CHAPTER I

THE EARLY NORMAN CASTLES OF THE BRITISH ISLES

[Illustration: MOTTE-CASTLES FROM THE BAYEUX TAPESTRY.]

THE EARLY NORMAN CASTLES

OF THE BRITISH ISLES

BY ELLA S. ARMITAGE

HONORARY FELLOW OF THE SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF SCOTLAND

AUTHOR OF "THE CHILDHOOD OF THE ENGLISH NATION"; "THE CONNECTION

OF ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND"; "AN INTRODUCTION TO ENGLISH ANTIQUITIES,"

ETC., ETC.

WITH PLANS BY D. H. MONTGOMERIE, F.S.A.

LONDON

JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET, W.

1912

ERRATA

Page 34, _note_ 1.--_For_ "construerat" _read_ "construxerat."

Page 40, line 9.--_For_ "there was only one motte, the site of the

castle of the Norman Giffards is now almost obliterated," _read_ "there

was only one motte, site of the castle of the Norman Giffards, now

almost obliterated."

Page 133, line 16.--_For_ "1282" _read_ "1182."

Page 145, _note_ 1.--_For_ "Legercestria" _read_ "Legecestria."

Page 147, line 15.--Delete comma after "castle."

Page 216, _note_ 2.--_For_ "instalment" _read_ "statement."

Page 304, _note_ 3.--_For_ "Galloway, Wigton, Kirkcudbright, and

Dumfries," _read_ "Galloway (Wigton, Kirkcudbright, and Dumfries)."

PREFACE

Some portions of this book have already appeared in print. Of these,

the most important is the _catalogue raisonné_ of early Norman

castles in England which will be found in Chapter VII., and which was

originally published in the _English Historical Review_ (vol. xix.,

1904). It has, however, been enlarged by the inclusion of five fresh

castles, and by notes upon thirty-four others, of which the article in

the _Review_ gave only the names; the historical notes in that essay

being confined to the castles mentioned in Domesday Book.

The chapter on Irish mottes appeared in the _Antiquary_ (vol. xlii.,

1906), but it has been revised, corrected, and added to. Portions of a

still earlier paper, read before the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland

in March 1900, are incorporated in various parts of the book, but these

have been recast in the fuller treatment of the subject which is aimed

at here.

The rest of the work is entirely new. No serious attempt had been made

to ascertain the exact nature of Saxon and Danish fortifications by a

comparison of the existing remains with the historical records which

have come down to us, until the publication of Mr Allcroft's valuable

book on _Earthwork of England_. The chapters on Saxon and Danish

earthworks in the present volume were written before the appearance of

his book, though the results arrived at are only slightly different.

In Chapter V. an effort is made to trace the first appearance of

the private castle in European history. The private castle is an

institution which is often carelessly supposed to have existed from

time immemorial. The writer contends that it only appears after the

establishment of the feudal system.

The favourable reception given by archæologists to the paper read

before the Scottish Society led the writer to follow up this

interesting subject, and to make a closer study of the motte-castles

of Wales, Scotland, and Ireland. The book now offered is the fruit

of eleven years of further research. The result of the inquiry is

to establish the theory advanced in that earlier paper, that these

castles, in the British Islands, are in every case of Norman origin.

The writer does not claim to have originated this theory. Dr Round was

the first to attack (in the _Quarterly Review_, 1894) the assertion of

the late Mr G. T. Clark that the moated mound was a Saxon castle. Mr

George Neilson continued the same line of argument in his illuminating

paper on "The Motes in Norman Scotland" (_Scottish Review_, vol.

xxxii., 1898).[1] All that the writer claims is to have carried the

contention a stage further, and to have shown that the private castle

did not exist at all in Britain until it was brought here by the

Normans.

The author feels that some apology is necessary for the enormous length

of Chapter VII., containing the catalogue of Early English castles. It

may be urged in extenuation that much of the information it contains

has never before appeared in print, seeing that it has been taken from

unpublished portions of the Pipe Rolls; further, that contemporary

authorities have in all cases been used, and that the chapter contains

a mass of material, previously scattered and almost inaccessible, which

is here for the first time collated, and placed, as the author thinks,

in its right setting. It is hoped that the chapter will prove a useful

storehouse to those who are working at the history of any particular

castle mentioned in the list.

To many it may seem a waste of labour to devote a whole book to the

establishment of a proposition which is now generally adopted by the

best English archæologists; but the subject is an important one, and

there is no book which deals with it in detail, and in the light of the

evidence which has recently been accumulated. The writer hopes that

such fuller statement of the case as is here attempted may help not

only to a right ascription of British castle-mounds, and of the stone

castles built upon many of them, but may also furnish material to the

historian who seeks to trace the progress of the Norman occupation.

Students of the architecture of castles are aware that this subject

presents much more difficult questions than does the architecture

of churches. Those who are seriously working on castle architecture

are very few in number, and are as yet little known to the world at

large. From time to time, books on castles are issued from the press,

which show that the writers have not even an idea of the preliminary

studies without which their work has no value at all. It is hoped that

the sketch of castle architecture from the 10th century to the 13th,

which is given in the last chapter, may prove a useful contribution to

the subject, at any rate in its lists of dated castles. The Pipe Rolls

have been too little used hitherto for the general history of castle

architecture, and no list has ever been published before of the keeps

built by Henry II. But without the evidence of the Pipe Rolls we are

in the land of guesswork, unsupported, as a rule, by the decorative

details which render it easy to read the structural history of most

churches.

My warmest thanks are due to Mr Duncan H. Montgomerie, F.S.A., for

his generous labour on the plans and illustrations of this book, and

for effective assistance in the course of the work, especially in

many toilsome pilgrimages for the purpose of comparing the Ordnance

Survey with the actual remains. I also owe grateful thanks to Mr

Goddard H. Orpen, R.I.A., for most kindly revising the chapter on

Irish mottes; to Mr W. St John Hope (late Assistant Secretary of the

Society of Antiquaries), for information on many difficult points;

to Mr Harold Sands, F.S.A., whose readiness to lay his great stores

of knowledge at my disposal has been always unfailing; to Mr George

Neilson, F.S.A.Scot., for most valuable help towards my chapter on

Scottish mottes; to Mr Charles Dawson, F.S.A., for granting the use

of his admirable photographs from the Bayeux Tapestry; to Mr Cooper,

author of the _History of York Castle_, for important facts and

documents relating to his subject; to the Rev. Herbert White, M.A.,

and to Mr Basil Stallybrass, for reports of visits to castles; and to

correspondents too numerous to mention who have kindly, and often very

fully, answered my inquiries.

ELLA S. ARMITAGE.

WESTHOLM,

RAWDON, LEEDS.

CONTENTS

PAGE

PREFACE vii

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTORY 1

CHAPTER II

ANGLO-SAXON FORTIFICATIONS 11

CHAPTER III

ANGLO-SAXON FORTIFICATIONS--CONTINUED 31

CHAPTER IV

DANISH FORTIFICATIONS 48

CHAPTER V

THE ORIGIN OF PRIVATE CASTLES 63

CHAPTER VI

DISTRIBUTION AND CHARACTERISTICS OF MOTTE-CASTLES 80

CHAPTER VII

THE CASTLES OF THE NORMANS IN ENGLAND 94

CHAPTER VIII

MOTTE-CASTLES IN NORTH WALES 251

CHAPTER IX

MOTTE-CASTLES IN SOUTH WALES 273

CHAPTER X

MOTTE-CASTLES IN SCOTLAND 302

CHAPTER XI

MOTTE-CASTLES IN IRELAND 323

CHAPTER XII

STONE CASTLES OF THE NORMAN PERIOD 351

APPENDICES

A. PRIMITIVE FOLK-MOOTS 381

B. WATLING STREET AND THE DANELAGH 382

C. THE MILITARY ORIGIN OF THE BOROUGHS 382

D. THE WORDS "CASTRUM" AND "CASTELLUM" 383

E. THE BURGHAL HIDAGE 385

F. THELWALL 385

G. THE WORD "BRETASCHE" 386

H. THE WORD "HURDICIUM" 387

I. THE WORD "HERICIO" 388

K. THE CASTLE OF YALE 388

L. THE CASTLE OF TULLOW 389

M. THE CASTLE OF SLANE 390

N. THE WORD "DONJON" 390

O. THE ARRANGEMENTS IN EARLY KEEPS 391

P. KEEPS AS RESIDENCES 392

Q. CASTLES BUILT BY HENRY I. 392

R. THE SO-CALLED SHELL KEEP 393

S. PROFESSOR LLOYD'S "HISTORY OF WALES" 393

SCHEDULE OF ENGLISH CASTLES FROM THE ELEVENTH CENTURY 396

INDEX 401

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS AND PLANS

FIG.

Motte-Castles from the Bayeux Tapestry:--Dol, Rennes, Dinan,

Bayeux, Hastings _Frontispiece_

FACING PAGE

1. Typical Motte-Castles:--Topcliffe, Yorks; Laughton-en-le-Morthen,

Yorks; Anstey, Herts; Dingestow, Monmouth; Hedingham, Essex 4

2. Anglo-Saxon MS. of Prudentius 19

3. Wallingford, Berks; Wareham, Dorset 28

4. Eddisbury, Cheshire; Witham, Essex 36

5. Plan of Towcester about 1830 42

6. Shoebury, Essex 52

7. Willington, Beds 59

8. Arundel, Sussex; Abergavenny, Monmouth 98

9. Barnstaple, Devon; Berkhampstead, Herts; Bishop's Stortford,

Herts 102

10. Bourn, Lincs; Bramber, Sussex 108

11. Caerleon, Monmouth; Carisbrooke 114

12. Carlisle; Castle Acre, Norfolk 124

13. Clifford, Hereford; Clitheroe, Lancs; Corfe, Dorset 128

14. Dover (from a plan in the British Museum, 1756) 138

15. Dunster, Somerset; Dudley, Staffs 144

16. Durham 146

17. Ely, Cambs; Ewias Harold, Hereford; Eye, Suffolk 150

18. Hastings, Sussex; Huntingdon 158

19. Launceston, Cornwall; Lewes, Sussex 164

20. Lincoln 166

21. Monmouth; Montacute, Somerset; Morpeth, Northumberland 168

22. Norham; Nottingham 172

23. Norwich (from Harrod's _Gleanings among the Castles and

Convents of Norfolk_, p. 133) 174

24. Okehampton, Devon; Penwortham, Lancs; Pevensey, Sussex 178

25. Oxford (from _Oxonia Illustrata_, David Loggan, 1675) 180

26. Pontefract, Yorks; Preston Capes, Northants; Quatford, Salop 188

27. Rayleigh, Essex; Richard's Castle, Hereford 192

28. Richmond, Yorks; Rochester, Kent 194

29. Rockingham, Northants 202

30. Old Sarum, Wilts 204

31. Shrewsbury; Skipsea, Yorks 208

32. Stafford; Tamworth, Staffs; Stanton Holgate, Salop; Tickhill,

Yorks 212

33. Tonbridge, Kent; Totnes, Devon 220

34. Trematon, Cornwall; Tutbury, Staffs 226

35. Wallingford, Berks 228

36. Warwick; Wigmore, Hereford 232

37. Winchester (from a plan by W. Godson, 1750) 234

38. Windsor Castle (from Ashmole's _Order of the Garter_) 236

39. York Castle and Baile Hill (from a plan by P. Chassereau,

1750) 244

40. Motte-Castles of North Wales:--Mold, Welshpool, Wrexham,

Mathraval 260

41. Motte-Castles of South Wales:--Cilgerran, Blaenporth,

Chastell Gwalter 282

42. Motte-Castles of South Wales:--Builth, Gemaron, Payn's Castle 290

43. Motte-Castles of South Wales:--Cardiff, Loughor 294

44. Scottish Motte-Castles:--Annan, Moffat, Duffus, Old Hermitage 310

45. Irish Motte-Castles:--Ardmayle, Downpatrick, Drogheda,

Castleknock 336

THE EARLY NORMAN CASTLES OF THE BRITISH ISLES

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTORY

The study of earthworks has been one of the most neglected subjects

in English archæology until quite recent years. It may even be said

that during the first half of the 19th century, less attention was

paid to earthworks than by our older topographical writers. Leland,

in the reign of Henry VIII., never failed to notice the "Dikes and

Hilles, which were Campes of Men of Warre," nor the "Hilles of Yerth

cast up like the Dungeon of sum olde Castelle," which he saw in his

pilgrimages through England. And many of our 17th- and 18th-century

topographers have left us invaluable notices of earthworks which were

extant in their time. But if we turn over the archæological journals of

some fifty years ago, we shall be struck by the paucity of papers on

earthworks, and especially by the complete ignoring, in most cases, of

those connected with castles.

The misfortune attending this neglect, was that it left the ground

open to individual fancy, and each observer formed his own theory of

the earthworks which he happened to have seen, and as often as not,

stated that theory as a fact. We need not be surprised to find Camden

doing this, as he wrote before the dawn of scientific observation;

but that such methods should have been carried on until late in the

19th century is little to the credit of English archæology. Mr Clark's

work on _Mediæval Military Architecture_ (published in 1884), which

has the merit of being one of the first to pay due attention to castle

earthworks, counterbalances that merit by enunciating as a fact a mere

guess of his own, which, as we shall afterwards show, was absolutely

devoid of solid foundation.

The scientific study of English earthworks may be said to have been

begun by General Pitt-Rivers in the last quarter of the 19th century;

but we must not forget that he described himself as a pupil of Canon

Greenwell, whose careful investigations of British barrows form such

an important chapter of prehistoric archæology. General Pitt-Rivers

applied the lessons he had thus learned to the excavation of camps and

dykes, and his labours opened a new era in that branch of research. By

accumulating an immense body of observations, and by recording those

observations with a minuteness intended to forestall future questions,

he built up a storehouse of facts which will furnish materials to all

future workers in prehistoric antiquities. He was too cautious ever to

dogmatise, and if he arrived at conclusions, he was careful to state

them merely as suggestions. But his work destroyed many favourite

antiquarian delusions, even some which had been cherished by very

learned writers, such as Dr Guest's theory of the "Belgic ditches" of

Wiltshire.

A further important step in the study of earthworks was taken by the

late Mr I. Chalkley Gould, when he founded the Committee for Ancient

Earthworks, and drew up the classification of earthworks which is now

being generally adopted by archæological writers. This classification

may be abridged into (_a_) promontory or cliff forts, (_b_) hill forts,

(_c_) rectangular forts, (_d_) moated hillocks, (_e_) moated hillocks

with courts attached, (_f_) banks and ditches surrounding homesteads,

(_g_) manorial works, (_h_) fortified villages.

We venture to think that still further divisions are needed, to include

(1) boundary earthworks; (2) sepulchral or religious circles or

squares; (3) enclosures clearly non-military, intended to protect sheep

and cattle from wolves, or to aid in the capture of wild animals.[2]

This classification, it will be observed, makes no attempt to decide

the dates of the different types of earthworks enumerated. But a great

step forward was taken when these different types were separated

from one another. There had been no greater source of confusion in

the writings of our older antiquaries, than the unscientific idea

that one earthwork was as good as another; that is to say, that one

type of earthwork would do as well as another for any date or any

circumstances. When it is recognised that large classes of earthworks

show similar features, it becomes probable that even if they were not

thrown up in the same historic period, they were at any rate raised to

meet similar sets of circumstances. We may be quite sure that a camp

which contains an area of 60 or 80 acres was not constructed for the

same purpose as one which only contains an area of three.

We are not concerned here, however, with the attempt to disentangle

the dates of the various classes of prehistoric earthworks.[3] Such

generalisations are for the most part premature; and although some

advance is being made in this direction, it is still impossible to

decide without excavation whether a camp of class (_a_) or (_b_)

belongs to the Stone Age, the Bronze Age, or the Iron Age. Our business

is with classes (_d_) and (_e_) of Mr Gould's list, that is, with the

moated hillocks. We shall only treat of the other classes to the extent

which is necessary to bring out the special character of classes (_d_)

and (_e_).

Let us look more closely into these earthworks in their perfect form,

the class (_e_) of the Earthwork Committee's list. They consist, when

fully preserved, of an artificial hillock, 20, 30, 40, or in some rare

instances 100 feet high. The hillock carried a breastwork of earth

round the top, which in many cases is still preserved; this breastwork

enclosed a small court, sometimes only 30 feet in diameter, in rare

cases as large as half an acre; it must have been crowned by a stockade

of timber, and the representations in the Bayeux Tapestry would lead

us to think that it always enclosed a wooden tower.[4] As a rule the

hillock is round, but it is not unfrequently oval, and occasionally

square. The base of the hillock is surrounded by a ditch. Below the

hillock is a court, much larger than the small space enclosed on the

top of the mount. It also has been surrounded by a ditch, which joins

the ditch of the mount, and thus encloses the whole fortification.

The court is defended by earthen banks, both on the scarp and

counterscarp of the ditch, and these banks of course had also their

timber stockades, the remains of which have sometimes been found on

excavation.[5]

[Illustration: FIG. 1.--TYPICAL MOTTE-CASTLES.

Topcliffe, Yorks. Laughton-en-le-Morthen, Yorks. Anstey, Herts.

Dingestow, Monmouth. Hedingham, Essex.]

These are the main features of the earthworks in question. Some

variations may be noticed. The ditch is not invariably carried all

round the hillock, occasionally it is not continued between the hillock

and the court.[6] Sometimes the length of the ditch separating the

hillock from the court is at a higher level than the main ditch.[7]

Often the ditches were evidently dry from the first, but not

infrequently they are wet, and sometimes vestiges of the arrangements

for feeding them are still apparent. The hillock is not invariably

artificial; often it is a natural hill scarped into a conical shape;

sometimes an isolated rock is made use of to serve as a citadel, which

saved much spade-work. The shape of the court is very variable: it may

be square or oblong, with greatly rounded corners, or it may be oval,

or semilunar, or triangular; a very common form is the bean-shaped.

The area covered by these fortifications is much more uniform; one of

the features contrasting them most strongly with the great prehistoric

"camps" of southern England is their comparatively small size. We know

of only one (Skipsea) in which the bailey covers as much as eight

acres; in by far the greater number the whole area included in the

hillock, court, and ditches does not exceed three acres, and often it

is not more than one and a half.[8]

Now this type of fort will tell us a good deal about itself if we

examine it carefully. In the first place, its character is more

pronounced than that of any other class of earthwork. It differs

entirely from the great camps which belong to the tribal period. It

was evidently not designed to accommodate a mass of people with their

flocks and herds. It is small in area, and its citadel, as a rule, is

very small indeed. Dr Sophus Müller, the eminent Danish archæologist,

when dealing with the specimens of this class of fortification which

are to be found in Denmark, made the luminous remark that "the

fortresses of prehistoric times are the defences of the _community_,

north of the Alps as in the old classical lands. Small castles for

an individual and his warrior-band belong to the Middle Ages."[9]

These words give the true direction to which we must turn for the

interpretation of these earthworks.

In the second place, this type presents a peculiar development of

plan, such as we do not expect to find in the earliest times in these

islands. It has a citadel of a most pronounced type. This alone

differentiates it from the prehistoric or Keltic camps which are so

abundant in Great Britain. It might be too hasty a generalisation

to say that no prehistoric camps have citadels, but as a rule the

traverses by which some of these camps are divided appear to have

been made for the purpose of separating the cattle from the people,

rather than as ultimate retreats in time of war. The early German

camps, according to Köhler, have inner enclosures which he thinks

were intended for the residence of the chief; but he calls attention

to the great difference between these camps and the class we are now

considering, in that the inner enclosure is of much greater size.[10]

It would appear that some of the fortifications in England which are

known or suspected to be Saxon have also these inner enclosures of

considerable size (6 acres in the case of Witham), but without any

vestige of the hillock which is the principal feature of class (_e_).

It is clear, in the third place, that the man who threw up earthworks

of this latter class was not only suspicious of his neighbours, but

was even suspicious of his own garrison. For the hillock in the great

majority of cases is so constructed as to be capable of complete

isolation, and capable of defending itself, if necessary, against its

own court. Thus it is probable that the force which followed this

chieftain was not composed of men of his own blood, in whom he could

repose absolute trust; and the earthworks themselves suggest that they

are the work of an invader who came to settle in these islands, who

employed mercenaries instead of tribesmen, and who had to maintain his

settlement by force.

When on further inquiry we find that earthworks of this type are

exceedingly common in France, and are generally found in connection

with feudal castles,[11] and when we consider the area of their

distribution in the United Kingdom, and see that they are to be found

in every county in England, as well as in Wales and in the Normanised

parts of Ireland and Scotland, we see that the Norman invader is the

one to whom they seem to point. We see also that small forts of this

kind, easily and cheaply constructed, and defensible by a small number

of men, exactly correspond to the needs of the Norman invader, both

during the period of the Conquest and for a long time after his first

settlement here.

But it will at once occur to an objector that there have been other

invaders of Britain before the Normans, and it may be asked why these

earthworks were not equally suited to the needs of the Saxon or the

Danish conquerors, and why they may not with equal reason be attributed

to them. To answer this question we will try to discover what kind of

fortifications actually were constructed by the Saxons and Danes, and

to this inquiry we will address ourselves in the succeeding chapters.

It will clear the ground greatly if it is recognised at the outset

that these earthworks are _castles_, in the usual sense of the word;

that is, the private fortified residences of great landowners. It

was the chief merit of Mr G. T. Clark's work on _Mediæval Military

Architecture_, that he showed the perfect correspondence in plan of

these earthen and timber structures with the stone castles which

immediately succeeded them, so that it was only necessary to add a

stone tower and stone walls to these works to convert them into a

Norman castle of the popularly accepted type. We regard the military

character of these works as so fully established that we have not

thought it necessary to discuss the theory that they were temples,

which was suggested by some of our older writers, nor even the more

modern idea that they were moot-hills, which has been defended with

considerable learning by Mr G. L. Gomme.[12] Dr Christison remarks

in his valuable work on Scottish fortifications that an overweening

importance has been attached to moot-hills, without historical

evidence.[13] And Mr George Neilson, in his essay on "The Motes in

Norman Scotland"[14] (to which we shall often have occasion to refer

hereafter), shows that moot-hill in Scotland means nothing but

mote-hill, the hill of the mote or _motte_; but that _moots_ or courts

were held there, just because it had formerly been the site of a

castle, and consequently a seat of jurisdiction.[15]

That some of these hillocks have anciently been sepulchral, we do

not attempt to deny. The Norman seems to have been free from any

superstitious fear which might have hindered him from utilising the

sepulchres of the dead for his personal defence; or else he was

unaware that they were burial-places. There are some very few recorded

instances of prehistoric burials found under the hillocks of castles;

but in ordinary cases, these hillocks would not be large enough for the

_mottes_ of castles.[16] There are, however, some sepulchral barrows

of such great size that it is difficult to distinguish them from

mottes; the absence of a court attached is not sufficient evidence,

as there are some mottes which stand alone, without any accompanying

court. Excavation or documentary evidence can alone decide in these

cases, though the presence of an earthen breastwork on top of the

mount furnishes a strong presumption of a military origin. But the

undoubtedly sepulchral barrows of New Grange and Dowth in Ireland show

signs of having been utilised as castles, having remains of breastworks

on their summits.[17]

The Early Norman Castles of the British Isles. · 第 1 / 15 章