediæval

Law_, for the most recent criticism of the Laws of Howel Dda.

[827] The _Leges Wallicæ_ say: "Villani regis debent facere novem domos

ad opus regis; scilicet, aulam, cameram, coquinam, penu (capellam),

stabulum, kynorty (stabulum canum), horreum, odyn (siccarium) et

latrinam." P. 791.

[828] The word Din or Dinas, so often used for a fort in Wales, is

cognate with the German _Zaun_, Anglo-Saxon _tun_, and means a fenced

place. Neither it nor the Irish form dun have any connection with the

Anglo-Saxon _dun_, a hill. See J. E. Lloyd, _Welsh Place-names_, "Y

Cymmrodor," xi., 24.

[829] It is doubtful whether Deheubarth ever included the small

independent states of Gwent, Brecknock, and Glamorgan.

[830] "Wales and the Coming of the Normans," _Cymmrodorion Trans._,

1899.

[831] There is an earthwork near Portskewet, a semicircular cliff camp

with three ramparts and two ditches. It is scarcely likely that this

can be Harold's work, as Roman bricks are said to have been found

there. Willet's _Monmouthshire_, p. 244. Athelstan had made the Wye the

frontier of Wales. _Malmesbury_, ii., 134.

[832] See _A.-S. C._, anno 1097, and compare the entry for 1096 with

the account in the _Brut_ for 1093, which shows that the Norman castles

had been restored, after being for the most part demolished by the

Welsh.

[833] The _Brut y Tywysogion_, or _Story of the Princes_, exists in

no MS. older than the 14th century. It and the _Annales Cambriæ_ have

been disgracefully edited for the _Rolls_ Series, and the topographical

student will find no help from these editions. See Mr Phillimore's

criticism of them, in _Y Cymmrodor,_ vol. xi. The Aberpergwm MS. of

the _Brut_, known also as the _Gwentian Chronicle_, has been printed

in the _Archæologia Cambrensis_ for 1864; it contains a great deal of

additional information, but as Mr Phillimore observes, so much of it is

forgery that none of it can be trusted when unsupported.

[834] The barbarity on both sides was frightful, but in the case of

the Welsh, it was often their own countrymen, and even near relations,

who were the victims. And so little patriotism existed then in Wales

that the Normans could always find allies amongst some of the Welsh

chieftains. Patriotism, however, is a virtue of more recent growth than

the 11th century.

[835] There is, however, no contemporary evidence for the existence of

the Marcher lordships before the end of the 12th century. See Duckett

"On the Marches of Wales," _Arch. Camb._, 1881.

[836] The districts of Cyfeiliog and Arwystli, in the centre of Wales,

were also reckoned in Gwynedd.

[837] "Wales and the Coming of the Normans," _Cymmrodorion Trans._,

1899.

[838] In the descriptions of castles in this chapter, those which have

not been specially visited for this work are marked with an asterisk.

Those which have been visited by others than the writer are marked with

initials: D. H. M. being Mr D. H. Montgomerie, F.S.A.; B. T. S., Mr

Basil T. Stallybrass; and H. W., the Rev. Herbert White, M.A. This plan

will be followed in the three succeeding chapters.

[839] "Hugo comes tenet de rege Roelent (Rhuddlan). Ibi T. R. E.

jacebat Englefield, et tota erat wasta. Edwinus comes tenebat. Quando

Hugo comes recipit similiter erat wasta. Modo habet in dominio

medietatem castelli quod Roelent vocatur, et caput est hujus terræ....

Robertus de Roelent tenet de Hugone comite medietatem ejusdem castelli

et burgi, in quo habet ipse Robertus 10 burgenses et medietatem

ecclesiæ. Ibi est novus burgus et in eo 10 burgenses.... In ipso

manerio est factum noviter castellum similiter Roeland appellatum." D.

B., i., 269a, 1.

[840] Ayloffe's _Rotuli Walliæ_, p. 75. "De providendo indempnitati

magistri Ricardi Bernard, Personæ Ecclesiæ de Rothelan', in

recompensionem terræ suæ occupatæ ad placeam castri de Rothelan'

elargandam."

[841] Tut or Toot Hill means "look-out" hill; the name is not

unfrequently given to abandoned mottes. The word is still used locally.

_Cf._ Christison, _Early Fortifications in Scotland_, p. 16.

[842] Such presentations of abandoned castle sites, and of old wooden

castles, to the church, were not uncommon. We have seen how the

site of Montacute Castle was given to the Cluniac monks (_ante_, p.

170). Thicket Priory, in Yorkshire, occupied the site of the castle

of Wheldrake; and William de Albini gave the site and materials of

the old castle of Buckenham, in Norfolk, to the new castle which he

founded there. The materials, but not the site, of the wooden castle of

Montferrand were given in Stephen's reign to Meaux Abbey, and served to

build some of the monastic offices. _Chron. de Melsa_, i., 106.

[843] "Fines suos dilatavit, et in monte Dagannoth, qui mari contiguus

est, fortissimum castellum condidit." _Ordericus_, iii., 284 (edition

Prévost). The verb _condere_ is never used except for a new foundation.

[844] The _Brut_ says that in the year 823 the Saxons destroyed the

_Castle_ of Deganwy. This is one of the only two instances in which

the word _castell_ is used in this Welsh chronicle before the coming

of the Normans. As the MS. is not earlier than the 14th century it

would be idle to claim this as a proof of the existence of a castle at

this period. _Castell_, in Welsh, is believed to have come straight

from the Latin, and was applied to any kind of fortress. Lloyd, _Welsh

Place-names_, "Y Cymmrodor," xi., 28.

[845] The "new castle of Aberconwy" mentioned by the _Brut_ in 1211,

undoubtedly means this new stone castle built by the earl at Deganwy,

as the castle of Conway did not then exist.

[846] See Pennant, ii., 151; and _Arch. Camb._, 1891, p. 321.

[847] _Brut of Tywysogion_, 1145.

[848] Published with a Latin translation in _Arch. Camb._, 1866. "He

built castles in various places, after the manner of the French, in

order that he might better hold the country."

[849] The _Brut_ also mentions the castle of Aberlleinog, and says it

was built in 1096; _rebuilt_ would have been more correct, as the "Life

of Griffith ap Cynan" shows that it was built by the Earl of Chester,

and burnt by Griffith, before the expedition of 1096 (really 1098),

when Hugh, Earl of Shrewsbury, met with his death on the shore near

this castle, from an arrow shot by King Magnus Barefoot, who came to

the help of the Welsh.

[850] Mr Hartshorne in his paper on Carnarvon Castle (_Arch. Journ._,

vii.) cites a document stating that a wall 18 perches long had been

begun _round the moat_ [possibly _motam_; original not given]. He also

cites from the _Pipe Rolls_ an item for wages to _carriers of earth dug

out of the castle_.

[851] This ruined wall runs in a straight line through the wood on the

ridge to the east of the town; at one place it turns at right angles;

at the back of the golf pavilion is a portion still erect, showing that

it was a dry built wall of very ordinary character.

[852] Roman masonry has been exposed in the bank of the station.

[853] _Life of Griffith ap Cynan_; Brut, 1111.

[854] _Arch. Camb._, iv., series 296 and 911.

[855] The _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ dates this expedition in 1114,

and says that Henry caused castles to be built in Wales. The _Brut_

mentions the large tribute, 1111.

[856] _Brut_, 1149. Madoc ap Meredith, with the assistance of Ranulf,

Earl of Chester, prepared to rise against Owen Gwynedd, son of Griffith

ap Cynan.

[857] D. B., i., 255a. Professor Lloyd says, "Maelor Saesneg, Cydewain,

Ceri, and Arwystli came under Norman authority, and paid renders of

money or kine in token of subjection." "Wales and the Coming of the

Normans," _Cymmrodor. Trans._, 1899.

[858] _Ibid._

[859] See page 130.

[860] _Brut_, under 1107. The castle is called Dingeraint by this

chronicler.

[861] "Ipse comes construxit castrum Muntgumeri vocatum." D. B., i.,

254.

[862] _Montgomery Collections_, x., 56.

[863] _Close Rolls_, i., 558b.

[864] "Firmiter precipimus omnibus illis qui motas habent in valle de

Muntgumeri quod sine dilatione motas suas bonis bretaschiis firmari

faciant ad securitatem et defensionem suam et partium illarum." _Close

Rolls_, ii., 42.

[865] Mr Davies Pryce has suggested that the Hen Domen, a very perfect

motte and bailey within a mile of the present castle of Montgomery was

the original castle of Montgomery, and that the one built by Henry III.

was on a new site. This of course is quite possible, but I do not see

that there is sufficient evidence for it. See _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xx.,

709.

[866] _Brut y Tywysogion._

[867] _Itin._, vii., 16.

[868] _Pipe Rolls_, 1158-1164. It should be noted that the _Brut_ does

not claim the battle of Crogen as a Welsh victory.

[869] Lyttleton's _History of Henry II._

[870] Pennant thought he saw vestiges of a castle "in the foundations

of a wall opposite the ruins" [of the abbey]; but his accuracy is not

unimpeachable.

[871] _Pipe Rolls_, 1211-1213. "For the money expended in rescuing the

castles of Haliwell and Madrael, £100."

[872] _Itin._, p. 67. Toulmin Smith's edition of Welsh portion.

[873] D. B., i., 255a.

[874] Life of Griffith.

[875] _Pipe Roll_, 1159-1160. £4, 3s. 4d. paid to Roger de Powys "ad

custodiam castelli de Dernio"; "In munitione turris de Dermant £6, 4s.

0d." It cannot be doubted that these two names mean the same place.

[876] _Arch. Camb._, iv., 1887.

[877] At the time of the Survey the manor of Gresford (Gretford) was

divided between Hugh, Osbern, and Rainald. Osbern had 6-1/2 hides and a

mill grinding the corn of _his court_ (curiæ suæ). This probably is a

reference to this castle. D. B., i., 268. It was waste T. R. E. but is

now worth £3, 5s. 0d.

[878] "On the Town of Holt," by A. N. Palmer, _Arch. Camb._, 1907.

[879] _Beauties of England and Wales, North Wales_, p. 589. I am glad

to find that Mr Palmer, in the new edition of his _Ancient Tenures of

Land in the Marches of Wales_, confirms the identifications which I

have made of these two last castles, pp. 108, 116, 118.

[880] _Arch. Camb._, 5th ser., iv., 352. Camden's statement that this

castle was founded in Edward I.'s reign shows that he was unacquainted

with the _Pipe Rolls_.

[881] _Pipe Rolls_, 1164-1165, and 1167-1168.

[882] _Pipe Rolls_, 1212-1213.

[883] "Sur l'ewe de Keyroc," _History of Fulk Fitz Warine_, edited by

T. Wright for Warton Club.

[884] _Victoria County History of Lancashire_, i., 369.

[885] _England under the Normans and Angevins._

[886] "Ad recutienda castella de Haliwell et Madrael £100." _Pipe

Rolls_, 1212-1213.

[887] Wade Evans, _Welsh Mediæval Law_, vol. xii.

[888] It has in fact every appearance of a Roman camp.

[889] _Brut_, 1211.

[890] The castle of Hawarden, which is only about 2-1/4 miles from

that of Euloe, is not mentioned in any records before 1215; but it is

believed to have been a castle of the Norman lords of Mold. It also is

on a motte.

[891] I am indebted for this identification to the kindness of Mr A. N.

Palmer of Wrexham.

[892] D. B., i., 254. The manor is called Gal. It had been waste T. R.

E., but was now worth 40s.

[893] _Pipe Roll_ (unpublished), 1212-1213.

[894] Whereas there is no rock in the ditch of the neighbouring

motte of Tomen y Rhodwydd. Pennant (and others following him) most

inaccurately describe Tomen y Rhodwydd as _two_ artificial mounts,

whereas there is only one, with the usual embanked court. See Appendix

K.

[895] "The Maer dref [which Vardra represents] may be described as

the home farm of the chieftain." Rhys and Brynmor Jones, _The Welsh

People_, p. 401.

[896] Ordericus, ii., 218, 219 (edition Prévost).

[897] _Brut y Tywysogion_, 1091.

[898] _Brut_, 1071. "The French ravage Ceredigion (Cardigan) and

Dyfed"; 1072, "The French devastated Ceredigion a second time."

[899] _A.-S. C._, 1081. "This year the king led an army into Wales,

and there he set free many hundred persons"--doubtless, as Mr Freeman

remarks, captives taken previously by the Welsh. The _Brut_ treats this

expedition as merely a pilgrimage to St David's!

[900] "Then the French came into Dyfed and Ceredigion, _which they have

still retained_, and fortified the castles, and seized upon all the

land of the Britons." _Brut_, 1091 = 1093.

[901] Powell's _History of Wales_ professes to be founded on that of

Caradoc, a Welsh monk of the 12th century; but it is impossible to say

how much of it is Caradoc, and how much Powell, or Wynne, his augmentor.

[902] _Brut_, 1107.

[903] "In the Brut, Ystrad Towy does not only mean the vale of Towy,

but a very large district, embracing most of Carmarthenshire and

part of Glamorganshire." _Welsh Historical Documents_, by Egerton

Phillimore, in _Cymmrodor_, vol. xi.

[904] _Brut_, 1092.

[905] Lloyd, "Wales and the Coming of the Normans," _Cymmrodor.

Trans._, 1899: refers to Marchegay, _Chartes du Prieurie de Monmouth_.

[906] _Brut_, 1143.

[907] The date given is 1080, but as the dates in the Brut at this

period are uniformly two years too early, we alter them accordingly

throughout this chapter.

[908] Now more often called the Aberpergwm Brut, from the place where

the MS. is preserved.

[909] See Freeman, _Norman Conquest_, v., 820; William Rufus, ii., 79;

and Prof. Tout, in Y Cymmerodor, ix., 208. For this reason we do not

use the list of castles given in this chronicle, but confine ourselves

to those mentioned in the more trustworthy _Brut y Tywysogion_.

[910] The same MS. says, under the year 1099, "Harry Beaumont came to

Gower, against the sons of Caradog ap Jestin, and won many of their

lands, and built the castle of Abertawy (Swansea) and the castle of

Aberllychor (Loughor), and the castle of Llanrhidian (Weobley), and the

castle of Penrhys (Penrice), and established himself there, and brought

Saxons from Somerset there, where they obtained lands; and the greatest

usurpation of all the Frenchmen was his in Gower."

[911] "Primus hoc castrum Arnulphus de Mongumeri sub Anglorum rege

Henrico primo ex virgis et cespite, tenue satis et exile construxit."

_Itin. Cambriæ_, R. S., 89.

[912] Quoted from Duchesne in _Mon. Ang._, vol. vi.

[913] See Mr Cobbe's paper on Pembroke Castle in _Arch. Camb._,

1883, where reasons are given for thinking that the present ward was

originally, and even up to 1300, the whole castle.

[914] A motte-castle of earth and wood was certainly not regarded as "a

weak and slender defence" in the time of Giraldus.

[915] _Brut y Tywysogion_, 1095.

[916] Bridgeman's _Hist. of South Wales_, 17.

[917] _Arch. Camb._, 3rd ser., v., a paper on Newport Castle, in which

the writer says that there are _two_ mottes at Llanhyfer, the larger

one ditched round. The Ordnance Map only shows one.

[918] _Brut y Tywysogion_, 1146.

[919] _Patent Rolls of Henry III._, 255; _Foedera_, i., 161.

[920] _Brut y Tywysogion_, 1192.

[921] Bridgeman says that Narberth was given to Stephen Perrot by

Arnulf de Montgomeri, but gives no authority for this statement.

[922] _Brut_, 1171.

[923] _Ibid._, 1107. "Earl Gilbert built a castle at Dingeraint, where

Earl Roger had before founded a castle."

[924] The castle of Aberrheiddiol is probably the name of the present

castle of Aberystwyth when it was first built, as Lewis Morris says

that the river Rheiddiol formerly entered the sea near that point.

Quoted by Meyrick, _History of Cardigan_, p. 488.

[925] _Brut_, 1107.

[926] _Brut_, 1113.

[927] _Ibid._, 1135.

[928] _Ibid._, 1135, 1157, 1199, 1203, 1207.

[929] Meyrick's _Hist. of Cardigan_, p. 293. Dinerth is not the same

as Llanrhystyd, though Lewis (_Top. Dict. Wales_) says it is; the two

places have separate mention in _Brut_, 1157. Mr Clark mentions the

motte. _M. M. A._, i., 115.

[930] _Brut_, 1135.

[931] Meyrick's _Hist. of Cardigan_, p. 232.

[932] _Brut_, 1157.

[933] _Beauties of England and Wales_, Cardigan, p. 502.

[934] _Brut_, under 1113.

[935] In the _Rolls_ edition of the _Brut_ this castle is called

Llanstephan, but the context makes it probable that Lampeter is meant;

the _Annales Cambriæ_ say "the castle of Stephen."

[936] _Beauties of England and Wales_, p. 492.

[937] _Brut_, 1216.

[938] _Arch. Journ._, xxviii., 293.

[939] _Brut_, 1094.

[940] _Desc. Camb._, i., 10.

[941] _Brut_, 1094.

[942] _Ibid._, p. 110. There is a farmhouse called Rhyd y Gors about

a mile lower down than Carmarthen, and on the opposite side are some

embankments; but I am assured by Mr Spurrell of Carmarthen that these

are only river-embankments. Rhyd y Gors means the ford of the bog;

there is no ford at this spot, but there was one at Carmarthen.

[943] See _Arch. Camb._, 1907, pp. 237-8.

[944] See Round's _Ancient Charters_, p. 9, _Pipe Roll_ Series, vol. x.

[945] _Brut_, 1113.

[946] The first mention of the castle of Llanstephan is in the _Brut_,

1147, if, as has been assumed above, the mention in 1136 refers to

Stephen's castle at Lampeter, as the _Annales Cambriæ_ say.

[947] The motte of Conisburgh in Yorkshire is a very similar case known

to the writer; it measures 280 × 150 feet. Such very large mottes could

rarely be artificial, but were formed by entrenching and scarping a

natural hill.

[948] _Brut_, 1256. See _Arch. Camb._, 1907, p. 214, for Col. Morgan's

remarks on this castle.

[949] The name _Gueith tineuur_ is found in the _Book of Llandaff_, p.

78 (Life of St Dubricius), but it seems doubtful whether this should

be taken to prove the existence of some "work" at Dinevor in the 6th

century. See Wade-Evans, _Welsh Mediæval Law_, p. 337-8.

[950] _Brut_, 1145. "Cadell ap Griffith took the castle of Dinweiler,

which had been erected by Earl Gilbert."

[951] _Gwentian Chronicle._

[952] The statement of Donovan (_Excursions Through South Wales_), that

the castle stands on an artificial mount is quite incorrect.

[953] The _Rolls_ edition of the _Brut_ gives the corrupt reading Aber

Cavwy for the castle of "Robert the Crook-handed," but a variant MS.

gives Aber Korram, and it is clear from the _Gwentian Chronicle_ and

Powell (p. 145) that Abercorran is meant.

[954] _Brut_, 1152.

[955] See paper by Mr D. C. Evans, _Arch. Camb._, 1907, p. 224.

[956] The first mention known to the writer is in 1285.

[957] _Arch. Camb._, 3rd ser., v., 346.

[958] _Annales Cambriæ_, 1205; _Brut_, 1207, 1208. The _Annales_ call

it the castle of Luchewein.

[959] _Beauties of England and Wales_, "Caermarthen," pp. 192, 309.

[960] _Mon. Ang._, iii., 244.

[961] This motte is mentioned in a charter of Roger, Earl of Hereford,

Bernard's grandson, in which he confirms to the monks of St John

"molendinum meum situm super Hodeni sub pede mote castelli." _Arch.

Camb._, 1883, p. 144.

[962] The dates in the _Brut_ are now one year too early. Under 1209

it says, "Gelart seneschal of Gloucester fortified (cadarnhaaod) the

castle of Builth." We can never be certain whether the word which

is translated _fortified_, whether from the Welsh or from the Latin

_firmare_, means built originally or rebuilt.

[963] _Beauties of England and Wales_, "Brecknockshire," p. 153.

[964] _Brut_, in _anno_. The Mortimers were the heirs of the De Braoses

and the Neufmarchés.

[965] _Annales Cambriæ_, 1260. This may, however, be merely a figure of

speech.

[966] Order to cause Roger Mortimer, so soon as the castle of Built

shall be closed with a wall, whereby it will be necessary to remove the

bretasches, to have the best bretasche of the king's gift. _Cal. of

Close Rolls_, Ed. I., i., 527.

[967] See Clark, _M. M. A._, i., 307.

[968] Round, _Ancient Charters_, No. 6.

[969] _Itin._, v., 74.

[970] _Arch. Camb._, N. S., v., 23-28.

[971] "Wales and the Coming of the Normans," by Professor Lloyd, in

_Cymmrodorion Transactions_, 1899.

[972] Marchegay, _Chartes du Prieurie de Monmouth_, cited by Professor

Lloyd, as above.

[973] _Brut_, 1143.

[974] Not to be confounded with the castle of Clun in Shropshire.

[975] _Annales Cambriæ_ and _Annales de Margam._ See plan in _Arch.

Camb._, 4th ser., vi., 251.

[976] _Annales Cambriæ._

[977] Really Ty-yn-yr Bwlch, the house in the pass. Not to be

confounded with Tenby in Pembrokeshire.

[978] _Cal. of Close Rolls_, Ed. II., iii., 415, 643.

[979] See "Cardiff Castle: its Roman Origin," by John Ward,

_Archæologia_, lvii., 335.

[980] See "Cardiff Castle: its Roman Origin," by John Ward,

_Archæologia_, lvii., 335.

[981] Mr Clark thought the shell wall on the motte was Norman, and

the tower Perp. But the wall of the shell has some undoubtedly Perp.

windows. The _Gwentian Chronicle_ says that Robert of Gloucester

surrounded the _town_ of Cardiff with a wall, anno 1111.

[982] See Gray's _Buried City of Kenfig_, where there are interesting

photographs. The remains appear to be those of a shell.

[983] _Annales de Margam_, 1232.

[984] Gray's _Buried City of Kenfig_, pp. 59, 150.

[985] This information is confirmed by Mr Tennant, town clerk of

Aberavon.

[986] See Francis' _Neath and its Abbey_, where the charter of De

Granville is given. It is only preserved in an Inspeximus of 1468.

[987] _M. M. A._, i., 112.

[988] Ruperra is not quite one mile from the river Rhymney. There is

another site which may possibly be that of Castle Remni: Castleton,

which is nearly 2 miles from the river, but is on the main road from

Cardiff to Newport. "It was formerly a place of strength and was

probably built or occupied by the Normans for the purpose of retaining

their conquest of Wentlwg. The only remains are a barrow in the garden

of Mr Philipps, which is supposed to have been the site of the citadel,

and a stone barn, once a chapel." Coxe's _Monmouthshire_, i., 63.

[989] It is right to say that Colonel Morgan in his admirable _Survey

of East Gower_ (a model of what an antiquarian survey ought to be) does

not connect this mound with the old castle which is mentioned, as well

as the new castle, in Cromwell's Survey of Gower. But even the old

castle seems to have been Edwardian (see the plan, p. 85), so it is

quite possible there were three successive castles in Swansea.

[990] _Brut_, 1113.

[991] Morgan's _Survey of East Gower_, p. 24.

[992] Colonel Morgan's _Survey of East Gower_.

[993] Lewis's _Topographical Dictionary_.

[994] The passage of the river Lune in Lancashire is similarly defended

by the mottes of Melling and Arkholme.

[995] The dates given are those of the _Brut_, and probably two years

too early.

[996] Meyrick's _History of Cardigan_, p. 146.

[997] Meyrick's _History of Cardigan_, p. 146.

[998] Lewis's _Topographical Dictionary_.

[999] We do not include the castles which the Welsh _re_built. Thus

in 1194 we are told that Rhys built the castle of Kidwelly, which he

certainly only rebuilt.

[1000] Malcolm Canmore himself had passed nearly fourteen years in

England. Fordun, iv., 45.

[1001] Burton remarks: "To the Lowland Scot, as well as to the Saxon,

the Norman was what a clever man, highly educated and trained in the

great world of politics, is to the same man who has spent his days in a

village." _History of Scotland_, i., 353.

[1002] Dr Round has brought to light the significant fact that King

David took his chancellor straight from the English chancery, where he

had been a clerk. This first chancellor of Scotland was the founder of

the great Comyn family. _The Ancestor_, 10, 108.

[1003] Fordun, _Annalia_, vol. iv.

[1004] It is tempting to connect the extraordinary preponderance of

mottes, as shown by Dr Christison's map, in the shires which made up

ancient Galloway (Wigton, Kirkcudbright, and Dumfries) with the savage

resistance offered by Galloway, which may have made it necessary for

all the Norman under-tenants to fortify themselves, each in his own

motte-castle. It is wiser, however, to delay such speculations until

we have the more exact information as to the number of mottes in

Scotland, which it is hoped will be furnished when the Royal Commission

on Historical Monuments has finished its work. But this work will not

be complete unless special attention is paid to the earthworks which

now form part of stone castles, and which are too often overlooked,

even by antiquaries. The _New Statistical Account_ certainly raises

the suspicion that there are many more mottes north of the Forth than

are recognised in the map alluded to. In one district we are told that

"almost every farm had its _knap_." "Forfarshire," p. 326.

[1005] Cited by Fordun, v., 43.

[1006] Benedict of Peterborough, i., 68, R. S.

[1007] Fordun, v., 26. Bower in one of his interpolations to Fordun's

Annals, tells how a Highlander named Gillescop burnt certain wooden

castles (_quasdam munitiones ligneas_) in Moray. Skene's Fordun, ii.,

435.

[1008] That Fordun should speak of the _castra_ and _municipia_ of

Macduff is not surprising, seeing that he wrote in the 14th century,

when a noble without a castle was a thing unthinkable.

[1009] Burton actually thought that the Normans built no castles in

Scotland in the 12th century. Messrs MacGibbon and Ross remark that

there is not one example of civil or military architecture of the 12th

century, while there are so many fine specimens of ecclesiastical.

_Castellated Architecture of Scotland_, i., 63. It is just to add

that when speaking of the castles of William the Lion, they say: "It

is highly probable that these and other castles of the 13th century

were of the primeval kind, consisting of palisaded earthen mounds and

ditches." _Ibid._, iii. 6.

[1010] _Mote_ is the word used in Scotland, as in the north of England,

Pembrokeshire, and Ireland, for the Norman _motte_. As the word is

still a living word in Scotland, its original sense has been partly

lost, and it seems to be now applied to some defensive works which are

not mottes at all. But the true motes of Scotland entirely resemble the

mottes of France and England.

[1011] _Scottish Review_, xxxii., 232.

[1012] _Scottish Review_, xxxii., 232.

[1013] _Ibid._, p. 236.

[1014] This list is mainly compiled from Chalmers' _Caledonia_,

vol. i., book iv., ch. i. The letter C. refers to Dr Christison's

_Early Fortifications in Scotland_; N., to Mr Neilson's paper in the

_Scottish Review_, 1898; O.M., to the 25-inch Ordnance Map; G., to the

_Gazetteer of Scotland_. It is a matter of great regret to the writer

that she has been unable to do any personal visitation of the Scottish

castles, except in the cases of Roxburgh and Jedburgh. It is therefore

impossible to be absolutely certain that all the hillocks mentioned in

this list are true mottes, or whether all of them still exist.

[1015] _Registrum Magni Sigilli_, quoted by Christison, p. 19.

[1016] A plan is given by Mr Coles in "the Motes, Forts, and Doons of

Kirkcudbright." Soc. _Ant. Scot._, 1891-1892.

[1017] M'Ferlie, _Lands and Their Owners in Galloway_, ii., 47.

[1018] This description, taken from the _Gazetteer_, seems clear, but

Mr Neilson tells me the site is more probably Woody Castle, which is

styled a manor in the 15th century. The N. S. A. says: "There is the

site of an ancient castle close to the town, on a mound of considerable

height, called the Castle Hill, which is surrounded by a deep moat."

"Dumfries," p. 383.

[1019] _Annals_, ii., 196, cited in Douglas's _History of the Border

Counties_, 173.

[1020] Round, in _The Ancestor_, 10, 108.

[1021] Dr Christison distinctly marks one on his map, but Mr Coles says

there is no trace of one, though the name Marl Mount is preserved.

_Soc. Ant. Scot._, 1892, p. 108.

[1022] See the Aberdeen volume, p. 1092.

[1023] See Grose's picture, which is confirmed by Dr Ross.

[1024] The name Tom-a-mhoid is derived by some writers from the Gaelic

_Tom_, a tumulus (Welsh Tomen) and _moid_, a meeting. Is there such

a word for a meeting in Gaelic? If there is, it must be derived from

Anglo-Saxon _mot_ or _gemot_. But there is no need to go to Gaelic

for this word, as it is clear from the _Registrum Magni Sigilli_ that

_moit_ was a common version of _mote_, and meant a castle hill, the

_mota_ or _mons castri_, as it is often called.

[1025] Chalmers, _Caledonia_, iii., 864. Sir Archibald Lawrie, however,

regards it as doubtful whether Arkel was the ancestor of the earls of

Lennox. _Early Scottish Charters_, p. 327.

[1026] M'Ferlie, _Lands and Their Owners in Galloway_, ii., 140-141.

[1027] See plan in MacGibbon and Ross, _Castellated Architecture_, iv.,

341.

[1028] The name Maccus is undoubtedly the same as Magnus, a Latin

adjective much affected as a proper name by the Norwegians of the 11th

and 12th centuries.

[1029] Lawrie, _Early Scottish Charters_, p. 273.

[1030] MacGibbon and Ross, i., 279.

[1031] _Proceedings of Soc. Ant. Scotland_, xxxi., and N. S. A.

[1032] See Armstrong's _History of Liddesdale_, cited by MacGibbon and

Ross, i., 523.

[1033] Round, _The Ancestor_, No. 11, 130.

[1034] _Benedict of Peterborough_, i., 67. See Mr Neilson's papers in

the _Dumfries Standard_, June 28, 1899. Mr Neilson remarks: "It may

well be that the original castle of Dumfries was one of Malcolm IV.'s

forts, and that the mote of Troqueer, at the other side of a ford of

the river, was the first little strength of the series by which the

Norman grip of the province was sought to be maintained."

[1035] "Mottes, Forts, and Doons of Kirkcudbright," _Soc. Ant. Scot._,

xxv., 1890.

[1036] The _Annals of the Four Masters_ mention the building of three

castles (caisteol) in Connaught in 1125, and the _Annals of Ulster_

say that Tirlagh O'Connor built a castle (caislen) at Athlone in 1129.

What the nature of these castles was it is now impossible to say, but

there are no mottes at the three places mentioned in Connaught (Dunlo,

Galway, and Coloony). The _caislen_ at Athlone was not recognised by

the Normans as a castle of their sort, as John built his castle on a

new site, on land obtained from the church. _Sweetman's Cal._, p. 80.

[1037] The meagre entries in the various _Irish Annals_ may often

come from contemporary sources, but as none of their MSS. are older

than the 14th century, they do not stand on the same level as the two

authorities above mentioned.

[1038] "Hibernicus enim populus castella non curat; silvis namque pro

castris, paludibus utitur pro fossatis." _Top. Hib._, 182, R. S., vol.

v. In the same passage he speaks of the "fossa infinita, alta nimis,

rotunda quoque, et pleraque triplicia; castella etiam murata, et adhuc

integra, vacua tarnen et deserta," which he ascribes to the Northmen.

This passage has been gravely adduced as an argument in favour of the

prehistoric existence of mottes! as though a round _ditch_ necessarily

implied a round _hill_ within it! Giraldus was probably alluding to the

round embankments or _raths_, of which such immense numbers are still

to be found in Ireland. By the "walled castles" he probably meant the

stone enclosures or _cashels_ which are also so numerous in Ireland.

In the time of Giraldus the word _castellum_, though it had become the

proper word for a private castle, had not quite lost its original sense

of a fortified enclosure of any kind, as we know from the phrases "the

castle and tower" or "the castle and motte" not infrequent in documents

of the 12th century (see Round's _Geoffrey de Mandeville_, Appendix O,

p. 328). We may add that Giraldus' attribution of these prehistoric

remains to Thorgils, the Norwegian, only shows that their origin was

unknown in his day.

[1039] See _Expug. Hib._, 383, 397, 398.

[1040] I am informed that the "Crith Gablach," which gives a minute

description of one of these halls, is a very late document, and by no

means to be trusted.

[1041] _Vide_ the _Irish Annals_, passim.

[1042] There is another story, preserved in _Hanmer's Chronicle_, that

the Irish chief Mac Mahon levelled two castles given to him by John de

Courcy, saying he had promised to hold not stones but land.

[1043] Joyce's _Irish Names of Places_, p. 290.

[1044] See J. E. Lloyd, _Cymmrodor_, xi., 24; Skeat's _English

Dictionary_, "town." In the "Dindsenchas of Erin," edited by O'Beirne

Crowe, _Journ. R. S. A. I._, 1872-1873, phrases occur, such as "the

_dun_ was open," "she went back into the dun," which show clearly that

the _dun_ was an enclosure. In several passages _dun_ and _cathair_ are

interchanged.

[1045] Joyce, _Irish Names of Places_, p. 273.

[1046] _Annals of the Four Masters_, 1166.

[1047] See Orpen, "Motes and Norman Castles in Ireland," in _Journ. R.

S. A. I._, xxxvii., 143-147.

[1048] Sweetman's _Calendar of Documents_ relating to Ireland, i., 412.

[1049] That a motte-castle of earth and wood seemed to Giraldus quite

an adequate castle is proved by the fact that numbers of the castles

which he mentions have never had any stone defences. It may be a mere

coincidence, but it is worth noting, that there are no mottes now

at any of the places which Giraldus mentions as _exilia municipia_,

Pembroke, Dundunnolf, Down City, and Carrick.

[1050] This word must not be understood to mean that this new type

of castle was Edward's invention, nor even that he was the first

to introduce it into Europe from Palestine; it was used by the

Hohenstauffen emperors as early as 1224. See Köhler, _Entwickelung des

Kriegswesen_, iii., 475.

[1051] Newcastle, Worcester, Gloucester, and Bristol are instances.

[1052] Rhuddlan is an instance of this.

[1053] _Book of Rights_, p. 203.

[1054] It must be admitted that in the most recent and most learned

edition of the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ the topographical identifications

are quite on a level with O'Donovan's.

[1055] The _Annals_ have not been used, partly because in their present

form they are not contemporary, and partly because the difficulties of

identifying many of the castles they mention appeared insuperable.

[1056] See especially two papers on "Motes and Norman Castles in

Ireland," in _English Historical Review_, vol. xxii., pp. 228, 240. Mr

Orpen has further enriched this subject by a number of papers in the

_Journ. R. S. A. I._, to which reference will be made subsequently.

[1057] The only castles still unidentified are Aq'i, Kilmehal, Rokerel,

and Inchleder.

[1058] It should be stated that the great majority of the castles in

this list have been visited for the writer by Mr Basil T. Stallybrass,

who has a large acquaintance with English earthworks, as well as a

competent knowledge of the history of architecture. The rest have

been visited by the writer herself, except in a few cases where the

information given in Lewis's _Topographical Dictionary_ or other

sources was sufficient. The castles personally visited are initialled.

[1059] _Annals of Loch Cè_.

[1060] Orpen, _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 249.

[1061] Orpen, _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 450, citing from MS. _Annals of

Innisfallen_.

[1062] The poetical list enumerates the places which were "of the

right of Cashel in its power." The prose version, which may be assumed

to be later, is entitled "Do phortaibh righ Caisil," which O'Donovan

translates "of the seats of the king of Cashel." But can one small king

have had sixty-one different abodes? Professor Bury says "The _Book of

Rights_ still awaits a critical investigation." _Life of St Patrick_,

p. 69.

[1063] _Ibid._, p. 449. See Westropp, Trans. R. I. A., xxvi. (c), p.

146. Mr Orpen informs me that the _Black Book of Limerick_ contains a

charter of William de Burgo which mentions "Ecclesia de Escluana alias

Kilkyde." No. cxxxv.

[1064] _Journ. R. S. A. I._, 1898, 155; and 1904, 354.

[1065] _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 452.

[1066] Butler's _Notices of the Castle of Trim_, p. 13.

[1067] _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 458.

[1068] _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 441.

[1069] "Exile municipium," _Giraldus_, 345. See _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xx.,

717.

[1070] _Annals of Ulster_, 1177.

[1071] See Orpen, "Motes and Castles in County Louth," _Journ. R. S. A.

I._, xxxviii., 249. The town walls are later than the castle, and were

built up to it.

[1072] Cited by Westropp, _Journ. R. S. A. I._, 1904, paper on "Irish

Motes and Early Norman Castles."

[1073] _Annals of Ulster_, 1186.

[1074] Round, _Cal. of Doc._ preserved in France, i., 105, 107.

[1075] "On the Ancient Forts of Ireland," _Trans. R. I. A._, 1902.

[1076] Orpen, "The Castle of Raymond le Gros at Fodredunolan," _Journ.

R. S. A. I._, 1906.

[1077] _Annals of Innisfallen._

[1078] Orpen, _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 449.

[1079] "On some Caves in the Slieve na Cailliagh District," by E. C.

Rotheram, _Proc. R. I. A._, 3rd ser., vol. iii. Mr Rotheram remarks

that the passages in the motte of Killallon, and that of Moat near

Oldcastle, seem as if they were not built by the same people as those

who constructed the passages at Slieve na Cailliagh.

[1080] _Annals of Ulster_.

[1081] _Annals of Loch Cè_.

[1082] Orpen, _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 448.

[1083] _Ibid._, p. 242.

[1084] _Annals of Ulster_. See Orpen, _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 443.

[1085] _Annals of Ulster_.

[1086] _Annals of the Four Masters_, vol. iii. See Orpen, _Journ. R. S.

A. I._, vol. xxxix., 1909.

[1087] Orpen, _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 448. A place called Graffan

is mentioned in the _Book of Rights_, and on the strength of this

mere mention it has been argued that the motte is a prehistoric work.

_Trans. R. I. A._, vol. xxxi., 1902.

[1088] Mr Orpen.

[1089] Giraldus' words are: "Castrum Lechliniæ, super nobilem Beruæ

fluvium, a latere Ossiriæ, trans Odronam in loco natura munito." V.,

352. See _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 245.

[1090] See Orpen, _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 456, and _Journ. R. S. A.

I._, xxxvii., 140.

[1091] Orpen, "Motes and Norman Castles in County Louth," _Journ. R.

S. A. I._, xxxviii., 241, from which paper the notice above is largely

taken.

[1092] _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 242.

[1093] The castle is casually mentioned by Giraldus, v., 100, and the

date of its erection is not given.

[1094] As far as the writer's experience goes, terraces are only found

on mottes which have at some time been incorporated in private gardens

or grounds.

[1095] _Journ. R. S. A. I._, vol. xxxix., 1909.

[1096] Piers, _Collect. de Rebus Hib._, cited by Orpen.

[1097] Mr Orpen says: "The castle was 'constructed anew' in the sixth

and seventh years of Edward I., when £700 was expended." _Irish Pipe

Rolls_, 8 Edward I., cited in _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 454.

[1098] Line 3178.

[1099] The annular bailey, with the motte in the centre, is a most

unusual arrangement, and certainly suggests the idea that the motte was

placed in an existing Irish rath.

[1100] See Appendix M.

[1101] _Annals of Loch Cè_.

[1102] _Giraldus_, v., 313.

[1103] This keep has a square turret on each of its faces instead of at

the angles. A similar plan is found at Warkworth, and Castle Rushen,

Isle of Man.

[1104] Orpen, _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 248.

[1105] Figured in _The Tomb of Ollamh Fodhla_, by E. A. Conwell, 1873.

[1106] _Gir._, i., 255, 277.

[1107] _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 457.

[1108] In five cases the mottes are now destroyed.

[1109] The dates of the building of numbers of these castles are given

in the _Annals of Ulster_ and the _Annals of Loch Cè_.

[1110] _Cal. of Pat. Rolls_, 1232-1247.

[1111] The tower at Malling was supposed to be an early Norman keep by

Mr G. T. Clark (_M. M. A._, ii., 251), but it has recently been shown

that it is purely an ecclesiastical building.

[1112] The only stone castles of early date in France which the writer

has been able to visit are those of Langeais, Plessis Grimoult,

Breteuil, and Le Mans. The two latter are too ruinous to furnish data.

[1113] Given in D'Achery's _Spicilegium_, iii., 232.

[1114] This can be positively stated of Baugé, Montrichard, Montboyau,

St Florent-le-Vieil, Chateaufort, and Chérament. M. de Salies thinks

the motte of Bazonneau, about 500 metres from the ruins of the castle

of Montbazon, is the original castle of Fulk Nerra. _Histoire de Fulk

Nerra_, 57. About the other castles the writer has not been able to

obtain any information.

[1115] See Halphen, _Comté d'Anjou au xiième Siècle_, 153.

[1116] The building of Langeais was begun in 994. _Chron. St Florent_,

and _Richerius_, 274.

[1117] It somewhat shakes one's confidence in De Caumont's accuracy

that in the sketch which he gives of this keep (_Abécédaire_, ii., 409)

he altogether omits this doorway.

[1118] Measurements were impossible without a ladder.

[1119] It is well known that William the Conqueror left large treasures

at his death.

[1120] The keep of Colchester is immensely larger than any keep in

existence. Mr Round thinks it was probably built to defend the eastern

counties against Danish invasions. _Hist. of Colchester Castle_, p.

32. Its immense size seems to show that it was intended for a large

garrison.

[1121] _Cours d'Antiquités Monumentales_, v., 152, and _Abécédaire_,

ii., 413-431. De Caumont says of the keep of Colchester, "il me parait

d'une antiquité moins certaine que celui de Guildford, et on pourrait

le croire du douzième siècle" (p. 205), a remark which considerably

shakes one's confidence in his architectural judgment.

[1122] As only the foundations of Pevensey are left, it gives little

help in determining the character of early keeps. It had no basement

entrance, and the forebuilding is evidently later than the keep.

[1123] The Tower had once a forebuilding, which is clearly shown in

Hollar's etching of 1646, and other ancient drawings. Mr Harold Sands,

who has made a special study of the Tower, believes it to have been a

late 12th-century addition.

[1124] Tiles are not used in the Tower, but some of the older arches of

the arcade on the top floor have voussoirs of rag, evidently continuing

the tradition of tiles. Most of the arches at Colchester are headed

with tiles.

[1125] The room supposed to be the chapel in Bamborough keep has a

round apse, but with no external projection, being formed in the

thickness of the wall. The keep of Pevensey has three extraordinary

apse-like projections of solid masonry attached to its foundations. See

Mr Harold Sands' _Report of Excavations at Pevensey_.

[1126] "In the course of the 12th century, the base of the walls was

thickened into a plinth, in order better to resist the battering ram."

(_Manuel d'Archæologie Française_, ii., 463.) The keep of Pevensey has

a battering plinth which is clearly original, and which throws doubt

either on this theory of the plinth, or on the age of the building.

[1127] It is well known that blocks of huge size are employed in

Anglo-Saxon architecture, but generally only as quoins or first

courses. See Baldwin Brown, _The Arts in Early England_, ii., 326.

[1128] Baldwin Brown, "Statistics of Saxon Churches," _Builder_, Sept.

1900.

[1129] Mr Round gives ground for thinking that this keep was built

between 1080 and 1085. _Colchester Castle_, p. 32.

[1130] Piper's _Burgenkunde_, p. 85.

[1131] Schulz, _Das Hofische Leben zur Zeit der Minnesinger_, i., 59.

Grose writes of Bamborough Castle: "The only fireplace in it was a

grate in the middle of a large room, where some stones in the middle

of the floor are burned red." He gives no authority. _Antiquities of

England and Wales_, iv., 57.

[1132] "The type of castle created in the 10th century persisted till

the Renascence." Enlart, _Manuel d'Archæologie_, ii., 516.

[1133] See Appendix N.

[1134] Enlart, _Manuel d'Archæologie_, ii., 516. "Jusqu'au milieu du

xii^ième siècle, et dans les exemples les plus simples des époques

qui suivent, le donjon est bien près de constituer à lui seul tout le

château."

[1135] _Abriss der Burgenkunde_, 50-60.

[1136] _Entwickelung des Kriegswesen_, iii., 352 and 428. No

continental writers are entirely to be trusted about English castles;

they generally get their information from Clark, and it is generally

wrong.

[1137] This of course explains why the castle of London is always

called _The Tower_; it was originally the only tower in the fortress.

[1138] The _Close Rolls_ mention _palicia_ or stockades at the castles

of Norwich, York, Devizes, Oxford, Sarum, Fotheringay, Hereford,

Mountsorel, and Dover.

[1139] _Close Rolls_, i., 195a and 389.

[1140] See Chapter VI., p. 89, and Appendix O.

[1141] Piper states that the evidence of remains proves that the lower

storey was a prison. But these remains probably belong to a later date,

when the donjon had been abandoned as a residence, and was becoming the

_dungeon_ to which prisoners were committed. The top storey of the keep

was often used in early times as a prison for important offenders, such

as Conan of Rouen, William, the brother of Duke Richard II., and Ranulf

Flambard.

[1142] See Appendix P.

[1143] At Conisburgh and Orford castles there are ovens on the roofs,

showing that the cooking was carried on there; these are keeps of Henry

II.'s time.

[1144] De Caumont says these remains are on a motte, a strange

statement, as they are only a foot or two above the surrounding level.

[1145] No stone castles in England are known to have been built by

William Rufus; he built Carlisle Castle, but probably only in wood. As

we have seen, several Welsh castles were built in his time, but all in

earth and timber.

[1146] Built by Archbishop William of Corbeuil. _Gervase of Canterbury_,

R. S., ii., 382.

[1147] Robert de Torigny, also called Robert de Monte, was Abbot of

Mont St Michael during the lifetime of Henry II., and was a favoured

courtier whose means of obtaining information were specially good.

French writers are in the habit of discounting his statements, because

they do not recognise the almost universal precedence of a wooden

castle to the stone building, which when it is recognised, completely

alters the perspective of castle dates. See Appendix Q.

[1148] The keep of Caen, which was square, was demolished in 1793. De

Caumont, _Cours d'Antiquités_, v., 231. The keep of Alençon is also

destroyed. There are fragments of castles at Argentan, Exmes, and

St Jean-le-Thomas. The keep of Vernon or Vernonnet is embedded in a

factory. _Guide Joanne_, p. 6.

[1149] The writer has also visited Vire and Le Mans, but even if the

walls of the keep of Vire, of which only two sides remain, were the

work of Henry I., the details, such as the corbelled lintel, the window

benches, and the loop in the basement for a crossbow, point to a later

period. At Le Mans, to the north of the cathedral, is a fragment of

an ancient tower, built of the rudest rubble, with small quoins of

ashlar; this may be the keep built by William I., which Wace says was

of stone and lime (p. 234, Andresen's edition). It is difficult to

examine, being built up with cottages. Domfront, like Langeais, is only

a fragment, consisting of two walls and some foundations.

[1150] _Dictionnaire de l'Architecture._

[1151] _M. M. A._, i., 186.

[1152] In speaking of Falaise, of course we only mean the great square

keep, and not the Little Donjon attached to it at a later period, nor

the fine round keep added by Talbot in the 15th century.

[1153] Small spaces, such as the chapel, passages, and mural chambers,

are vaulted in most keeps.

[1154] Colchester keep has only two storeys now, but Mr Round argues

that it must have had three, as a stairway leads upward from the second

floor, in the N.W. tower, and some fragments of window cases remain as

evidence. _Colchester Castle_, p. 92.

[1155] The Tower and Colchester keep both have wells, which are seldom

wanting in any keep. There was no appearance of a well at Langeais, but

excavation might possibly reveal one.

[1156] The first castle at Corfe was built by William's half-brother,

Robert, Count of Mortain. The keep of Corfe is sometimes attributed

to him, but when we compare its masonry with that of the early hall

or chapel in the middle bailey, we shall see that this date is most

unlikely. Norwich was always a royal castle.

[1157] Part of the basement of Norwich keep has pillars, from which it

has been assumed that it was vaulted; but no trace of vaulting is to be

seen.

[1158] The only decoration at Corfe keep is in the oratory, which being

at a vast height in one of the ruined walls is inaccessible to the

ordinary visitor. Corfe was so much pulled about by Sir Christopher

Hatton in Elizabeth's reign, and is now so ruinous, that many features

are obscure. Norwich has suffered greatly from restorations, and from

re-casing.

[1159] In 1184 Henry II. paid "for re-roofing the tower of Gisors."

_Rotuli Scacc. Normanniæ_, i., 72.

[1160] It should be remembered that rude work is not invariably a sign

of age; it may only show haste, or poverty of resources. It should also

be mentioned that in the _Exchequer Rolls of Normandy_ there is an

entry of £650 in 1184 for several works at Gisors, including "the wall

round the motte" (murum circa motam). Possibly this may refer to a wall

round the foot of the motte, which seems still to exist. The shell wall

of Gisors should be compared with that of Lincoln, which is probably of

the first half of the 12th century.

[1161] No decagonal tower of Henry I.'s work is known to exist; all his

tower keeps are square.

[1162] Bower, _Scotichronicon_, v., 42. This passage was first pointed

out by Mr George Neilson in _Notes and Queries_, 8th ser., viii., 321.

The keep of Carlisle has been so much pulled about as to obscure most

of its features. The present entrance to the basement is not original.

[1163] _M. M. A._, i., 353.

[1164] Unfortunately the greater part of these valuable _Rolls_ is

still unpublished. The Pipe Roll Society is issuing a volume every

year, and this year (1910) has reached the 28th Henry II.

[1165] The keeps of Richmond and Bowes were only finished by Henry II.;

Richmond was begun by Earl Conan, who died in 1170, when Henry appears

to have taken up the work. Bowes was another of Earl Conan's castles.

Tickhill is now destroyed to the foundations, but it is clear that it

was a tower. The writer has examined all the keeps mentioned in this

list. It will be noticed that most of the towers took many years to

build.

[1166] Henry built one shell keep of rubble and rag, that of Berkeley

Castle, which is not mentioned in the _Pipe Rolls_, having been built

before his accession. It is noteworthy that he did not build it for

himself, but for his ally, Robert Fitz Hardinge.

[1167] The basement storey of Chester keep (the only part which now

remains) is also vaulted, but this can scarcely be Henry's work, for

though he spent £102 on this castle in 1159, it must have been begun by

Ranulf, Earl of Chester, in Stephen's reign. Moreover, it is doubtful

whether the vaulting, which is covered by whitewash, is really ancient.

[1168] Leland says of Wark, "the dongeon is made of foure howses

hight," but probably he included the basement.

[1169] The earliest instance of a portcullis groove with which the

writer is acquainted is in the basement entrance of Colchester. It is

obvious to anyone who carefully examines this entrance and the great

stair to the left of it that they are additions of a later time than

William's work. The details seem to point to Henry I.'s reign. The keep

of Rochester has also a portcullis groove which seems to be a later

addition.

[1170] King, paper on Canterbury Castle in _Archæologia_, vi., 298. We

have not observed in any English keeps (except in this single instance)

any of the elaborate plans to entrap the enemy which M. Viollet le Duc

describes in his article on Donjons. He was an imaginative writer, and

many of his statements should not be accepted without reserve.

[1171] Wark was also an octagonal keep, but there is considerable

doubt whether this octagonal building was the work of Henry II., as

Lord Dacre wrote to Wolsey in 1519 concerning Wark that "the dongeon

is clerely finished," and mentions that all the storeys but one were

vaulted with stone. This makes it almost certain that the castle of

Wark was entirely rebuilt at this time, after having been demolished by

the Scots in 1460. It is now an utter ruin, and even the foundations of

the keep are buried.

[1172] At Thorne, near Doncaster, where the great earls Warenne had a

castle, there are the foundations, on a motte, of a keep which seems to

resemble that of Orford; it ought to be thoroughly excavated.

[1173] These measurements are from Grose, _Antiquities_, v., 74.

[1174] See Payne Gallwey, _The Crossbow_, 309; Köhler, _Kriegswesen_,

iii., 192. The trébuchet is first mentioned at the siege of Piacenza in

1199.

[1175] As far as we can tell, the tops of keeps having generally been

ruined or altered, the common arrangement was either a simple gable,

or two gables resting on a cross wall, such as all the larger keeps

possessed.

[1176] Another consequence of the introduction of an engine of longer

range was the widening of castle ditches. We frequently find works on

ditches mentioned in John's accounts.

[1177] Payne Gallwey, _The Crossbow_, p. 3. We find it used by

Louis VI. of France, before 1137. Suger's _Gesta Ludovici_, 10 (ed.

Molinier). Ten balistarii are mentioned in Domesday Book, but they may

have been engineers of the great balista, a siege machine. There is no

representation of a crossbow in the Bayeux Tapestry. There are entries

in the _Pipe Rolls_ of 6, 8, and 9 Henry II. of payments for arbelast,

but these also may refer to the great balista.

[1178] _Guill. Brit. Armorici Philippides_, Bouquet xvii., line 315.

[1179] The bow brought by Richard from Palestine is believed to have

been an improved form of crossbow, made of horn and yew, "light,

elastic, and far more powerful than a bow of solid wood." Payne

Gallwey, _The Crossbow_.

[1180] "Fenestris arcubalistaribus," Bouquet xvii., 75. The writer has

never found a single defensive loophole in any of the keeps of Henry I.

or Henry II. Köhler remarks that the loopholes up to this period do not

seem to be intended for shooting (_Entwickelung des Kriegswesen_, iii.,

409), and Clark has some similar observations.

[1181] _Dictionnaire de l'Architecture_, art. "Meurtrière."

[1182] Meyrick in his _Ancient Armour_ quotes a charter of 1239,

in which the French king grants a castle to the Count de Montfort

on condition "quod non possumus habere in eodem archeriam nec

arbalisteriam," which Meyrick audaciously translates "any perpendicular

loophole for archers, nor any cruciform loophole for crossbowmen." The

quotation is unfortunately given by Sir R. Payne Gallwey without the

Latin original. It is at any rate probable that the cruciform loophole

was for _archers_; it does not appear till the time of the long-bow,

which was improved and developed by Edward I., who made it the most

formidable weapon of English warfare.

[1183] See Appendix H.

[1184] _Entwickelung des Kriegswesen_, iii., 417.

[1185] In 1186, the Duke of Burgundy caused the towers and walls of

his castle of Chatillon to be "hoarded" (hordiari). This duke had been

a companion of Richard's on the third crusade. William le Breton,

_Philippides_, line 600. Richard's _hurdicia_ at Chateau Gaillard were

two years earlier.

[1186] See Dieulafoy, _Le Chateau Gaillard et l'Architecture Militaire

au Treizième Siècle_, p. 13.

[1187] The best French and German authorities are agreed about this.

The holes in which the wooden beams supporting the hurdicia were placed

may still be seen in many English castles, and so may the remains of

the stone brackets. They would be good indications of date, were it not

that hurdicia could so easily be added to a much older building.

[1188] Köhler gives the reign of Frederic Barbarossa (1155-1191) as the

time of the first appearance of the round keep in Germany.

[1189] In spite of this, I cannot feel satisfied that the keep of

Étampes is of so early a date. The decorative features appear early,

but the second and third storeys are both vaulted, which is a late

sign. The keep called Clifford's Tower at York, built by Henry III.

1245 to 1259, is on the same plan as Étampes.

[1190] This keep has been long destroyed.

[1191] Ground entrances occur in several much earlier keeps, as

at Colchester (almost certainly an addition of Henry I.'s time),

Bamborough (probably Henry II.'s reign), and Richmond, where Earl Conan

seems to have used a former entrance gateway to make the basement

entrance of his keep. See Milward, _Arch. Journ._, vol. v.

[1192] Built by Earl Hamelin, half-brother of Henry II., who died in

1201.

[1193] Viollet le Duc, art. "Donjon."

[1194] The walls of the Tower are from 12 to 15 feet thick at the base;

those of Norwich 13; the four walls of Dover respectively, 17, 18,

19, and 21 feet; Carlisle, 15 feet on two sides. (Clark.) William of

Worcester tells us that Bristol keep was 25 feet thick at the base!

_Itin._, p. 260.

[1195] See Enlart, _Manuel d'Archæologie Française_, ii., 526.

[1196] MacGibbon and Ross, _Castellated Architecture of Scotland_, p.

159.

[1197] This type of castle was probably borrowed from the fortifications

of Greek cities, which the Crusaders had observed in the East.

[1198] Conway and Carnarvon consist of two adjoining courts, without

any external enclosure but a moat. Flint has a great tower outside

the quadrangle, which is sometimes mistakenly called a keep, but its

internal arrangements show that it was not so, and it is doubtful

whether it was ever roofed over. It was simply a tower to protect the

entrance, taking the place of the 13th-century barbican.

[1199] Köhler states that the gatehouse palace is peculiar to England:

"only at Perpignan is there anything like it." _Entwickelung des

Kriegswesen_, iii., 480.

[1200] Köhler mentions the castle of Neu Leiningen as the first example

in Germany, built in 1224. _Kriegswesen_, iii., 475. Frederic II.'s

castles were of this type. The castle of Boulogne, finished in 1231,

is one of the oldest examples of the keepless type in France. Enlart,

_Archæologie Française_, ii., 534. The Bastille of Paris was a castle

of this kind. According to Hartshorne, Barnwell Castle, in Northants,

is of the keepless kind, and as the _Hundred Rolls_ state that it was

built in 1264, we seem to have here a positive instance of a keepless

castle in Henry III.'s reign. _Arch. Inst. Newcastle_, vol. 1852. And

it appears to be certain that Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester,

built the keepless castle of Caerphilly before Edward came to the

throne. See Little's _Mediæval Wales_, p. 87.

[1201] French archæologists are enthusiastic over the keep of Chateau

Gaillard, the scientific construction of the towers of the curtain, the

avoidance of "dead angles," the continuous flanking, etc. See Viollet

le Duc, art. "Chateau," and Dieulafoy, _Le Chateau Gaillard_.

[1202] This type is extremely rare: Trim, in Ireland, and Castle

Rushen, in the Isle of Man, are the only other instances known to the

writer. Trim is a square tower with square turrets in the middle of

each face; Castle Rushen is on the same plan, but the central part

appears to have been an open court.

[1203] Enlart, _Archæologie Française_, ii., 516.

[1204] Martène's _Thesaurus Anecdotorum_, iv., 118. "Nulli licuit in

Normannia fossatum facere in planam terram, nisi tale quod de fundo

potuisset terram jactare superius sine scabello. Et ibi nulli licuit

facere palicium, nisi in una regula; et id sine propugnaculis et

alatoriis. Et in rupe et in insula nulli licuit facere fortitudinem, et

nulli licuit in Normannia castellum facere."

[1205] The document which calls itself _Leges Henrici Primi_, x., 1,

declares the "castellatio trium scannorum" to be a right of the king.

_Scannorum_ is clearly _scamnorum_, banks. It is noteworthy that a

motte-and-bailey castle is actually a fortification with three banks:

one round the top of the motte, one round the edge of the bailey, one

on the counterscarp of the ditch.

[1206] See the case of Benhall, _Close Rolls_, ii., 52b (1225).

[1207] Aldreth and Burton are omitted from this list.

[1208] M. and B. stand for Motte and Bailey; K. and B. for Keep and

Bailey; O. for Outside the Town.

Transcriber's Note:

Every effort has been made to replicate this text as faithfully as

possible. The errata listed at the beginning of the book have been

fixed, and some minor corrections of spelling and punctuation have

been made.

Italic text has been marked with _underscores_.

Bold text has been marked with =equals signs=.

Letters preceded by a ^caret appeared as superscripts to the end of

the word.

OE ligatures have been expanded.