CHAPTER III.

General Prevost was the very opposite of Sir James Craig. While the

latter considered force the only practical persuasive, the former

looked upon persuasion as more practicable than force. He was

determined to be conciliatory, to throw aside unjust suspicions, to

listen to no tales from interested parties, to redress such grievances

as existed, and to create no new causes of discontent if he could avoid

it. He was made acquainted with all the steps that had been taken by

his predecessor, and he entered on the administration of the government

of Lower Canada, with a determination to pursue a very opposite policy.

A few weeks after his assumption of office he remodelled, or rather

recommended to the Imperial ministry, the expediency of remodelling the

Executive Council. He caused seven new members to be added to it, and

he further offended the officers of the principalities or departments,

by preferring to places of trust and emolument, some of the demagogues

persecuted by Sir James Craig. Sir George Prevost met the parliament on

the 21st of February, 1812. He congratulated the country on the

brilliant achievements of Wellington, in the deliverance of Portugal

and the rescue of Spain from France. Notwithstanding the changes, so

astonishing, which marked the age, the inhabitants of Canada had

witnessed but as remote spectators the awful scenes which had desolated

Europe. While Britain, built by nature against the contagious breath of

war, had had her political existence involved in the fate of

neighboring nations, Canada had hitherto viewed without alarm a distant

storm. The storm was now approaching her. The mutterings of the thunder

were already within hearing. All was gloomy, still, and lurid. It was

necessary to be vigilant. To preserve the province from the dangers of

invasion it would be necessary to renew those Acts which experience had

proved essential for the preservation of His Majesty's government, and

to hold the militia in readiness to repel aggression. The renewal of

the "Preservation Acts," was not that which the Assembly very much

desired. They had had enough of such "Preservation" of government Acts

already. They would much rather have been preserved from them than be

preserved with them. On the principle of self preservation, the

Assembly would rather be excused from continuing any such Act as that

which had been so abused as to have afforded a licence for the

imprisonment of three members of the Assembly, on vague charges, which

the ingenuity of the public prosecutor could not reduce to particulars.

Had it not been from a conviction of the goodness of the new Governor,

the Assembly would not have renewed any such Act. Sir George regretted

that the Parliament had thought it necessary to revert to any of the

proceedings of his predecessor, under one of the "Preservation Acts,"

and he earnestly advised the gentlemen of the House of Assembly to

evince their zeal for the public good, by confining their attention

solely to the present situation of affairs. But the House thought it

due to the good character of His Majesty's subjects that some measure

should be adopted by the House, with the view of acquainting His

Majesty of the events which had taken place under the administration of

Sir James Craig, its late Governor, together with the causes which such

events had originated, so that His Majesty might take such steps as

would prevent the recurrence of a similar administration, an

administration which tended to misrepresent the good and faithful

people of the province, and to deprive them of the confidence and

affection of His Majesty, and from feeling the good effects of his

government, in the ample manner provided for by law. Nay, this was not

all. It was moved that an enquiry be made into the state of the

province, under the administration of Sir James Craig, and into the

causes that gave rise to it, and the resolution was carried, two

members only voting against it. A committee was appointed, but no

report was made. The bill for the better preservation of His Majesty's

government, and the Alien bill were both lost, not by ill intention,

but by awkward management. But the loss of these bills was amply

compensated by the militia bill, authorizing the Governor to embody two

thousand young, unmarried men, for three months in the year, who, in

case of invasion, were to be retained in service for a whole year, when

one-half of the embodied would be relieved by fresh drafts. In the

event of imminent danger, he was empowered to embody the whole militia

force of the country, but no militiaman was to be enlisted into the

regular forces. For drilling, training, and other purposes of the

militia service, £12,000 were voted, and a further sum of £30,000 was

placed at the disposal of the Governor-in-Chief, to be used in the

event of a war arising between Great Britain and the United States.

Sir George Prevost prorogued Parliament on the 19th of May, well

satisfied with the proofs which had been exhibited to him, of the

loyalty of the parliament and people of a country so very shortly

before represented to be treasonable, seditious, disaffected, and

thoroughly imbued with hatred towards Great Britain. He shortly

afterwards re-instated, in their respective ranks in the militia, such

officers as had been set aside by Sir James Craig, without just cause,

and indeed spared no exertion to make the people his friends, well

judging that the office, or place men would, of necessity be so. On the

28th of May, he levied and organised four battalions of embodied

militia; and a regiment of voltigeurs was raised, the latter being

placed under the command of Major De Salaberry, a French-Canadian, who

had served in the 60th regiment of foot.

There was need for this embodiment of troops. Already, dating from the

3rd of April, the American Congress had passed an Act laying an embargo

for ninety days on all vessels within the jurisdiction of the United

States. The President, Mr. Jefferson, had recommended the embargo. He

had long intended to gratify the lower appetites of the worst class of

the American people, who were now more numerous than that respectable

class of republicans of which that great man, Washington, was himself

the type. The measure was preparatory to a war with Great Britain. And

war was very soon afterwards declared. On the 4th of June, a bill

declaring that war existed between Great Britain and the United States

passed the House of Representatives by a majority of seventy-nine to

forty-nine. The bill was taken to the Senate, and there it passed only

by the narrow majority of six. The vote was nineteen voices in the

affirmative and thirteen in the negative. Mr. Jefferson assented to the

bill on the 18th of June. The grounds of war were set forth in a

message of the President to Congress, on the 1st of June. The

impressment of American seamen by British naval officers; the blockade

of the ports of the enemies of Great Britain, supported by no adequate

force, in consequence of which American commerce had been plundered in

every sea, and the great staples of the country cut off from their

legitimate markets; and on account of the British Orders in Council.

The Committee on Foreign relations believed that the freeborn sons of

America were worthy to enjoy the liberty which their fathers had

purchased at the price of much blood and treasure. They saw by the

measures adopted by Great Britain, a course commenced and persisted in,

which might lead to a loss of national character and independence, and

they felt no hesitation in advising resistance by force, in which the

Americans of that day would prove to the enemy and the world, that they

had not only inherited that liberty which their fathers had given them,

but had also the will and the power to maintain it. They relied on the

patriotism of the nation, and confidently trusted that the Lord of

Hosts would go down with the United States to battle, in a righteous

cause, and crown American efforts with success. The committee

recommended an immediate appeal to arms. The confidential secretary of

Sir James Craig was not a little to blame for the terrible state of

fermentation into which the representatives of the sovereign people of

America had wrought themselves. Without the knowledge of the Imperial

government, Mr. Secretary Ryland had received the concurrence of Sir

James Craig to a scheme for the annexation of the New England States to

Canada. A young man named Henry, of Irish parentage, and a captain in

the militia of the American States had come to Montreal with the view

of remaining in Canada. He studied law and made considerable

proficiency. Indeed, he was a young man possessed of some talent and of

great assurance. And as there was another suspicion haunting the minds

of Sir James Craig and of Mr. Secretary Ryland, Mr. John Henry, late

captain in the American service, and now Barrister-at-law, was

introduced to Governor Craig, as a gentleman likely to inform the

government of Canada, whether or not, the suspicions of the Governor

and of the Governor's Secretary, were correct, these suspicions being

that the North Eastern States of the American Republic desired to form

a political connection with Great Britain. Mr. Henry appeared to be the

very man for such a mission. He was immediately employed as a spy, and

went to Boston, where he did endeavour to ascertain the public mind, in

those places in which it is most frequently spoken. He lingered about

hotels and news rooms. He visited the parks and the saloons. He went to

church, or wherever else information was to be obtained, and he sent

his experiences regularly to Mr. Ryland, who furnished him with

instructions. But Captain Henry required to be paid for all this

trouble. He applied to Governor Craig to find that excellent gentleman

had no idea of their value. He then memorialized Lord Liverpool, asking

for his services only the appointment of Judge Advocate of Lower

Canada, to which the salary of £500 a year was attached. The noble

Lord, at the head of the government, knew nothing about Captain Henry,

and recommended him, if he had any claim upon Canada, to apply to Sir

George Prevost, the Governor General. Captain Henry would do no such

thing. He went to the United States, and, for the sum of fifty thousand

dollars, gave up to the American government a very interesting

correspondence between the Secretary of the Governor General of Canada,

Mr. Ryland, and himself. Congress was so transported with rage, at the

attempted annexation, that a bill was brought into the House of

Representatives, and seriously entertained, the object of which was to

declare every person a pirate, and punishable with death, who, under a

pretence of a commission from any foreign power, should impress upon

the high seas any native of the United States; and gave every such

impressed seaman a right to attach, in the hands of any British

subject, or of any debtor to any British subject, a sum equal to thirty

dollars a month, during the whole period of his detention.[16] The

federalist Americans were somewhat favourably disposed towards England.

The minority in the House of Representatives, among which were found

the principal part of the delegation from New England, in an address to

their constituents, solemnly protested, on the ground that the wrongs

of which the United States complained, although in some respects,

grievous, were not of a nature, in the then state of the world, to

justify war, nor were they such as war would be likely to remedy. On

the subject of impressment they urged that the question between the two

countries had once been honorably and satisfactorily settled, in the

treaty negotiated with the British Court by Messrs. Monroe and

Pinckney, and that although that treaty had not been ratified by Mr.

Jefferson, arrangements might probably again be made. In relation to

the second cause of war--the blockade of her enemies' ports, without an

adequate force, the minority replied that it was not designed to injure

the commerce of the United States, but was retaliatory upon France,

which had taken the lead in aggressions upon neutral rights. In

addition it was said, that as the repeal of the French decrees had been

officially announced, it was to be expected that a revocation of the

Orders in Council would follow. They could not refrain from asking what

the United States were to gain from war? Would the gratification of

some privateers-men compensate the nation for that sweep of American

legitimate commerce, by the extended marine of Great Britain, which the

desperate act of declaring war invited? Would Canada compensate the

middle States for New York, or the Western States for New Orleans? They

would not be deceived! A war of invasion might invite a retort of

invasion. When Americans visited the peaceable, and, to Americans, the

innocent colonies of Great Britain, with the horrors of war, could

Americans be assured that their own coast would not be visited with

like horrors. At such a crisis of the world, and under impressions such

as these, the minority could not consider the war into which the United

States had, in secret, been precipitated, as necessary, or required by

any moral duty, or any political expediency. The country was divided in

opinion, respecting either the propriety or the expediency of the war.

The friends of the administration were universally in favor of it.

[16] Allison, page 656.

That there was no just cause for a declaration of war on the part of

the United States, it may be sufficient to state that the news of the

repeal of the obnoxious Order in Council, reached the United States

before England was aware of the declaration of war. But the American

government wanted a war as an excuse for a filibustering expedition to

Canada, which was to be peaceably separated from Great Britain, and

quietly annexed to the United States. Then existing differences would

have been speedily patched up to the satisfaction of all parties, the

Lower Canadians being, in the language of Sir James Craig, treasonable,

seditious, and attached to the country with which the United States was

in alliance, France. The United States were not prepared for war. While

Great Britain had a hundred sail of the line in commission, and a

thousand ships of war bore the royal flag, the Americans had only four

frigates and eight sloops in commission, and their whole naval force

afloat in ordinary, and building for the Ocean and the Canadian Lakes,

was eight frigates and twelve sloops. Their military force only

amounted to twenty-five thousand men, to be enlisted for the most part,

but the President was authorised to call out one hundred thousand

militia, for the purpose of defending the sea coast and the Canadian

frontiers. The greatest want of all was proper officers. The ablest of

the revolutionary heroes had paid the debt of nature, and there was no

military officer to whom fame could point as the man fitted for

command. With means so lamentably inconsiderable had America declared

war against a country whose arms were sweeping from the Spanish

Peninsula the disciplined and veteran troops of France. It was

marvellous audacity. And it was a marvellous mistake. Canada, it is

true, had only 5,454 men of all arms, who could be accounted soldiers,

445 artillery, 3,783 infantry of the line, and 1,226 fencibles. She had

only one or two armed brigs and a few gun-boats on the lakes, but the

Upper Canadians were not prepared to exchange their dependency on Great

Britain for the paltry consideration of being erected into a territory

of the United States, and the Superintendent of the Church of Rome, in

Lower Canada, hardly thought it possible that a new conquest of Canada

would make her peculiar institutions more secure than they were. The

militia of both sections of Canada were loyal. They felt that they

could, as their enemies had done before, at least defend their own

firesides. There was no sympathy with the American character, nor any

regard for American institutions then. Those feelings were to be

brought about by that commercial selfishness which time was to develop.

The declaration of war by the United States was only known in Quebec on

the 24th of June. A notification was immediately given by the police

authorities to all American citizens then in Canada, requiring them to

leave the province on or before the third of July. But Sir George

Prevost afterwards extended the time to fourteen days longer, to suffer

American merchants to conclude their business arrangements.

Proclamations were issued, imposing an embargo on the shipping in the

port of Quebec, and calling the legislature together, for the despatch

of business. Parliament met on the 16th of July. The Governor-in-Chief

announced the declaration of war, expressed his reliance upon the

spirit, the determination, the loyalty and the zeal of the country.

With the aid of the militia, His Majesty's regular troops, few in

number, as they were, would yet gallantly repel any hostile attempt

that might be made upon the colony. It was with concern that he saw the

expense to which the organization and drilling of the militia would put

the province. But battles must be fought, campaigning had to be

endured, and true and lasting liberty was cheap at any cost of life or

treasure. The reply was all that could be desired. While the House

deplored the hostile declaration that had been made against Great

Britain, and seemed to shrink from the miseries which war entails, they

assured the Governor that threats would not intimidate, nor persuasions

allure them from their duty to their God, to their country, and to

their king. They were convinced that the Canadian militia would fight

with spirit and determination, against the enemy, and would, with the

aid of the tried soldiers of the king, sternly defend the province

against any hostile attack. As far as spirit went there was no

deficiency, but Canada was worse off for money than the United States

was for soldiery. There were forty thousand militia about to rise in

arms, but where was the money to come from necessary to keep them

moving? Congress intended to raise an immediate loan of ten millions of

dollars. It was essential Canada should immediately replenish her

exchequer, as those not being the days of steamships, funds from

England could not be soon obtained. Sir George Prevost resolved to

issue army bills, payable either in cash, or in government bills of

exchange, on London. The House of Assembly assented to the circulation

of any bills, and granted fifteen thousand pounds annually for five

years, to pay the interest that would accrue upon them. Bills to the

value of two hundred and fifty thousand were authorised to be put in

circulation; they were to be received in the payment of duties; they

were to be a legal tender in the market; and they were to be redeemed

at the army bill office, in any way, whether in cash or bills, the

Governor-in-Chief might signify. Nothing could have been more

satisfactory to Sir George Prevost. He prorogued the Parliament on the

1st of August, with every expression of satisfaction. And well he might

be satisfied. The men who were, according to the representations of his

predecessor, not at all to be depended upon, in a case of emergency,

had most readily, liberally, and loyally, met the demands of the public

service. The men who feared martial law, and could not tolerate the

withholding of the Habeas Corpus, came forward nobly to defend from

outward attack the dominions of their king. The whole province was

bursting with warlike zeal. A military epidemic seized old and young,

carrying off the latter in extraordinary numbers. Montreal, Quebec, and

even Kingston and Toronto teemed with men in uniform and in arms. The

regular troops were moved to Montreal, and Quebec was garrisoned by the

militia. At Montreal, even the militia turned out for garrison duty.

And on the 6th of August, the whole militia were commanded to hold

themselves in readiness for embodiment. A little of the zeal now began

to ooze out. There never yet was a rule without an exception. In the

Parish of Ste. Claire, some young men, who had been drafted into the

embodied militia, refused to join their battalion. Of these, four were

apprehended, but one was rescued, and it was determined by the

able-bodied men of Pointe Claire to liberate such others of their

friends as had already joined the depot of the embodied militia at

Laprairie. Accordingly, on the following day, some three or four

hundred persons assembled at Lachine. They had not assembled to pass a

series of resolutions censuring the government for illegally and

wantonly carrying off some of the best men of the Parish of Pointe

Claire, nor did they express any opinion favorable to Mr. Madison and

the Americans, but they had assembled to obtain, by force, the liberty

of their friends about to be subjected to military discipline. It

seemed to have been a misunderstanding, however. The infuriated

parishioners of Pointe Claire, who would not be comforted, on being

appealed to, to go to their homes, frequently raised the cry of "Vive

le Roi." It might be supposed that the Ste. Claire people meant to wish

a long and happy reign to His Imperial Majesty Napoleon, as Mr. Ryland

shrewdly suspected. But that supposition was not entertainable for any

considerable length of time, inasmuch as the people without any

prompting intimated that they had been informed that the militia law

had not been put into force, but that if the Governor should call for

their services they were ready to obey him. The magistrates assured the

people that the militia law was really to be enforced, and advised them

to disperse. They refused to budge. Two pieces of artillery and a

company of the 49th regiment, which had been sent for, to Montreal, now

appeared at Lachine. Still the mob would not disperse. Accordingly, the

Riot Act was read, and the artillery fired a ball high over the heads

of the stubborn crowd, which, of course, whizzing harmlessly along,

produced no effect upon the crowd, except that the eighty, who were

armed with fusils and fowling pieces, somewhat smartly returned the

compliment, proving to the satisfaction of the soldiers the possession

of highly military qualities, in a quarter where it was least expected.

In reply, the troops fired grape and small arms, but without any

intention of doing mischief. The rioters again fired at the troops, but

not the slightest harm resulted to the troops. It was a kind of sham

battle. The military authorities began, however, to tire of it, and the

mob was fired into, when one man having been killed, and another having

been dangerously wounded, the mutineers dispersed, leaving some of the

most daring among them, to keep up a straggling fire from the bushes!

The military made thirteen prisoners and, as night was setting in, left

for Montreal. Next day, four hundred and fifty of the Montreal militia

marched to Pointe Claire, and from thence to St. Laurent, which is

situated in the rear of the Island of Montreal. There, they captured

twenty-four of the culprits, and brought them to head quarters. Thus,

there were thirty-seven rebels, prisoners in Montreal, when the United

States had declared war against Britain, and the first blood shed, in

consequence of the declaration of war in Canada, by the troops, was,

unfortunately, that of Canadians. But the Pointe Claire

_habitants_ bitterly repented the resistance which they had made

to the militia law, and many of them came to Montreal, craving the

forgiveness of the Governor, which they readily obtained. The

ringleaders alone were punished.

Hostilities were commenced in Upper Canada. No sooner had General

Brocke learned that war was proclaimed, than he conceived a project of

attack. He did not mean to penetrate into the enemy's country, but for

the better protection of his own, to secure the enemy's outposts. On

the 26th of June, he sent orders to Captain Roberts, who was at St.

Joseph's, a small post, or block house, situated on an island in Lake

Huron, maintained by thirty soldiers of the line and two artillerymen,

in charge of a serjeant of that corps, under the command of the gallant

captain, to attack Michillimackinac, an American fort defended by

seventy-five men, also under the command of a captain. He was further

instructed to retreat upon St. Mary's, one of the trading posts

belonging to the North West Fur Company, in the event of St. Joseph's

being attacked by the Americans. General Brocke's instructions reached

Captain Roberts on the eighth of July, and he lost no time in carrying

the first part of them into execution. Communicating the design, the

execution of which he had been entrusted with, to Mr. Pothier, in

charge of the Company's Post, at St. Joseph's, that gentleman

patriotically tendered his services. Mr. Pothier, attended by about a

hundred and sixty voyageurs, the greater part of whom were armed with

muskets and fowling pieces, joined Captain Roberts with his detachment

of three artillerymen and thirty soldiers of the line, and in a

flotilla of boats and canoes, accompanied by the North West Company's

brig _Caledonia_, laden with stores and provisions, a descent was

made upon Michillimackinac. They arrived at the enemy's fort, without

having met with the slightest opposition, and summoned it to surrender.

The officer in command of the American fort at once complied. He had

indeed received no certain information that war had been declared. Very

shortly afterwards two vessels, laden with furs, came into the harbour,

ignorant of the capture of the fort, and were taken possession of,

though subsequently restored to their proprietors, by Major-General

DeRottenburgh, the President of the Board of Claims. Unimportant as

this achievement was, it yet had the effect of establishing confidence

in Upper Canada. It had an excellent effect upon the Indian tribes,

with whose aid the struggle with the Americans, was afterwards

efficiently maintained.

Upon the declaration of war, the government of the United States

despatched as skilful an officer, as they had, to arm the American

vessels on Lake Erie, and on Lake Ontario, with the view of gaining,

if possible, the ascendancy on those great inland waters, which

separate a great portion of Canada from the United States. The

American army was distributed in three divisions:--one under General

Harrison called "The North Western Army," a second under General

Stephen Van Rensellaer, at Lewiston, called "The Army of the Centre,"

and a third under the Commander-in-Chief, General Dearborn, in the

neighbourhood of Plattsburgh and Greenbush. As yet the armies had not

been put in motion, but on the 12th of July, General Hull, the

Governor of Michigan, who had been sent, at the head of two thousand

five hundred men, to Detroit, with the view of putting an end to the

hostilities of the Indians in that section of the country, crossed

to Sandwich, established his head-quarters there, and issued a

proclamation to the inhabitants of Canada. He expressed the most

entire confidence of success. The standard of union, he alleged, waved

over the territory of Canada. He tendered the invaluable blessings of

liberty, civil, political, and religious, to an oppressed people,

separated from, and having no share in the Councils of Britain, or

interests in her conduct. And he threatened a war of extermination if

the Indians were employed in resisting the invasion.

General Brocke met the Parliament of Upper Canada, at York, on the 28th

of the same month, and issued a proclamation to the people, in which he

ridiculed General Hull's fears of the Indians. He then despatched

Colonel Proctor to assume the command at Amherstburgh, from Fort St.

George.

So confident was the American General of success that, as yet, he had

not a single cannon or mortar mounted, and he did not consider it

expedient to attempt to carry Amherstburgh, which was only situated

eighteen miles below, by assault. But, as his situation, at Sandwich,

became more and more precarious, he, at length, did resolve upon

attacking Amherstburgh, if he could get there. He sent detachment after

detachment, to cross the Canard, the river on which Amherstburgh

stands. The Americans attempted thrice to cross the bridge, situated

three miles above Amherstburgh, in vain. Some of the 41st regiment and

a few Indians drove them back as often as they tried it. Another rush

was made a little higher up. But the attempt to ford the stream was as

unsuccessful as the attempts to cross the bridge. Near the ford, some

of those Indians, so much dreaded by General Hull, lay concealed in the

grass. Not a blade stirred until the whole of the Americans were well

in the stream, and some had gained the bank, on the Canadian side, when

eighteen or twenty of the red children of the forest, sprang to their

feet, and gave a yell, so hideous, that the Americans, stricken with

panic, fled with almost ludicrous precipitancy. So terror-stricken,

indeed, were the valiant host, that they left arms, accoutrements, and

haversacks, behind them. No further attempt was made by General Hull,

on Amherstburgh. It would have been captured with great difficulty, if

it could have been captured at all. At the mouth of the river Canard, a

small tributary of the Detroit, the _Queen Charlotte_, a sloop of

war, armed with eighteen twenty-four pounders, lay at anchor, watching

every manoeuvre.

On the 3rd of July, Lieutenant Rolette, commanding the armed brig

_Hunter_, at ten o'clock in the forenoon, succeeded in capturing

the _Cayuga_ packet, bound from the Miami river to Detroit, with

troops, and laden with the baggage and hospital stores of the American

army. He made a dash at the _Cayuga_ in his barge, and, with only

six men, secured her.

Colonel Proctor now assumed the offensive. He sent Captain Tallon, on

the 5th of August, with an inconsiderable detachment of the 41st

regiment, and a few of the many Indians, who were flocking to his

standard, to Brownstown, a village opposite Amherstburgh. Captain

Tallon energetically carried out his instructions, by surprising and

routing more than two hundred of the Americans, who were under the

command of Major Vanhorne. The captured detachment were on their way

from Detroit to the river Raisin, in the expectation of meeting there a

detachment of volunteers, from Ohio, under Captain Burr, with a convoy

of provisions for the army. General Hull's despatches fell into the

hands of the captors. The deplorable state of the American army was

disclosed, and, without loss of time, Colonel Proctor sent over a

reinforcement, consisting of one hundred men, of the 41st regiment,

with some militia and four hundred Indians, under the command of Major

Muir, their landing being protected by the brig _Hunter_. Nor were

the American General's misfortunes yet to be ameliorated. While these

things were taking place, a despatch reached him from the officer

commanding the Niagara frontier, intimating that his expected

co-operation was impossible. On every side, General Hull was being

hemmed in. His supplies had been cut off. Defeat had befallen him so

far and death, sickness, fatigue and discomfiture had its depressing

effect upon his soldiery. There was no insurrection in Canada. The

people of the backwoods had not the slightest desire to be territorially

annexed to that country over which the standard of union had waved for

thirty years. On the contrary, they were bent upon doing it as much

mischief as possible. They had no idea of transferring their allegiance

to a power who had visited them with the miseries of war, for no fault

of theirs. Hull was dismayed. When it was announced that General Brocke

was advancing against him, he sounded a retreat. Unwilling that his

fears should be communicated to the troops under him, General Hull

retreated ostensibly with the view of concentrating the army. After he

had re-opened his communications with the rivers Raisin and Miami,

through which the whole of his supplies came, he was to resume

offensive operations. That time never came. On the 8th of August,

Sandwich was evacuated. Two hundred and fifty men only were left

behind, in charge of a small fortress, a little below Detroit. When

again in Detroit, General Hull sent six hundred men under Colonel

Miller, to dislodge the British from Brownston. Major Muir, who

commanded at Brownston, instead of waiting for the attack, quixotically

went out to meet his adversaries. The two opposing detachments met at

Maguago, a kind of half way place, where a fight began. It was of short

duration, but, considering the numbers engaged, was sanguinary.

Seventy-five of the Americans fell, and the British were compelled,

though with inconsiderable loss, to retreat. On the water as on the

land, the chief mischief fell upon the Americans. Lieutenant Rolette,

with the boats of the _Queen Charlotte_ and _Hunter_, intercepted,

attacked, and captured eleven American batteaux and boats, which were

_en route_ for Detroit, under the escort of two hundred and fifty

American soldiers, marching along the shore, the boats and batteaux

having on board fifty-six wounded Americans and two English prisoners.

General Brocke, who had prorogued his Parliament, now appeared at the

seat of war. He had collected together a force of seven hundred of

British regulars and militia and six hundred auxiliary Indians. And he

very coolly determined upon obtaining the surrender of His Excellency,

General Hull, and his whole force. Knowing from his absurd proclamation,

how much in dread he stood of the Indians, General Brocke intimated

that if an attack were made, the Indians would be beyond his control;

that if Detroit were instantly surrendered, he would enter into

conditions such as would satisfy the most scrupulous sense of honor;

and that he had sent Lieutenant-Colonel McDonnell and Major Glegg with

full authority to conclude any arrangement that might prevent the

unnecessary effusion of blood. General Hull replied very courteously in

the negative. Captain Dixon, of the Royal Engineers, had thrown up a

battery in Sandwich, on the very ground so recently occupied by the

Americans, to act upon Detroit. In this battery there were two five and

a half inch mortars, and one eighteen and two twelve pounder guns, and

it was manned by sailors under the command of Captain Hull. For upwards

of an hour the cannonade was terrific, the fire of the enemy being very

feebly maintained, from two twenty-four pounders. On the morning of the

eighteenth, the cannonade recommenced, and General Brocke crossed the

river with his little army, unopposed, at the Spring Wells, three miles

below Detroit, the landing being effected under cover of the guns of

the _Queen Charlotte_ and _Hunter_. General Brocke formed his troops

upon the beach, into four deep, and flanked by the Indians, advanced

for about a mile, when he formed this miniature army into line, with

its right resting on the river Detroit, and the left supported by the

Indians. He then made preparations for assault, and was about to

attack, when to the surprise as much, it is said, of the American as of

the British regiments, a flag of truce was displayed upon the walls of

the fort, and a messenger was seen approaching. It was an intimation

that General Hull would capitulate. Lieutenant-Colonel McDonnell and

Major Glegg were accordingly sent over to the American General's tent

where, in a few minutes, the terms of capitulation were signed, sealed,

and delivered in duplicate, one copy for the information of His

Britannic Majesty, and the other for that of Mr. President Madison, the

chief of the authors of the war. To Mr. Madison, the information that

General Hull had capitulated to the Governor of Upper Canada, with two

thousand five hundred men, and thirty-three pieces of cannon, and that,

in consequence, the whole territory of Michigan had been ceded to Great

Britain, could only have been as disagreeable as it was animating to

the people of Canada. So entirely indeed were the Americans unprepared

for a blow of such extraordinary severity, that no one could be brought

to believe in it. It seemed an impossible circumstance. It was felt to

be a delusion. It seemed as if some one had practised a terrible hoax

upon the nation. Until officially made known to the sovereign people,

the disaster was looked upon as a lying rumour of the enemy. Another

Henry had been at work, tampering with the New England States, or the

federalist minority had set it afloat. True it could not be. It was

indeed something to excite surprise. The trophy of a British force,

consisting of no more than seven hundred men, including militia, and

six hundred Indians was the cession of a territory and the surrender of

a General-in-Chief, a strong fort, the armed brig _John Adams_, and the

two thousand five hundred men, who were designed not to defend their

country only, but to wrest Upper Canada from the Crown of Great

Britain. To General Hull's fears of the savage ferocity of the Indians,

this bloodless victory must, to some extent, however trifling, be

attributed. General Hull was evidently superstitiously afraid of an

Indian. While asking the inhabitants of Upper Canada to come to him for

protection, he could not help entreating, as it were, protection for

himself against the Indians. If you will not accept my offer, the

General seemed to say, either remain at home or cross bayonets with

American soldiers, but turn into the field one of the scalping savages

of your forests, and we shall kill, burn and destroy, everything that

comes before us. With his regular troops, the unfortunate man was sent

a prisoner to Montreal. He was led into that city, at the head of his

officers and men, and was at once an object of pity and derision. But

the Commander-in-Chief received his prisoner with the courtesy of a

gentleman, and with every honor due to his rank. Nay, he even suffered

him to return to the United States on parole, without solicitation.

In his official despatch, to the American government, Hull took pains

to free his conduct from censure. His reasons for surrender, were the

want of provisions to maintain the siege, the expected reinforcements

of the enemy, and "the savage ferocity of the Indians," should he

ultimately be compelled to capitulate. But the federal government so

far from being satisfied with these excuses, ordered a Court Martial to

assemble, before which General Hull was tried, on the charges of

treason, cowardice, and unofficerlike conduct. On the last charge only

was he found guilty and sentenced to death. The Court, nevertheless,

strongly recommended him to mercy. He was an old man, and one who, in

other times, had done the State some service. He had served honorably

during the revolutionary war. The sentence of death was accordingly

remitted by the President, but his name was struck off the army list,

and this republican hero, who had forgotten the art of war, went in his

old age, broken-hearted and disgraced, to a living grave, with a worm

in his vitals, gnawing and torturing him, more terribly than thousands

of Indians, practising the most unheard of cruelties could have done,

until death, so long denied, came to him, naturally, as a relief.

The circumstance is not a little curious that only three days after

General Hull had surrendered to Governor Brocke, Captain Dacres,

commanding H.M.S. _Guerrière_, had surrendered to Captain Isaac Hull,

after a most severe action with the American frigate _Constitution_.

The _Constitution_ was most heavily armed for a vessel of that period.

On her main deck she carried no less than 30 twenty-four pounders,

while on her upper deck she had 24 thirty-two pounders, and two

eighteens. In addition to this, for a frigate, unusually heavy

armament, there was a piece mounted, under her capstan, resembling

seven musket barrels, fixed together with iron bands, the odd concern

being discharged by a lock--each barrel threw twenty-five balls, within

a few seconds of each other, making 145 from the piece within two

minutes. And she was well manned. Her crew consisted of 476 men. The

_Guerrière_ mounted only 49 carriage guns, and was manned by only 244

men, and 19 boys. On the 19th of August, the look-out of the

_Guerrière_ noticed a sail on the weather beam. The ship was in

latitude 40°., 20 N., and in longitude 55°. W., and was steering under

a moderate breeze on the starboard tack. The strange sail seemed to be

bearing down upon the _Guerrière_, and it was not long before the

discovery was made that the stranger was a man-of-war, of great size

and largely masted. Her sailing qualities, under the circumstances,

were considerably superior to those of the _Guerrière_, and it became

consequently necessary to prepare for an action, which it was

impossible to avoid. At three o'clock, in the afternoon, Captain

Dacres, the commander of the British frigate, beat to quarters. An hour

later and the enemy was close at hand. She seemed to stand across the

_Guerrière's_ bows and Captain Dacres wore ship to avoid a raking fire.

No sooner had this manoeuvre been executed than the _Guerrière_ ran up

her colours and fired several shots at her opponent, but they fell

short. The stranger soon followed the example set to him, and, hoisting

American colours, fired in return. Captain Dacres now fully aware of

the size, armament and sailing powers of his opponent, wore repeatedly,

broadsides being as repeatedly exchanged. While both ships were keeping

up a heavy fire, and steering free, the _Constitution_, at five

o'clock, closed on the _Guerrière's_ starboard beam, when the battle

raged furiously. Twenty minutes had hardly elapsed when the mizen mast

of the _Guerrière_ was shot away, bringing the ship up into the wind,

and the carnage on board became terrific. The _Constitution_, during

the confusion, caused by the loss of the _Guerrière's_ mast, was laid

across the British frigate's bow, and while one or two of the bow guns

of the _Guerrière_ could only be brought to bear upon the _Constitution_,

that vessel scoured the decks of the British ship, with a stream of

metal. "At five minutes before six o'clock, says Captain Hull, when

within half pistol shot, we commenced a heavy fire from all our guns,

double shotted with round and grape." On board the _Guerrière_, Mr.

Grant, who commanded the forecastle, was carried below, the master was

shot through the knee; and I, says Captain Dacres, was shot in the

back. At twenty minutes past six the fore and mainmasts of the

_Guerrière_ went over the side, leaving her an unmanageable wreck. The

_Constitution_ ceased firing and shot a-head, her cabin having taken

fire from the _Guerrière's_ guns. The _Guerrière_ would have renewed

the action, but the wreck of the masts had no sooner been cleared than

the spritsail yard went, and the _Constitution_ having no new braces,

wore round within pistol shot again to rake her opponent. The crippled

ship lay in the trough of the sea, rolling her main deck guns under

water. Thirty shots had taken effect in her hull, about five sheets of

copper down; the mizen mast, after it fell, had knocked a large hole

under her starboard quarter, and she was so completely shattered as to

be in a sinking state. The decks were swimming with blood. Fifteen men

had been killed and sixty-three had been severely wounded, when Captain

Dacres called his officers together and consulted them. Farther waste

of life was useless, and the British colours were dropped in submission

to those of America. But the result of the contest, though it could not

fail to cause great exultation in the United States, reflected no

dishonor upon the flag of Britain. A more unequal contest had never

before been maintained with such spirit, zeal, skill, or bravery. The

battle had lasted for nearly three hours and a half, and the result was

the sure effect of size, as all things being otherwise equal, the

heavier must overcome the lighter body. When the _Guerrière_

surrendered, it was only to permit her gallant commander, her other

officers, and the men, the wounded and the untouched, to be transferred

for safety from a watery grave to the _Constitution_. Captain Hull, the

conqueror, told his government that the _Guerrière_ had been totally

dismasted and otherwise cut to pieces, so as to make her not worth

towing into port. With four feet of water in her hold, she was

abandoned and blown up. The _Constitution_ had only the Lieutenant of

Marines and six seamen killed, and two officers, four seamen, and one

marine wounded.

On each side there was now something to be proud of and something to

regret. If the British exulted over the fall of Detroit and the

surrender of General Hull, and the United States viewed these

occurrences with indescribable pain and a sense of humiliation, the

Americans could now boast of the success of their arms at sea, while

Britain regretted a disaster upon that element, on which she had long

held and yet holds the undisputed mastery. There was now no room for

the American government, on the ground of having been too much

humiliated, to refuse peace if it were offered to her. Yet peace was

refused. Soon after these occurrences the news of the repeal of the

Orders in Council reached this continent, and the ground of quarrel

being removed, peace was expected, and an armistice was agreed to

between the British Governor of Canada, Sir George Prevost and General

Dearborn, the American commander-in-chief, on the northern frontier.

But the American government, bent upon the conquest of this province,

disavowed the armistice and determined upon the vigorous prosecution of

the contest. It was then that the Northern States of the American

Union, who were the most likely to suffer by the war became clamorous

for peace. The whole brunt of the battle, by land, was necessarily to

be borne by the State of New York, and the interruption of the

transatlantic traffic was to fall with overwhelmingly disastrous

pressure upon Massachusetts and Connecticut. Addresses to the President

were sent in, one after another, from the Northeastern States,

expressing dissatisfaction with the war and the utmost abhorrence of

the alliance between imperial France and republican America. They would

have none of it, and if French troops were introduced into their

States, as auxiliaries, New England would look upon them and would

treat them as enemies. Nay, the Northern States went still further. Two

of the States, Connecticut and Massachusetts, openly refused to send

their contingents or to impose the taxes which had been voted by

Congress, and "symptoms of a decided intention to break off from the

confederacy were already evinced in the four Northern States,

comprising New York, and the most opulent and powerful portions of the

Union."[17]

[17] Alison's History of Europe, page 662, vol. 10.

General Brocke, ignorant of the armistice, and indeed it did not affect

him, for General Hull had acted under the immediate orders of the

American Secretary at War, and was consequently irresponsible to

General Dearborn, with the aid of the Lilliputian navy of the Lakes,

was maintaining the ascendancy of Great Britain in Upper Canada and

Michigan. He was about indeed to make an attempt upon Niagara, to be

followed by another upon Sackett's Harbour, with that daring,

promptitude and judgment, which was characteristic of the man, when he

received instructions from the Governor General to rest a little.

Following the advice of the Duke of Wellington, Sir George Prevost had

wisely determined not to make a war of aggression with the only handful

of troops that could be spared to him from the scene of prouder

triumphs and of harder and more important struggles. But the American

government, indifferent to the menaces of the Northern Provinces of the

Union, and mistaking for weakness the conciliatory advances of Sir

George Prevost, soon disturbed the rest of the gallant Brocke. Early on

the morning of the 13th of October, a detachment of between a thousand

and thirteen hundred men, from the American army of the centre, under

the immediate command of Colonel Solomon Van Rensellaer,[18] crossed

the river Niagara, and attacked the British position of Queenstown. It

was when Van Rensellaer having himself crossed, and the British had

been driven from their position, that General Brocke, and about six

hundred of the 49th regiment, in the grey of the morning, arrived at

the scene of conflict. The Americans being about the same time

reinforced by the addition of regulars and militia. General Brocke put

himself at the head of the 49th's Grenadiers, and while gallantly

cheering them on, he fell mortally wounded, and soon after died. His

trusty aid-de-camp, the brave Colonel McDonell, fell beside him, almost

at the same moment, never again to rise in life. The 49th fought

stoutly for a time, but, discouraged by the loss of the General, they

fell back and the position was lost. But the fortune of the day was not

yet decided, although Van Rensellaer, with the aid of Mr. Totter, his

Lieutenant of Engineers, had somewhat strengthened the recently

captured position on the heights. Reinforcements, consisting partly of

regular troops, partly of militia, and partly of Chippewa Indians, in

all about eight or nine hundred men, came up about three in the

afternoon, to strengthen and encourage the discomfitted 49th, under

General Roger Sheaffe, who now assumed the command. A combined attack

was made on the Americans by the English troops and artillery, in front

and flank, while Norton, with a considerable body of Indians, menaced

their other extremity. It was entirely successful. The Americans were

totally defeated, and one General Officer, (Wadsworth, commanding in

the room of General Van Rensellaer, who had re-crossed the river to

accelerate the embarkation of the militia, which, though urged,

entreated, and commanded to embark, remained idle spectators, while

their countrymen were, as the American accounts say, struggling for

victory,) two Lieutenant-Colonels, five Majors, and a corresponding

number of Captains and subalterns, with nine hundred men, were made

prisoners; one gun and two colours were taken; and there were four

hundred killed and wounded, while the loss on the side of the British

did not exceed seventy men. Thus was the battle won. It had cost

England an excellent soldier, a man who thoroughly understood his duty,

and felt his position in whatever capacity he was placed. He died at

the age of 42, and the remains of this gallant defender of Upper Canada

were buried at Fort George, together with those of his aid-de-camp,

Colonel McDonell. One grave contained both. General Brocke was buried

amidst the tears of those whom he had often led to victory, and amidst

the sympathetic sorrowing of even those who had caused his death.

Minute guns were fired during the funeral, alike from the American as

from the British batteries. Thus it was with the Americans on land. It

was, as has been seen, very different on the sea. And the first

rencontre took place on the latter element. When war was declared it

was with the intention of intercepting the homeward bound West India

fleet of British merchantmen. Three frigates, one sloop, and one brig

of war, under the command of Captain Rogers, of the American frigate

_President_, were despatched on that errand. It was about three on

the morning of the 23rd of June, that Captain Rogers was informed, by

an American brig, bound from Madeira to New York, that four days before

a fleet of British merchantmen, were seen under convoy of a frigate and

a brig, steering to the eastward. Captain Rogers accordingly shaped his

course in pursuit of them. At six o'clock in the morning, a sail was

descried, which was soon discovered to be a frigate. The signal was

made for a chase, and the squadron made all sail on the starboard tack.

This being perceived by Captain Byrn, who commanded the British frigate

_Belvidera_, protecting the convoy, he tacked and made all sail,

steering northeast by east. It was now eight o'clock in the morning,

and the _President_ seemed to be gaining on the _Belvidera_,

leaving her consorts, however, far behind her. About half past three in

the afternoon, the _President_ fired three guns, the shot from one

of which was terribly destructive. Two men were killed, and Lieutenant

Bruce and four men were more or less severely wounded. Broadside after

broadside was fired by both vessels soon afterwards, and the

_President_ at last bore off. Each party lost about twenty-two

men, but the British frigate had the advantage. Her guns were pointed

with great skill, and produced a surprising effect, as the American

squadron failed in taking the single English frigate, and the whole

merchantmen escaped untouched. Indeed after a cruise of twenty days and

before the declaration of hostilities was known at sea, the American

squadron returned to port, having only captured seven merchantmen.

[18] Alison says under the command of General Wadsworth, but

Christie speaks of Brigadier-General Van Rensellaer, while the

American accounts speak of Colonel Solomon Van Rensellaer. In

this case Mr. Christie and the Americans are to be preferred to

Alison.

The action between the _Constitution_ and the _Guerrière_ occurred

after this event, the result of which has been already stated, somewhat

out of place, it is true, but, with the design of exhibiting how a

peace might have been effected, had it been desired by the Americans,

without loss of honor on either side. The simultaneousness of the

advantages gained by the British on the land, and of the advantages

gained by the Americans on the sea, is not a little remarkable, nor is

it less remarkable that after the tide of battle had slightly turned

with the British on land, towards the close of the war, the naval

actions at sea were nearly all to the disadvantage of the Americans. It

would seem that providence had designed to humble the pride of the

unnatural combatants.

About the exact time of the surrender of General Wadsworth, at

Queenston, an engagement occurred between the English sloop of war

_Frolic_, and the American brig of war _Wasp_, which proved disastrous

to the former. As far as the number of guns went, both vessels were

equal. Each had eighteen guns, nine to a broadside, but while the sloop

had only 92 men and measured only 384 tons, the brig had 135 men and

measured 434 tons. The _Frolic_, on the night of the 17th of October,

had been overtaken by a most violent gale of wind, in which she carried

away her mainyard, lost her topsails, and sprung her maintopmast. It

was, while repairing damages, on the morning of the 18th, that Captain

Whinyates, of the _Frolic_, was made aware of the presence of a

suspicious looking vessel, in chase of the convoy, which the _Frolic_

had in charge. The merchant ships continued their voyage with all sails

set, and the _Frolic_, dropping astern, hoisted Spanish colours to

decoy the stranger under her guns and give time for the convoy to

escape. The vessels soon approached sufficiently to exchange

broadsides, and the firing of the _Frolic_ was admirable. But the

vessel could not be worked easily, and the gaff braces being shot away,

while no sail could be or was placed upon the mainmast, her opponent

easily got the advantage of position. To be brief, the storm of the

night before had given the _Wasp_ an advantage which, neither nautical

skill, nor undaunted resolution could counteract, and the _Frolic_, an

unmanageable log upon the ocean, was compelled to strike. Undoubtedly

this was another triumph to the United States, although, materially

considered, the gain was not much. In only a few hours after this

action, both the _Wasp_ and the _Frolic_ were surrendered to H.M.S.

_Poictiers_, of seventy-four guns.

Seven days afterwards, another naval engagement occurred, more

tellingly disastrous to Great Britain. The _United States_, a frigate

of fifteen hundred tons burthen, carrying 30 long 24-pounders, on her

main deck, and 22 42-pounders, with two long 24-pounders, on quarter

deck and forecastle, howitzer guns in her tops, and a travelling

carronade on her deck, with a complement of 478 picked men,[19] was

perceived by H.M. frigate _Macedonian_, of 1081 tons, carrying 49 guns,

and manned by 254 men and 35 boys. The _Macedonian_ approached the

enemy and the enemy backed her sails, awaiting the attack, after the

firing had continued for about an hour, at long range. When in close

battle, Captain Carden perceived that he had no chance of success, but

he was determined to fight his ship while she floated and was

manageable, hoping for, rather than expecting, some lucky hit, which

would so cripple the enemy as to permit the _Macedonian_, if no more

could be done, to bear off with honor. But the fortune of war was

adverse. Every shot told with deadly and destructive effect upon the

_Macedonian_, and even yet, with nearly a hundred shots in her hull,

her lower guns under water, in a tempestuous sea, and a third of her

crew either killed or wounded, Captain Carden fought his ship. To

"conquer or die," was his motto, and the motto of a brave crew, some of

whom even stood on deck, after having paid a visit to the cockpit, and

submitted to the amputation of an arm, grinning defiance, and anxious

to be permitted the chance of boarding with their fellows, when Captain

Carden called up his boarders as a _dernier resort_. But boarding was

rendered impossible, as the fore brace was shot away, and the yard

swinging round, the vessel was thrown upon the wind. The _United

States_ made sail ahead and the crew of the _Macedonian_ fancying that

she was taking her leave cheered lustily. They were not long deceived.

Having refilled her cartridges, the _United States_, at a convenient

distance, stood across the bows of her disabled antagonist, and soon

compelled her to strike. While the _Macedonian_ had thirty-six killed

and sixty-eight wounded, the _United States_ had only five killed and

seven _hors de combat_.

It was such advantages as these that induced the Americans to continue

the war. The Americans were inflated with pride. In their own

estimation they had become a first rate maritime power, and even in the

eyes of Europe, it seemed that they were destined to become so. The

disparity in force was justly less considered than the result. However

bravely the British commanders had fought their ships, the disasters

were no less distressing, politically considered, than if they had been

the result of positive weakness or of lamentable cowardice. These

advantages even compensated in glory to the Northeastern States for the

losses which their commerce had sustained, and would, had they

continued very much longer, have stimulated them to forget their

selfishness, their bankruptcies, and their privations, though perhaps

they tended on the other hand, to cause less vigorous efforts to be

made for the acquisition of Canada, than otherwise would have been the

case, by rivetting the public attention of America more on the

successful operations by sea than on their own disastrous operations by

land. There was yet another disaster to overtake Great Britain. And it

was little wonder. The Lords of the Admiralty, wedded to old notions,

unlike the Heads of the Naval Department of the United States, were

slow to alter the build or armament of the national ships. They seemed

to think that success must ultimately be dependent upon pluck, and that

there could be again few instances in which a sloop could be so

disabled by a storm as to be unable to cope with a brig, better manned,

better armed, and in good sailing trim. They continued to send

slow-sailing brigs and ill-armed sloops-of-war, for the protection of

large fleets of merchantmen, with valuable cargoes, while the frigates

of the enemy, in search of them, whether in the calm or in the storm,

were faster than British seventy-fours, and were equal to British ships

of the line in armament. It was after the loss of the _Macedonian_ that

the British Admiralty commissioned and sent to sea the frigate _Java_,

of the same tonnage, with the same deficiency of men, and, worse than

all, half of whom were landsmen, and of exactly the same armament as

the _Macedonian_, only that her weight of metal was less, to cope with

such frigates as the _United States_, the _President_, and the

_Constitution_. On the 12th of November, the _Java_ sailed from

Spithead, the remonstrances of Captain Lambert against the inadequacy

and inexperience of his crew being of no avail with the authorities. He

was told, when he insisted that he was no match for an American, even

of equal size, that "a voyage to the East Indies and back would make a

good crew." The difficulties in the way of getting to the East Indies,

to say nothing of coming back again, never entered into the heads of

men, who had long been laid up in ordinary, and were dry-rotting to

decay. These were the men who sent the water casks to contain the fresh

water of His Majesty's vessels afloat on our fresh water lakes. Then,

as now, were the wrong men in the wrong places. Men, who should have

been in Greenwich Hospital, talking of times gone by, or living in

dignified retirement, were entrusted with the management of affairs in

a new age, the country rather losing than gaining by their individual

experiences. And the British public stung to the quick, were aware of

it. The correctness of Captain Lambert's judgment was too soon brought

to the test. The _Java_ fell in with the _Constitution_ on the 28th of

December, when the latter stood off as the former approached, to gain a

first advantage by firing at long range. But as the _Java_ was fast

gaining upon her, the _Constitution_ made a virtue of necessity, and

shortened sail, placing herself under the lee bow of the _Java_, so

that in close action, the crew of the _Constitution_ might fight like

men behind a rampart, while the crew of the _Java_ stood at their guns

_en barbette_. The action immediately commenced, and the effect of the

_Java's_ first broadside, on the enemy's hull, was such that the

American wore to get away. Captain Lambert also wore his ship, and a

running fight was kept up with great spirit for forty minutes. The

_Java_ had, as yet, suffered little, but the vessels coming within

pistol shot, a determined action ensued. Captain Lambert had resolved

upon boarding his enemy, if it were possible in any measure to effect

it. With that view he was closing upon his antagonist, when the

foremast of the _Java_ fell suddenly and with a crash so tremendous as

to break in the forecastle and cover the deck with the wreck. Only a

moment later and the main topmast also fell upon the deck, while

Captain Lambert lay weltering in his blood, mortally wounded.

Lieutenant Chads, on whom the command now devolved, found the _Java_

perfectly unmanageable. The wreck of the masts hung over the side, next

to the enemy, and every discharge of the _Java's_ own guns set her on

fire. Yet, Lieutenant Chads continued the action for three hours and a

half, until the _Java_ was felt to be going down. It was then that the

_Constitution_ assumed a raking position, and it was then only that

Lieutenant Chads struck. The _Java_ was no prize to the victors of

great value, for her crew were no sooner taken out than the American

commander blew her up. In this desperate engagement the _Java_ had

twenty-two killed and one hundred and two wounded; the _Constitution_

had ten killed and forty wounded. Captain Lambert's worst fears had

been realised, and the death of that gallant and skilful sailor aroused

a tongue which, in Great Britain, has a potency and influence, such as

official insolence cannot withstand, nor official incapacity escape

from. The spirit of the "Times" was up. The voice of the many loudly

condemned the incompetency of the few. The conduct of the war had now

become a matter of moment, and reforms, in the marine department at

least, were imperative.

[19] Captain Carden's despatch to Mr. Croker.

By the fall of Gen'l. Brocke, the civil governorship of the Upper

province devolved upon Major Gen'l. Roger Sheaffe, the senior military

officer there, and to him, Gen'l. Smyth, the new American commander at

Niagara, applied for an armistice, which was granted, and which lasted

from the battle of Queenston until the 20th of November. Nothing could

have been more silly than this consent to an armistice on the part of a

general so very fortunate as General Sheaffe had been. He needed no

rest. He could gain nothing by inactivity. Delay necessary to the enemy

was of course injurious to him. Without any molestation whatever the

Americans were enabled to forward their naval stores from Black Rock to

Presque Isle, by water, which, had hostilities been active, would have

been impossible. This truce, not to bury the dead, or preparatory to

submission, was obtained with the view of gaining time, so that a fleet

might be equipped to co-operate with the army, by wresting from the

British their previous superiority on the lakes. General Smyth had,

with the true trickery of the diplomatist, rather than with the blunt

honesty of the soldier, exerted himself during the armistice, in the

preparation of boats for another attempt to invade Upper Canada.

Alexander Smyth, Brigadier-General, in command of the American army of

the centre, though a rogue, in a diplomatic point of view, was not

necessarily a fool. He had shrewd notions in a small way. Like a true

downeast Yankee, he knew the effect of soft sawder upon human nature.

Like the unfortunate Hull, before taking possession of a territory so

extensive as Upper Canada, he thought it necessary to assure the

stranger that he was, on submitting to be conquered, to become "a

fellow citizen." He proclaimed this interesting fact to his own

companions in arms. If the stranger citizens behaved peaceably, they

were to be secure in their persons, as a matter of course, but only in

their properties so far as Alexander's imperious necessities would

admit, and how far that would have been, time was to unfold. He

strictly forbade private plundering, but whatever was "booty,"

according to the usages of war--"booty and beauty," doubtless

combined,--Alexander's soldiery were to have. Appealing to the

trader-instincts of his hordes, he offered two hundred dollars a head

for artillery horses, of the enemy, and forty dollars for the arms and

spoils of each savage warrior, who should be killed, and every man, who

should shrink, in the moment of trial, was to be consigned to "eternal

infamy." The watchword of the "patriots," was to be "the cannon lost at

Detroit or death."

During the truce, in Upper Canada, there was some skirmishing in Lower

Canada. At St. Régis, four hundred Americans surprised the Indian

village. Twenty-three men were made prisoners, and Lieutenant Rolette,

with Serjeant McGillivray, and six men were slain. But to

counterbalance this affair, a month later, some detachments of the 49th

regiment, a few artillery, and seventy militiamen from Cornwall and

Glengary, surrounded a block house at the Salmon River, and made

prisoners of a Captain, two subalterns and forty men; four batteaux and

fifty-seven stand of arms, falling also into the hands of the captors.

In no way discouraged, however much they may have been irritated by

these repeated failures, which had not even the excuse of inferiority

in numbers, or in any want of the materials of war, if the want of

vessels on the lake be not considered, the American government

energetically exerted itself to augment their naval forces on the lakes

and to reinforce General Dearborn. Indeed, that officer was now at the

head of ten thousand men, at Plattsburgh, and the American fleet on

Lake Ontario was already so much superior to that of the British, as to

make it necessary for the latter to remain inactive in harbour. The

British ship _Royal George_, was actually chased into Kingston channel,

and was there cannonaded for some time. It was only when the American

fleet came within range of the Kingston forts that they hauled off to

Four Mile Point, and anchored, the commander taking time to reflect

upon the expediency of bombarding Kingston. Next morning, having come

to an opposite conclusion, he stood out with his fleet into the open

lake and fell in with the _Governor Simcoe_. A chase was commenced, and

the _Governor Simcoe_ narrowly escaped by running over a reef of rocks,

and making for Kingston, which, like the _Royal George_, she reached

more hotly pursued than she had bargained for. It was late in the

season, and the weather becoming more and more boisterous, the

Americans bore away for Sackett's Harbour, in making for which they

captured two British schooners, taking from one of them, Captain

Brocke, the paymaster of the 49th regiment of the line, who had with

him the plate which had belonged to his gallant deceased brother, the

late Governor of Upper Canada. But the American Commodore Chancey,

generously paroled him, and suffered him to retain the plate.

Unable to remain longer inactive, General Dearborn, in command of the

American army of the north, approached Lower Canada. On the 17th of

November, Major DeSalaberry, commanding the Canadian Cordon and

advanced posts, on the line, received intelligence of Lieutenant

Phillips, that the enemy, ten thousand strong, were rapidly advancing

upon Odelltown. There was no time to be lost and he set about

strengthening his position as speedily as he could. Two companies of

Canadian Voltigeurs, three hundred Indians, and a few militia

volunteers were obtained from the neighboring parishes, and there was

every disposition manifested to give the intruders a warm reception.

The enemy, however, halted at the town of Champlain, and nothing of

moment occurred until the 20th of November, when the Captain of the

day, or rather of the night, as it was only three in the morning,

noticed the enemy fording the river Lacolle. Retracing his steps, he

had only time to warn the piquet of their danger, when a volley was

fired by the Americans, who had surrounded the log guard-house, at so

inconsiderable a distance that the burning wads set fire to the birch

covering of the roof, until the guard-house was consumed. But long

before that happened, the militia and Indians had discharged their

guns, and dashed through the enemy's ranks. It was dark, and the

position which the Americans had taken, with the view of surrounding

the guard-house, contributed somewhat to their own destruction. In a

circle, face to face, they mistook each other in the darkness, and

fought gallantly and with undoubted obstinacy. Neither side of the

circle seemed willing to yield. For half an hour a brisk fire was kept

up, men fell, and groaned, and died; and the consequences might have

been yet more dreadful had not the moon, hidden until now by clouds,

revealed herself to the astonished combatants. The victors and the

vanquished returned together to Champlain, leaving behind four killed

and five wounded. From the wounded prisoners, whom, with the dead, the

Indians picked off the battle field, it was learned that the

unsuccessful invaders consisted of fourteen hundred men and a troop of

dragoons, commanded by Colonels Pyke and Clarke.

Unfortunate to the Americans as this night attack had been, it was

sufficient to lead the Governor General of Canada to the conclusion

that it would not be the last. Nay, he was persuaded that a most

vigorous attempt at invasion would be made, and having no Parliament to

consult, nor any public opinion to fear, he turned out the whole

militia of the province for active service, and ordered them to be in

readiness to march to the frontier. Lieutenant-Colonel Deschambault was

directed to cross the St. Lawrence at Lachine, and from Caughnawaga, to

march to the Pointe Claire, Rivière-du-Chène, Vaudreuil, and Longue

Pointe. Battalions upon L'Acadie, and volunteers from the foot

battalions, with the flank companies of the second and third battalions

of the Montreal militia, and a troop of militia dragoons, crossed to

Longueil and to Laprairie. Indeed the whole district of Montreal, armed

to the teeth, and filled with enthusiasm, simultaneously moved in the

direction from whence danger was expected. General Dearborn quietly

retreated upon Plattsburgh and Burlington, and, like a sensible man, as

he undoubtedly was, abandoned for the winter, all idea of taking

possession of Lower Canada.

On the 28th of November, the armistice being at end, General Smyth

invaded Upper Canada, at the foot of Lake Erie. With a division of

fourteen boats, each containing thirty men, a landing was effected

between Fort Erie and Chippewa, not however unopposed. Lieutenant King,

of the Royal Artillery, and Lieutenants Lamont and Bartley, each in

command of thirty men of the gallant 49th, gave the enemy a reception

more warm than welcome. Overwhelmed, however, by numbers, the artillery

and the detachment of the 49th, under Lamont gave way, when Lieutenant

King had succeeded in spiking his guns. Lamont and King were both

wounded, and with thirty men, were overtaken by the enemy and made

prisoners. Bartley fought steadily and fiercely. His gallant band was

reduced to seventeen, before he even thought of a retreat, which his

gallantry and tact enabled him to effect. The American boats had, while

Bartley was keeping up the fight, returned to the American shore with

the prisoners, and as many Americans as could crowd into them, leaving

Captain King, General Smyth's aid-de-camp, to find his way back, as

best he might. He moved down the river shore with a few officers and

forty men, followed, from Fort Erie, by Major Ormsby, who made them all

prisoners with exceedingly little trouble. Unconscious of any disaster,

another division of Americans, in eighteen boats, made for the Canada

shore. Colonel Bishop had now arrived from Chippewa, and had formed a

junction with Major Ormsby, the Commandant of Fort Erie, and with

Colonel Clarke and Major Hall, of the militia. There were collected

together, under this excellent officer, about eleven hundred men,

taking into account detachments of the 41st, 49th, and Royal

Newfoundland regiments, and in addition, some Indians. The near

approach of the Americans was calmly waited for. A cheer at last burst

from the British ranks and a steady and deadly fire of artillery and

musketry was opened upon the enemy. The six-pounder, in charge of

Captain Kirby, of the Royal Artillery, destroyed two of the boats. The

enemy were thrown into confusion, and retired.

General Smyth again tried the effect of diplomacy upon the stubborn

British. He displayed his whole force of full six thousand men, upon

his own side of the river. Colonel Bishop ordered the guns which had

been spiked to be rendered serviceable, and the spikes having been

withdrawn, the guns were remounted and about to open fire, with the

view of scattering the valiant enemy, when a flag of truce brought a

note from General Smyth. It was simply a summons to surrender Fort

Erie, with a view of saving the further effusion of blood. He was

requested to "come and take it," but did not make another attempt until

the 1st of December, when the American troops embarked merely again to

disembark and go into winter quarters. Murmur and discontent filled the

American camp, disease and death were now so common, and General

Smyth's self-confidence was so inconsiderable that the literary hero,

who had spoken of the "eternal infamy" that awaits him who "basely

shrinks in the moment of trial," literally fled from his own camp,

afraid of his own soldiery, who were exasperated at his incapacity.

Thus ended the first year of the invasion. The Americans had learned,

the not unimportant lesson, that, as a general rule, it is so much more

easy successfully to resist aggression, than, as the aggressor, to be

successful. The invasion of any country, if only occupied by savages,

requires more means than is generally supposed.

Sir George Prevost, somewhat relieved from the anxiety attendant upon

anticipated and actual invasions, now summoned his Parliament of Lower

Canada, to meet for the despatch of business. He opened the session on

the 29th of December, and in his speech from the throne, alluded to the

honorable termination of the campaign, without much effusion of blood,

any loss of territory, or recourse having been had to martial law. He

proudly alluded to the achievements in Upper Canada, and feelingly

alluded to the loss sustained by the country, in the death of General

Brocke. He spoke of the recent advantages gained over the enemy in both

provinces, and recommended fervent acknowledgements to the ruler of the

universe, without whose aid the battle is not to the strong nor the

race to the swift. And it was not alone for such advantages, great as

they were, that the country had to be thankful; the Marquis of

Wellington had gained a series of splendid victories in Spain and

Portugal. In Spain and Portugal British valour had appeared in its

native vigour, encouraging the expectation that these countries would

soon be relieved from the miseries which had desolated them. His Royal

Highness, the Prince Regent, had directed him to thank the House for

their loyalty and attachment. His Royal Highness felt not the slightest

apprehension of insidious attacks upon the loyalty of a people who had

acted so liberally and loyally as the Canadians had done. Sir George

spoke of the beneficial effects arising from the Army Bill Act, and

recommended it to their further consideration. The militia had been

called out and had given him the cheering satisfaction of having been a

witness of a public spiritedness, and of a love of country, religion,

and the laws, which elsewhere might have been equalled, but could not

be anywhere excelled. He recommended a revision of the militia law and

urged upon the legislature the expediency of concluding the public

business with dispatch.

Sir George had aroused the better feelings of the country. His words

fell gratefully upon the ear. The Canadian people and their

representatives felt that they were treated with respect and were proud

in the knowledge of deserving it. All that the Assembly wanted was the

confidence and affection of their sovereign. No longer treated with

suspicion and looked upon with aversion they were ready to sacrifice

everything for their country, and the reply of the House of Assembly

was an assent to his every wish.

As soon as the House had proceeded to business, Mr. James Stuart, one

of the members for Montreal, with the view of embarrassing the

government, and with no purpose of creating uneasiness in England,

moved for an enquiry into the causes and injurious consequences that

might have resulted from the delay incurred in the publication of the

laws of the Provincial Parliament, passed in the previous session. His

assigned object in making the motion was to palliate the conduct of the

Pointe Claire rioters. The motion carried and the Clerks and other

officers of the Upper House were summoned to attend at the Bar of the

Assembly. The Upper House, seemingly, considered that their officers

had equal privileges with themselves, and at first refused to allow

these gentlemen to attend, but, seeing the Assembly resolute, and being

anxious not to throw any obstacle in the way of the speedy despatch of

the public business, they permitted their attendance under protest. The

result of the enquiry amounted to nothing, and the House proceeded to

other business. The subject of appointing an agent to England was again

considered, but postponed until a more suiting time, when the propriety

of an income tax was discussed. It was indeed resolved in the Assembly

to impose a tax upon persons enjoying salaries from the government, of

fifteen per cent upon such as had £1,500 a year, twelve per cent upon

such as had £1,000 and upwards, ten per cent upon £500 and upwards, and

five per cent upon every £250 and upwards. The bill was, of course,

rejected by the Council. The Assembly, however, firmly convinced of the

loyalty of the people, were neither to be cajoled nor brow-beaten out

of their rights, and they proceeded to other business of a singularly

unpleasant character to the higher powers. Mr. Stuart, the leader of

the opposition, was a man of extraordinary capacity and of great

firmness of purpose. Those who had made Sir James Craig do him an

injustice still held their appointments, and he was determined to bring

about a change without the slightest regard whatever to the

consequences of change. He moved for an enquiry into the power and

authority exercised by His Majesty's Courts of Law, with a view to put

a stop to such trifling with justice as had been exhibited in the

arrest and imprisonment of Mr. Bedard and others. It was asserted by

Mr. Stuart that under the name of Rules of Practice, the Chief Justice,

in league with the government, had subverted the laws of the province,

and had assumed legislative authority, to impose illegal burthens and

restraints upon His Majesty's subjects, in the exercise of their legal

rights, which were altogether inconsistent with the duties of a Court

and subversive of the rights and liberties of the subject. The House

granted the enquiry sought for, and proceeded to other business. But it

is here worthy of note that Mr. Bedard, who had been so unjustly

treated by Sir James Craig, in virtue of these Rules of Practice, had

now triumphed over his enemies. He, who only two years back, had been

presented, at the instance of the government, by the Grand Juries of

Quebec and Montreal, was now seated upon the Bench as Provincial Judge

for the District of Three Rivers, and thus, says his secret enemy, Mr.

Ryland, is he associated with the Chief Justice of the province, who,

in his capacity of Executive Councillor, had concurred in his

commitment to the gaol of Quebec, on treasonable practices. It was to

secure the independence of the judges by freeing them from executive

trammels, that Mr. James Stuart himself, afterwards Chief Justice of

the province, and a Baronet of the United Kingdom, moved for an enquiry

concerning their Rules of Practice, rules obviously incompatible with

the liberty of speech and with the freedom of the press. The enquiry

had an excellent indirect effect. It seemed to some extent, to have

secured the liberty of the press. From the time, says Mr. Ryland, that

the Assembly began its attacks on the Courts of Justice, the

licentiousness of a press, (the _Gazette_,) recently established at

Montreal, has appeared to have no bounds. Every odium that can be

imagined, is attempted in that publication, to be thrown on the memory

of the late Governor-in-Chief, on the principal officers of government,

and on the Legislative Council. The people's minds are poisoned and the

disorganizing party encouraged to proceed. Thus is it led to hope that

any future Governor may be deterred from exercising that vigor, which

the preservation of His Majesty's government may require. A higher

tribute to a free press no man ever paid than that. The hope has been

realised, the trials have all been passed through, and persecutions for

opinion's sake must now be cloaked, at least, by something more than

expediency.

The Assembly next proceeded to the consideration of the expediency of

legally enlarging the limits and operation of martial law, as

recommended in the speech from the throne, and reported that such

enlargement was inexpedient. The House then renewed the Army Bill Act,

authorised the sum of five hundred pounds to be put in circulation, and

commissioners were appointed to ascertain the current rate of exchange

on London, which holders were entitled to recover from government.

Fifteen thousand pounds were granted for the equipment of the militia,

and £1,000 additional for military hospital. Towards the support of the

war £25,000 were granted. £400 were granted for the improvement of the

communication between Upper and Lower Canada. A duty of two and a half

per cent, for the further support of the war was placed upon all

imported merchandize, with the exception of provisions, and two and a

half per cent additional on imports by merchants or others not having

been six months resident. A motion was made by one of the most

independent members of the Assembly, for a committee of the whole, to

enquire whether or not it was necessary to adopt an address to the King

concerning the impropriety of the judges being members of the

Legislative Council. But the motion was not pressed. This gentleman,

though very desirous of as much liberty as it was possible to obtain

for himself, was not particularly disposed to give an undue share to

others. He took umbrage at an article communicated to the _Mercury_,

ably written, and perhaps, at the time, strikingly true, relative to

the conduct which Mr. Stuart had been and was pursuing, since he had

been stript of his official situation by the late Governor. It was

hinted that the discontented legislator was actuated in his opposition

to the government by no unfriendly feeling to the United States. It was

asked if he were not determined to be somebody. He was a man not unlike

him who fired the temple of Ephesus. He was sowing seeds of

embarrassment and delay, and picking out flaws, with the microscope of

a lawyer, in the proceedings of the government. And he was prostituting

his talents and perverting his energies. The House resolved that the

letter of "Juniolus Canadensis," was a libel, and perhaps it was, but

if so, Mr. Stuart had the Courts of Law open to him, and therefore the

interference of the House was as silly as it was tyrannical. Mr. Cary,

the publisher of the _Mercury_, evaded the Sergeant-at-Arms, and

laughed at the silliness of the collective wisdom afterwards. The House

was prorogued on the 15th of February. The war had not so far produced

any injurious effect on the commerce of the country The revenue was

£61,193 currency, and the expenditure, which included the extraordinary

amount of £55,000 granted towards the support of the militia, was only

£98,777. The arrivals at Quebec numbered 399 vessels of 86,437 tons,

and in 1812, twenty vessels were built at the port of Quebec.

The first operations of the next campaign, in 1813, were favorable to

the British. On the 22nd of January, a severe action was fought at the

River Raisin, about twenty-six miles from Detroit, between a detachment

from the north-eastern army of the United States, exceeding seven

hundred and fifty men, under General Winchester, and a combined force

of eleven hundred British and Indians, under Colonel Proctor. General

Harrison, in command of the north western army of the United States,

was stationed at Franklintown. Anxious, at any cost, to afford the

discontented and sickly troops under him, active employment, he

detached General Winchester with his seven or eight hundred, or, as it

is even said, a thousand men, to take possession of Frenchtown. This,

General Winchester had little difficulty in doing, as he was only

opposed by a few militiamen and some Indians, under Major Reynolds. The

intelligence of the capture of Frenchtown had, however, no sooner

reached Colonel Proctor than he collected his men together and marched

with great celerity from Brownston to Stoney Creek. Next morning, at

the break of day, he resolutely attacked the enemy's camp and a bloody

engagement ensued. General Winchester fell into the hands of the chief

of the Wyandot Indians, soon after the action began, and was sent a

prisoner to Colonel Proctor. The Americans soon retreated, taking

refuge behind houses and fences, and, terribly afraid of the Indians,

determinedly resisted. The Americans blazed away; every fence and

window of the village vomited a flame of fire; but the British, with

their auxiliary Indians, were still driving in the enemy, and about to

set the houses on fire, when the captured General Winchester,

stipulated for a surrender. On condition of being protected from the

Indians, he assured Colonel Proctor that the Americans would yield, and

this assurance being given, General Winchester caused a flag of truce

to be sent to his men, calling upon them to lay down their arms, which

they were only too glad to do. The Americans lost between three and

four hundred in killed alone; while one brigadier-general, three field

officers, nine captains, twenty subalterns, and upwards of five hundred

rank and file, were taken prisoners.[20] Comparatively considered, the

British loss was trifling. Twenty-four men were killed, and one hundred

and fifty-eight were wounded. Colonel Proctor was raised to the rank of

Brigadier-General, in reward for his successful gallantry.

[20] Alison mixes up Colonel McDonell's capture of Ogdensburgh,

which is below Kingston, and opposite Prescott, the scene of the

Wind Mill fight in '37.

As if to counterbalance the effect of this success, another naval

engagement occurred at sea, on the 14th of February, between the

British sloop of war _Peacock_ and the American brig _Hornet_. The

fight was long continued, bloody and destructive. The _Peacock_, after

an hour and a half of hard fighting was in a sinking state. The effect

of the enemy's fire was tremendous, but the men of the _Peacock_

behaved nobly. Mr. Humble, the boatswain, having had his hand shot

away, went to the cockpit, underwent amputation at the wrist, and again

voluntarily came upon deck to pipe the boarders. The _Peacock_ was now

rapidly settling down, and a signal of distress was consequently

hoisted. The signal was at once humanely answered. The firing ceased

immediately, the American's boats were launched, and every effort

praiseworthily made to save the sinking crew. All were not, however,

saved. Three of the _Hornet's_ men and thirteen of the crew of the

_Peacock_ went down in the latter vessel together. The _Hornet_ carried

twenty guns, while the _Peacock_ had only eighteen, and the tonnage of

the former exceeded, by seventy-four tons, that of the latter.

The Americans now gathering up their strength, irritated by their

repeated failures on the land, and disheartened, but yet not

discouraged by their original weakness on the lakes, were about, in

some degree, to be compensated more suitably for their inland losses

than by the capture or rather by the negative kind of advantage of

destroying at considerable cost and risk, frigates and sloops of war at

sea, inferior in every respect, the bravery of the sailors and the

skill of the officers excepted, to the huge and properly much esteemed

American double-banked frigates and long-gunned brigs. The command of

Lake Ontario had devolved on the Americans. New ships of considerable

size, and well armed, under the superintendence of experienced naval

officers, were built and launched day after day. Troops were being

collected at every point for an attack, by sea and land, upon either

York or Kingston. It was now exceedingly necessary that some activity

of a similar kind should be displayed by the British. The forests

abounded in the very best timber; there were able shipbuilders at

Quebec; the Canadian naval commanders had distinguished themselves

frequently; there was a secure dockyard at Kingston; and, indeed, there

existed no reason whatever, for the absence of that industry on the

Canadian side of the rivers and lakes, dividing the two countries, but

one, and a more fatal one could not have been listened to. It was

simply that the British had been hitherto able to repel the invader

wherever he had effected a landing, and would be, under any

circumstances, quite able, as they were willing, to repel him again.

And there was an ignorance about Canada, on the part of both the heads

of the naval and of the military departments in England, as

disgraceful, as it was inexcusable. It was believed that there were

neither artisans to be found in the country nor wood. It seemed to be a

prevalent opinion that the country was peopled only by French farmers,

a few French gentlemen, and some hundreds of discharged soldiers, with

a few lawyers and landed proprietors, styled U.E. Loyalists, besides

the few naval officers resident at Kingston, and the troops in the

different garrisons. In Upper Canada, during the winter, nothing, or

almost nothing, was done in the way of building ships for the lakes.

Sir George Prevost, it is true, made a hurried visit to Upper Canada,

after having prorogued the Parliament. He was a man admirably adapted

for the civil ruler of a country having such an elastic and very

acceptable constitution as that which Canada has now had for some years

past. He was one of those undecided kind of non-progressive beings, who

are always inclined to let well alone. He was well meaning, and he was

able too, in some sense. He was cautious to such a degree that caution

was a fault. He was not, by any means, deficient in personal courage,

but his mind always hovered on worst consequences. If he had hope in

him at all, it was the hope that providence, without the aid of

Governor Prevost, would order all things for the best. He had a strict

sense of duty and a nice sense of honor, but he always considered that

it was his duty not to risk much the loss of anything, which he had

been charged to keep, and his moral was so much superior to his

physical courage, that he never considered it dishonorable to retreat

without a struggle, if the resistance promised to be very great. An

instance of this occurred while Sir George was on his way to Upper

Canada. On the 17th of February, Lieutenant-Colonel Pearson, commanding

at Prescott, proposed to him an attack upon Ogdensburgh, which was then

slightly fortified, and was a rallying point for the enemy. Indeed, an

attack had some days previously been made upon Brockville, by General

Brown, at the head of some militia from Ogdensburgh, and Colonel

Pearson thought that the sooner an enemy was dislodged from a position

exactly opposite his own and only separated by a frozen river, three

quarters of a mile in width, the more secure he would have felt himself

to be, and the less danger would there have been of the communication

between the Upper and Lower provinces of Canada, being interrupted.

General Prevost would not consent to an attack, but he allowed a

demonstration to be made by Colonel McDonnell, the second in command at

Prescott, so that the enemy might exhibit his strength, and his

attention be so much engaged that no attempt would be made to waylay

the Governor General, on the information of two deserters from

Prescott, who would, doubtless, have informed the commandant, at

Ogdensburgh, of Sir George's arrival and of his chief errand. Colonel

McDonell moved rapidly across the river, and on landing, was met by

Captain Forsyth and the American forces under him. A movement designed

for a feint, was now converted into a real attack. Colonel McDonell, as

he perceived the enemy, still more rapidly pushed forward, and, in a

few minutes, was hotly engaged. The Americans were driven from the

village, leaving behind them twenty killed and a considerable number

wounded. On the side of the British, the loss of Colonel McDonell,

seven other officers and seven rank and file had to be deplored, while

forty-one men were wounded. The attack was most successful however.

Eleven cannons, several hundred stands of arms, and a considerable

quantity of stores fell into the hands of the victors, while two small

schooners and two gun-boats were destroyed in winter quarters.

Recruiting and drilling were being briskly carried on about Quebec and

Montreal. Some troops began to arrive, about the beginning of March,

from the Lower Provinces. The 104th regiment had arrived overland from

Fredericton, in New Brunswick, by the valley of the St. Johns River,

through an impenetrable forest, for hundreds of miles, to Lake

Temiscouata, and from thence to River-du-Loup, proceeding upwards along

the south shore of the St. Lawrence.

A month later and the Americans were ready to resume the offensive in

Upper Canada. The American fleet, consisting of 14 vessels, equipped at

Sackett's Harbour, situated at the foot of the lake, and not very far

from Kingston, in a direct line across, sailed from the harbour under

Commodore Chancey, with seventeen hundred men, commanded by Generals

Dearborn and Pike, to attack York, (now Toronto.) In two days the fleet

was close in shore, a little to the westward of Gibraltar Strait. A

landing was soon effected at the French fort of Toronto, about three

miles below York, under cover of the guns of the fleet, but the enemy's

advance was afterwards stoutly opposed. Six hundred militia men

altogether, including the grenadiers of the 8th regiment of the line,

could not long withstand seventeen hundred trained troops. They

withdrew and the schooners of the fleet approaching close to the fort,

commenced a heavy cannonade, while General Pike pushed forward to the

main works, which he intended to carry by storm, through a little wood.

As General Sheaffe, in command of the British, retired, and as General

Pike, in command of the Americans, advanced, a powder magazine exploded

which blew two hundred of the Americans into the air, and killed Pike.

Of the British, fully one hundred men were killed, and the walls of the

fort were thrown down. The Commodore was now in the harbour. And

General Sheaffe seeing that not the remotest chance of saving the

capital of Upper Canada, now existed, most wisely determined to retreat

upon Kingston. He accordingly directed Colonel Chewett, of the militia,

to make arrangement for a capitulation, and set off with his four

hundred regulars for Kingston. By the capitulation, private property

was to be respected, and public property only surrendered. The gain was

not great, if the moral effect of victory be not considered. The

victors carried off three hundred prisoners, and the British, before

retreating, had considered it expedient to burn a large armed ship upon

the stocks, and extensive naval stores.

The Clerk of the House of Assembly of Upper Canada, a volunteer, fell

during the struggle. In all, the British loss was one hundred and

thirty killed and wounded.

It is said that General Sheaffe suffered severely in the public

estimation, because he retreated. The public had forgotten that he had

killed and destroyed more Americans than had fallen on the side of the

British. Nor did it occur to them that had their general not retreated,

and capitulated, an armed fleet was in the harbour, which it was

impossible to drive out, even had the fort been standing, or had there

been great guns, with which earth batteries could have been formed. It

had not occurred to the public of Lower Canada that if York had been

burned, Sheaffe's retreat to Kingston, would have been no less

imperative than it was. He was, however, superseded in the command in

chief of Upper Canada by Major General De Rottenburgh.

The American fleet landed the troops at Niagara after this success, and

then sailed for Sackett's Harbour for reinforcements. The Commodore, an

energetic, clearheaded sailor, sent two of his vessels to cruise off

the harbour of Kingston, vigilantly, and then sent vessel after vessel,

at his convenience, with troops, up the lake to Michigan. There he

concentrated the whole of his ships, including his Kingston cruisers,

for an attack upon Fort George, in combination with the land force

under General Dearborn. The British were under the command of General

Vincent, who could not muster above nine hundred soldiers. It was early

on the morning of the 27th of May, that the enemy began the attack. The

fort was briskly cannonaded, and during the fire, Colonel Scott, with a

body of eight hundred American riflemen, effected a landing. But they

were promptly met by the British and compelled to give way, in

disorder. The Americans retreated to the beach and crept under cover of

the bank, from whence they kept up a galling fire, the British troops

being unable to dislodge them, on account of the heavy broadsides of

the American fleet, formed in Crescent shape, to protect their

soldiers. Indeed, under cover of this fire from the fleet, another body

of the enemy, numbering ten thousand men, effected a landing, and the

British were reluctantly compelled to retire. General Vincent blew up

the fort and fell back upon Burlington Heights, every inch of ground

being stoutly contested. Flushed with success, Dearborn, the American

General-in-Chief, now confidently anticipated the conquest of the whole

of Upper Canada, and pushed forward a body of three thousand infantry,

two hundred and fifty horse, and nine guns. But General Vincent having

learned of the enemy's advance, sent Colonel Harvey, with eight hundred

men, to impede their progress. Harvey, an experienced and brave

officer, was not long in discovering that the enemy kept a bad look

out. He resolved upon surprising them. Accordingly, he waited for the

darkness of night, under cover of which, a sudden attack was made so

successfully, that he made prisoners of two generals and a hundred and

fifty men, besides capturing four guns. It was now the enemy's turn to

retreat, and they did so in admirable confusion. Arrived at Fort George

a halt took place, but a fortnight elapsed before General Dearborn had

sufficiently recovered from the effect of this surprise to send out an

expedition of six hundred men to dislodge a British picquet, posted at

Beaver's Dam, near Queenstown. The dislodgement was most indifferently

effected, inasmuch as the expedition was waylaid on their passage

through the woods, by Captain Kerr, with a few Indians, and by

Lieutenant Fitzgibbons, at the head of forty-six of the 49th regiment,

in all, less than two hundred men, but so judiciously disposed as to

make the Americans believe that they were the light troops of a very

superior army, the approach of which was expected, and they, to the

number of five hundred, surrendered, with two guns and two standards.

It now became the turn of the British to invade, and early in July,

Colonel Bishop set out on an expedition to Black Rock, at the head of a

party of militia, aided by detachments of the 8th, 41st, and 49th

regiments of the line. He was perfectly successful. The enemies'

block-houses, stores, barracks, and dockyard were burned, and seven

pieces of ordnance, two hundred stand of arms, and a great quantity of

stores were brought away. But it was at great cost. While employed in

securing the stores, the British were fired upon, from the woods, by

some American militia and Indians, and while Captain Saunders, of the

41st, dropped, severely wounded, Colonel Bishop, who had planned, and

so gallantly executed the assault, was killed.