INDIA AND THE WEST.
If in Hinduism, and even in Brahmanism, there are certain traits
which, with some verisimilitude, may be referred to the immediate
environment of these religions, how stands it in respect of that wider
circle of influence which is represented by the peoples of the West?
With Egypt and Phoenicia, India had intercourse at an early date, but
this appears to have been restricted to mercantile exchange; for India
till very late was affected neither by the literature nor by the
religion of Egyptians or Syrians.[1] Of a more direct sort seem to
have been the relations between India and Babylon, and the former may
owe to the latter her later astronomy, but no definitive proof exists
(or even any great historical probability) that Babylon gave India
even legendary additions to her native wealth of myths.[2] From the
Iranians the Hindus parted too early to receive from Zoroastrianism
any influence. On the contrary, in our opinion the religion of
Zoroaster budded from a branch taken from Indic soil. Even where
Persian influence may, with propriety, be suspected, in the later
Indic worship of the sun, India took no new religion from Persia; but
it is very possible that her own antique and preserved heliolatry was
aided, and acquired new strength from more modern contact with the
sun-worshippers of the West. Of Iranian influence in early times,
along the line of Hindu religious development, there is scarcely a
trace, although in 509 B.C. Darius's general conquered the land about
the Indus.[3] But the most zealous advocate of Persia's prestige can
find little to support his claims in pre-Buddhistic Brahmanic
literature, though such claims have been made, not only in respect of
the position of secondary divinities, but even as regards
eschatological conceptions. It is not so easy to refute an improbable
historical theory as it is to propound it, but, on the other hand, the
_onus probandi_ rests upon him that propounds it, and till now all
arguments on this point have resulted only in increasing the number of
unproved hypotheses, which the historian should mention and may then
dismiss.
The Northern dynasty that ruled in India in the sixth century seems to
have had a hand in spreading Iranian sun-worship beyond the Indus, but
we doubt whether the radical effect of this dominion and its belief
(it is described by Kosmas, an Egyptian traveller of the time) is as
great as has been claimed.[4]
From Greece, the Hindus received architectural designs, numismatic,
and perhaps a few literary hints, but they got thence neither
religious myths, nor, with the possible exception of the cult of the
later Love-god and fresh encouragement to phallic
-worship, new rites;[5] though they may have borrowed some fables, and
one even hears of a Buddhistic king endeavoring to buy a sophist of
Antiochus. But there is no ground for assuming philosophical influence
on Brahmanism.
Christianity came late into the religious life of India, and as a
doctrine made upon her no deep or lasting impression. Certain details
of Christian story have been woven into the legends of Krishna, and
some scholars believe that the monotheistic worshippers depicted in
the pseudo-epic were Christians. But in respect of the latter point it
is enough to say that this account of foreign belief had no new
monotheizing effect upon the pantheism of India; the strange
(unbrahmanic) god was simply accepted as Vishnu. Nor do we believe
that the faith-doctrine of Hindu sectarianism and the trinitarianism
of India were derived from Christian sources. But it must be admitted
to be historically possible that the creed of the Christians, known to
the Hindus of the sixth and seventh centuries, may have suggested to
the latter the idea of the trinity as a means of adjusting the claims
of Brahmanism, Krishnaism, and Çivaism.[6]
But from the Mohammedan India has taken much, albeit
only in the last few centuries. When Alexander entered India there
were still two bodies of Indic people west of the Indus. But the trend
was eastward, as it had been for centuries, and the first inroad of
the Mohammedan had little further effect than to seize a land forsaken
by Aryans and given over to the hordes of the North. The foundation of
the new empire was not laid till the permanent occupation of the
Punj[=a]b and annexation of Lahore in 1022-23. In the thirteenth
century all Hindustan acknowledged the authority of the slave sultan
of Delhi.[7] Akbar died in 1605. By the end of the century the Mogul
rule was broken; the Mahratta princes became imperial. It is now just
in this period of Mohammedan power when arise the deistic reforming
sects, which, as we have shown, were surrounded with deists and
trinitarians. Here, then, we draw the line across the inner
development of India's religions, with
Kab[=i]r, N[=a]nak, D[=a]du, and perhaps even Basava. In the
philosophy of the age that succeeds the epic there are but two phases
of religion, pantheism for the wise, a more or less deistic polytheism
for the vulgar[8] (in isolated cases may be added the monotheism of
certain scholastic philosophers); and so Indic religion continued till
the advent of Islamism. Nevertheless, though under Mohammedan
influence,[9] the most thoughtful spirits of India received monotheism
and gave up pantheism, yet was the religious attitude of these
thinkers not averse from that taken by the Sankyan philosophers and by
the earlier pantheists. From a philosophical point of view one must,
indeed, separate the two. But all these, the Unitarian Hariharaist,
the real pantheist of the Upanishads, who completed the work of the
Vedic quasi-pantheist, and the circle that comprises Kab[=i]r,
N[=a]nak, and D[=a]du, were united in that they stood against
encircling polytheism. They were religiously at one in that they gave
up the cult of many divinities, which represented respectively
nature-worship and fiend-worship (with beast-worship), for the worship
of one god. Therefore it is that, while native advance stops with the
Mohammedan conquest, one may yet claim an uninterrupted progress for
the higher Indic religion, a continual elevation of the thoughts of
the wise; although at the same time, beside and below this, there is
the circle of lower beliefs that continually revolves upon itself. For
in the zoölatry[10] and polytheism that adores monsters to-day
it is difficult to see a form of religion higher in any respect than
that more simple nature-polytheism which first obtained.[11]
This lower aspect of Indic religions hinges historically on the
relation between the accepted cults of Hinduism[12] and those of the
wild tribes. We cannot venture to make any statements that will cast
upon this question more light than has been thrown by the above
account of the latter cults and of their points of contact with
Hinduism. It may be taken for granted that with the entrance into the
body politic of a class composed of vanquished[13] or vanquishing
natives, some of the religion of the latter may have been received
also. Such, there is every reason to believe, was the original worship
of Çiva as Çarva, Bhava, and of Krishna; in other words, of the first
features of modern sectarian Hinduism, though this has been so
influenced by Aryan civilization that it has become an integral part
of Hindu religion.[14]
But, again, for a further question here presents itself, how much in
India to-day is Aryan? We are inclined to answer that very little of
blood or of religion is Aryan. Some priestly families keep perhaps a
strain of Aryan blood. But Hindu literature is not afraid to state how
many of its authors are of low caste, how many of its priests were
begotten of mixed marriages, how many formed low connections; while
both legendary and prophetic (_ex post facto_) history speak too often
of slave-kings and the evil times when low castes will reign, for any
unprejudiced person to doubt that the Hindu population, excluding many
pure priests but including many of the priests and the R[=a]jputs
('sons of kings'), represents Aryanhood even less than the belief of
the Rig Veda represents the primitive religion; and how little of
aboriginal Aryan faith is reflected in that work has been shown
already.
As one reviews the post-Vedic religions of civilized India he is
impressed with the fact that, heterogeneous as they are, they yet in
some regards are so alike as to present, when contrasted with other
beliefs, a homogeneous whole. A certain uniqueness of religious style,
so to speak, differentiates every expression of India's theosophy from
that of her Western neighbors. What is common and world-wide in the
forms of Indic faith we have shown in a previous chapter. But on this
universal foundation India has erected many individual temples,
temples built after designs which are not uniform, but are all
self-sketched, and therefore peculiar to herself. In each of these
mental houses of God there is revealed the same disposition, and that
disposition is necessarily identical with that expressed in her
profane artistry,[15] for the form of religion is as much a matter of
national taste as is that which is embodied in literature,
architecture, and painting. And this taste, as expressed in religion,
isolates Brahmanic and Hinduistic India,
placing her apart, both from the gloom of Egypt and the grace of
Greece; even as in her earliest records she shows herself individual,
as contrasted with her Aryan kinsfolk. Like Egypt, she feels her dead
ever around her, and her cult is tinged with darkness; but she is fond
of pleasure, and seeks it deliriously. Like Greece, she loves beauty,
but she loves more to decorate it; and again, she rejoices in her
gods, but she rejoices with fear; fear that overcomes reason, and
pictures such horrors as are conjured up by the wild leaps of an
uncurbed fancy. For an imagination that knows no let has run away with
every form of her intellectual productivity, theosophy as well as art.
This is perceptible even in her ritualistic, scientific, and
philosophical systems; for though it is an element that at first seems
incongruous with such systems, it is yet in reality the factor that
has produced them. Complex, varied, minute, exact, as are the details
which she loves to elaborate in all her work, they are the result of
this same unfettered imagination, which follows out every fancy,
pleased with them all, exaggerating every present interest, unconfined
by especial regard for what is essential.[16] This is a heavy charge
to bring, nor can it be passed over with the usual remark that one
must accept India's canon as authoritative for herself, for the taste
of cosmopolitan civilization is the only norm of judgment, a norm
accepted even by the Hindus of the present day when they have learned
what it is. But we do not bring the charge of extravagance for the
sake of comparing India unfavorably with the Occident. Confining
ourselves to the historical method of treatment which we have
endeavored heretofore to maintain, we wish to point out the important
bearings which this intellectual trait has had upon the lesser
products of India's religious activity.
Through the whole extent of religious literature one finds what are
apparently rare and valuable bits of historical information. It is
these which, from the point of view to which we have just referred,
one must learn to estimate at their real worth. In nine cases out of
ten, these seeming truths are due only to the light imagination of a
subsequent age, playing at will over the records of the past, and
seeking by a mental caper to leap over what it fails to understand. To
the Oriental of an age still later all the facts deducible from such
statements as are embodied in the hoary literature of antiquity appear
to be historical data, and, if mystic in tone, these statements are to
him an old revelation of profoundest truth. But the Occidental, who
recognizes no hidden wisdom in palpable mystification, should hesitate
also to accept at their face value such historical notes as have been
drafted by the same priestly hand.
Nor would we confine the application of this principle to the output
of extant Brahmanic works. The same truth cuts right and left among
many utterances of the Vedic seers and all the theories built upon
them. To pick out here and there an _ipse dixit_ of one of the later
fanciful Vedic poets, who lived in a period as Brahmanic (that is, as
ritualistic) as is that which is represented by the actual
ritual-texts, and attempt to reconstruct the original form of
divinities on the basis of such vagaries is useless, for it is an
unhistorical method which ignores ancient conditions.
In less degree, because here the conditions are more obvious, does
this apply to the religious interpretation of the great body of
literature which has conserved for posterity the beginnings of
Hinduism. But upon this we have already animadverted, and now need
only range this literature in line with its predecessors. Not because
the epic pictures Krishna as making obeisance to Çiva is Krishna here
the undeveloped man-god, who represents but the beginning of his
(later) greatness, and is still subject to the older Çiva. On the
contrary, it is the
epic's last extravagance in regard to Çiva (who has already bowed
before the great image of Krishna-Vishnu) that demands a furious
counter-blast against the rival god. It is the Çivaite who says that
Krishna-Vishnu bows; and because it is the Çivaite, and because this
is the national mode of expression of every sectary, therefore what
the Çivaite says is in all probability historically false, and the
sober historian will at least not discover 'the earlier Krishna' in
the Krishna portrayed by his rival's satellites.
But when one comes to the modern sects, then he has to deplore not so
much the lack of historical data as the grotesque form into which this
same over-vivid imagination of the Hindu has builded his gods. As the
scientific systems grow more and more fancifully, detailed, and as the
liturgy flowers out into the most extraordinary bloom of weird legend,
so the images of the gods, to the eye in their temples, to the mind in
the descriptions of them, take to themselves the most uncouth details
imagined by a curious fancy. This god is an ascetic; he must be
portrayed with the ascetic's hair, the ascetic's wild appearance. He
kills; he must be depicted as a monster, every trait exaggerated,
every conceivable horror detailed. This god sported with the
shepherdesses; he must have love-adventures related in full, and be
worshipped as a darling god of love; and in this worship all must be
pictured in excess, that weaker mortal power may strive to appreciate
the magnitude of the divine in every fine detail.
These traits are those of late Vedism, Brahmanism, and Hinduism. But
how marked is the contrast with the earlier Vedic age! The grotesque
fancy, the love of minutiae, in a word, the extravagance of
imagination and unreason are here absent, or present only in hymns
that contrast vividly with those of the older tone. This older tone is
Aryan, the later is Hindu, and it is another proof of what we have
already emphasized, that the Hinduizing influence was felt in the
later Vedic
or Brahmanic period. There is, indeed, almost as great a gulf between
the Dawn-hymns and the Çatapatha as there is between the latter and
the Pur[=a]nas. One may rest assured that the perverted later taste
reproduces the advance of Hindu influence upon the Aryan mind exactly
in proportion to the enormity displayed.
On the other hand, from the point of view of morality, Brahmanic
religion is not in any way individual. The race, whether Aryan or
Hinduistic, had as fragile virtue as have other folks, and shows the
same tentative efforts to become purer as those which characterize
every national advance. There is, perhaps, a little too much formal
insistence on veraciousness, and one is rather inclined to suspect,
despite Müllers brave defence of the Hindu in this regard, that lying
came very naturally to a people whose law-givers were so continuously
harping on the beauty of truth. The vicious caste-system necessarily
scheduled immorality in accordance with the caste order, as certain
crimes in other countries are estimated according to the race of the
sinner rather than according to any abstract standard. In the matter
of precept we know no better moral laws than those promulgated by the
Brahmans, but they are the laws that every people evolves for itself.
Religious immorality, the excess of Çakti worship, is also not
peculiar to the Hindu. If one ask how the morality of India as a whole
compares with that of other countries, we reply that, including
religious excesses, it stands level with the personal morality of
Greece in her best days,[17]
and that without the religiously sensual (Hindu) element, it is
_nominally_ on a par with that of London or New York. There are good
and bad men, and these make good and bad coteries, which stand inside
the pale of a religious profession. There is not much theoretical
difference. Few of the older gods are virtuous, and Right, even in the
Rig Veda, is the moral power, that is, Right as Order, correct
behavior, the prototype both of ritual and of _[=a]c[=a]ra,_ custom,
which rules the gods. In the law-court the gods are a moral group, and
two of them, Varuna and Agni, hate respectively the sins of adultery
and untruth. In the law it is, however, Dharma and the Father-god or
his diadochos, who, handing down heavenly precepts, gives all moral
laws, though it must be confessed that the Father-god is almost the
last to care for morality. And pure Brahmanism stops with Brahm[=a].
In modern Hinduism, to kill, lust, steal, drink, so far from
offending, may please a god that is amorous, or bloodthirsty, or, like
Çiva, is 'the lord of thieves.' Morality here has God himself against
it. In the Rig Veda, to sin is merely to displease a god. But even in
Brahmanism, as in Buddhism, there is not that intimate connection
between goodness and godness that obtains in Christianity. The
Brahman, like the Buddhist, was self-controlled, in order to exert
control upon the gods and the course of his own future life. He not
only, as is perhaps the case elsewhere, was moral with an ulterior
motive, but his moral code lacked the divine hand. It was felt as a
system which he applied to himself for his own good. He did not assume
that he offended a god by not following it, except in two special
cases, as in sins against Agni and Varuna. Ulterior motives are
deprecated, but because he that seeks absorption into God must quit
desires.[18]
We have said that the moral code of the Hindus at its best seems to be
on a par with the best as found elsewhere. Not to lie, not to steal,
not to injure another illegally,[19] to be brave, to be loyal, to be
hospitable,--these are the factors of its early and late law. In
certain late cases may be added 'to be self-restrained.' But if these
laws be compared with those of the savage races it will be found that
most of them are also factors of primitive ethics. Therefore we say
that the Hindu code as a whole is savage and antique, and that,
excluding religious excess and debauchery, it is on a par with the
modern ethical code only nominally. In reality, however, this savage
and ancient code is not on a level with that of to-day. And the reason
is that the ideal of each is different. In the savage and old-world
conception of morality it is the ideal virtue that is represented by
the code. It was distinct laudation to say of a man that he did not
lie, or steal, and that he was hospitable.[20] But to-day, while these
factors remain to formulate the code, they no longer represent ideal
virtue. Nay rather, they are but the assumed base of virtue, and so
thoroughly is this assumed that to say of a gentleman that he does not
lie or steal is not praise, but rather an insult, since the imputation
to him of what is but the virtue of children is no longer an encomium
when applied to the adult, who is supposed to have passed the point
where theft and lying are moral temptations, and to have reached a
point where, on the basis of these savage, antique, and now childish
virtues, he strives for a higher moral ideal. And this ideal of
to-day, which makes fair-mindedness, liberality of thought, and
altruism the respective representatives of the savage virtues of
manual honesty, truth-speaking, and hospitality, is just what
is lacking in the more primitive ideal formulated in the code of
savages and of the Brahman alike.[21] It is not found at all among
savages, and they may be left on one side. In India all the factors of
the modern code are entirely lacking at the time when the old code was
first completely formulated. Liberality of thought comes in with the
era of the Upanishads, but it is a restricted freedom. Altruism is
unknown to pure Brahmanism. But it obtains among the Buddhists, who
also have liberality of thought and fair-mindedness. Hence, from the
point of view of the higher morality, one must confess that Buddhism
offers the best parallel to the best of to-day. On the other hand,
Buddhistic altruism exceeds all other.
We have sketched the sphere of influence exerted by the West upon
India, and found it on the whole inconsiderable. The Indic religions
till the twelfth century assimilated what little they drew from
foreign sources, and stand before the world as a peculiar growth,
native to the soil in all their essential characteristics.[22]
But to the other side of India's contact with the West we have as yet
barely alluded. India has given as she has received. What influence
has she had upon Western cults and beliefs? The worship that
substituted idols for ideal forms we have traced back to the end of
the Vedic period. It is not, however, a mark of early Brahmanism, nor
is it a pronounced feature before the age of Buddhism. But in Buddha's
time, or soon after, flourished the worship of images, and with it the
respect for relics. The latter feature of the new religion made
necessary shrines to keep the holy objects, sacred museums, which soon
became the formal _st[=u]pas,_ above-ground
and under-ground, and these made the first temples of India.[23] Fully
developed, they became the great religious buildings affected by
Buddhism, with their idol service, prostrations, repetitions of
prayers, dim religious light (lamp-service), offerings of flowers,
fruits, etc. From this source may have been derived many of the
details in the Roman Catholic worship, which appears to have taken
from Buddhism the rosary, originally a mark of the Çivaite.[24] By
what is, to say the least, an extraordinary coincidence, each of these
churches is conspicuous for its use of holy water, choirs, sacred
pictures, tonsure, vestments, the bell in religious service, the
orders of nuns, monks, and the vows of the monastic system.[25] The
most curious loan made by the Roman and Greek churches is, however,
the quasi-worship of Gotama Buddha himself (in so far as a Romanist
worships his saints), for, under cover of the Barlaam and Josaphat
story, Buddha has found a niche as a saint in the row of canonized
Catholic worthies, and has his saint-day in the calendar of the Greek
and Roman churches.[26] But it is not his mother who is the Virgin of
Lamaism, which has made of Buddha the Supreme God.
Besides external phases of the religious cult, India has given
to the West a certain class of literary works and certain
philosophical ideas. The former consists, of course, in the
fable-literature, which spread from India to Eastern Europe (Babrius)
and has preserved in many tales of to-day nothing more than Buddhistic
Birth-stories or other Indic tales (the Pa[.n]catantra) and
legends.[27] Of these we can make only passing mention here, to turn
at once to the more important question of philosophical and religious
borrowing.
It has been claimed, as we have incidentally stated, that the Logos
doctrine was imported from India. Were this so, it would, indeed, be a
fact of great historical importance, but, interesting as would be such
a loan, we cannot see that the suggestion is based on data of cogent
character. The history of the doctrine in India and Greece is simply
this: V[=a]c, Speech or Word, appears in the Rig Veda (in the hymn
cited above, p. 143) as an active female divine power, showing grace
to mortals. In the Brahmanic period V[=a]c becomes more and more like
the Greek Logos, and it may truthfuly be said that in this period "the
Word was God." In Greece, on the other hand, the conception of Logos
begins with Heraclitus, passes on to the Stoics; is adopted by Philo;
becomes a prominent feature of Neo-Platonism; and reappears in the
Gospel of St. John. It is certainly legitimate to suppose that
Heraclitus might have received the idea indirectly, if not directly,
from contemporary Eastern philosophers; but the fact that he did so
remains unproved; nor is there any foundation for the assumption of
borrowing other than the resemblance between the Grecian and Indic
conceptions. But this resemblance is scarcely marked enough in
essential features to prejudice one in favor of Weber's theory
(amplified by Garbe), as it is not detailed enough to be striking, for
V[=a]c is never more than one of many female abstractions.
With the exception of the one case to be mentioned immediately, we are
forced to take the same position in regard to the similarity between
other forms of early Greek and Hindu philosophy. Both Thales and
Parmenides were indeed anticipated by Hindu sages, and the Eleatic
school seems to be but a reflexion of the Upanishads. The doctrines of
Anaximander and Heraclitus are, perhaps, not known first in Greece,
but there is no evidence that they were not original to Greece, or
that they were borrowed from India, however much older may be the
parallel trains of thought on Indic soil.
Quite as decidedly, however, as we deny all appearance of borrowing on
the part of the founders of other early Grecian schools, must we claim
the thought of India to be the archetype of Pythagorean philosophy.
After a careful review of the points of contact, and weighing as
dispassionately as possible the historical evidence for and against
the originality of Pythagoras, we are unable to come to any other
conclusion than that the Greek philosopher took his whole system
indirectly from India. His 'numbers,' indeed, are the S[=a]nkhya only
in appearances.[28] But his theory of metempsychosis is the Indic
_sams[=a]ra_, and Plato is full of Sankhyan thought, worked out by him
but taken from Pythagoras. Before the sixth century B.C. all the
religious-philosophical ideas of Pythagoras are current in India (L.
von Schroeder, _Pythagoras_). If there were but one or two of these
cases, they might be set aside as accidental coincidences, but such
coincidences are too numerous to be the result of chance. Even in
details the transmigration theory of Pythagoras harmonizes with that
of India. Further (after Schroeder und Garbe) may be mentioned the
curious prohibition against eating beans; the Hesiodic-Pythagorean
[Greek: _pros êlion mê omichein_]; the vow of silence, like that taken
by the Hindu _muni_; the doctrine of _five_ elements (aether as
fifth); above all, the so-called Pythagorean Theorem, developed in the
mathematical
Çulvas[=u]tras[29] of India; the irrrational number [square root
symbol]2; then the whole character of the religious-philosophical
fraternity, which is exactly analogous to the Indic orders of the
time; and finally the mystic speculation, which is peculiar to the
Pythagorean school, and bears a striking resemblance to the
fantastical notions affected by the authors of the Br[=a]hmana.[30]
Greek legend is full of the Samian's travels to Egypt, Chaldaea,
Phoenicia, and India. The fire beneath this smoke is hidden. One knows
not how much to believe of such tales. But they only strengthen the
inference, drawn from 'the Pythagorean school,' the man's work itself,
that the mysticism and numbers with which he is surrounded are taken
from that system of numbers and from that mysticism which are so
astonishingly like his own. All subsequent philosophies borrowed from
Pythagoreanism, and in so far has India helped to form the mind of
Europe.[31]
But we cannot omit a yet more important religious influence exerted by
India upon the West. As is well known, Neo-Platonism and Christian
Gnosticism owe much to India. The Gnostic ideas in regard to a
plurality of heavens and spiritual worlds go back directly to Hindu
sources. Soul and light are one in the S[=a]nkhya system before they
become so in Greece, and when they appear united in Greece it is by
means of the thought which is borrowed from India. The famous 'three
qualities' of the S[=a]nkhya reappear as the Gnostic 'three classes,'
[Greek: pneumagikoi], [Greek: psuchikoi], [Greek: ulikoi].[32] In
regard to Neo-Platonism, Garbe
says: "The views of Plotinus are in perfect agreement with those of
the S[=a]nkhya system."[33] Porphyry, the disciple of Plotinus, has
the Yoga doctrine of immediate perception of truth leading to union
with the deity. As is well known and undisputed, this Porphyry copies
directly from the treatise of Bardesanes, which contains an account of
the Brahmatis;[34] while in many instances he simply repeats the
tenets of the S[=a]nkhya philosophy. The means of communication may
have been Alexandria, where met the trades of the East and West.
Perhaps the philosophers of India as well as of Greece were brought
together there. But, if the East and West had a mutual meeting-ground,
the ideas common to both occupy no common place in their respective
homes. In Greece, Pythagoreanism and Gnosticism are strange, and are
felt as such by the natives. In India these traits are founded on
ancient beliefs, long current, universal, nationally recognized. The
question of giver and receiver, then, admitting the identity of
thought, can scarcely be raised. If two men meet, one a Methodist and
one a Baptist, and after they have conversed the Methodist be found
totally immersed, he will not be credited with having invented
independently his new mode of baptism.
India's influence as an intellectual factor in modern European thought
has thus far been of the slightest. Her modern deism is borrowed, and
her pantheism is not scientific. Sanskrit scholars are rather fond of
citing the pathetic words of Schopenhauer, who, speaking of the
Upanishads, says that the study of these works "has been the solace of
my life; it will be the solace of my death"; but Schopenbauer knew the
Upanishads only in a very free form of translation, and it can
scarcely have been the loose philosophy so much as the elevated spirit
of
these works that solaced the unphilosophical bitterness of his life.
This general impression will doubtless continue to be felt by all that
study the best works of Brahmanism. The sincerity, the fearless search
of the Indic sages for truth, their loftiness of thinking, all these
will affect the religious student of every clime and age, though the
fancied result of their thinking may pass without effect over a modern
mind. For a philosophy that must be orthodox can never be definitive.
But, if one turn from the orthodox completed systems to the tentative
beginnings of the Ved[=a]nta (in the Upanishads), he finds as the
basis of this earlier speculation only an _a priori_ meta-physical
assumption.[35]
Apart from philosophical influence there is at present more or less
interest in Europe and America in Indic superstition and spiritualism,
and half-educated people will doubtless be influenced for some time to
come by Mah[=a]tmaism and Yogism, just as they are moved by native
séance-spirits and mesmerism. Blavatskyism (which represents no phase
of Buddhism) will always find disciples among the ignorant classes,
especially in an agnostic or atheistic environment, so that one should
attribute the mental attitude of such minds to their lack of culture
rather than to India; for if Mah[=a]tmaism had not been discovered,
they would still profess it under another name. Buddhism, too, apart
from Hartmann, may be said to have some influence on popular thought,
yet it is a very unreal Buddhism, which amounts only to the adoption
of an altruistic creed. But we know of none among the many that
profess themselves 'Buddhists' who has really adopted Buddhistic
principles, and but few who even understand those principles. A bar to
the adoption of Buddhism lies in the implicit necessity
of renunciation for all who would become perfected, and in the
explicit doctrine of _karma_ in its native form. The true Buddhist is
not satisfied to be a third-class Buddhist, that is, simply a man that
seeks to avoid lust, anger, and ignorance. He will become a
second-class Buddhist and renounce the world, give up all family ties
and earthly affections, and enter the Order. But he will not do this,
thinking that he is thereby to become perfect. For, to be a
first-class Buddhist, he must get wisdom. He must believe in the
impermanence of everything, and in the awful continuation of his own
_karma_ as a resultant group, which, as such, will continue to exist
if, to the purity and peace of the lower classes of Buddhists, he fail
to add in his own case the wisdom that understands the truth of this
_karma_ doctrine.[36] Now no modern mind will believe this hypothesis
of _karma_ and no modern will even enter the Order. Nevertheless,
while one may not become a true Buddhist in the native sense, it is
possible to be a Buddhist in a higher sense, and in its new form this
is a religion that will doubtless attract many Occidentals, though it
is almost too chaste to win adherents where marriage is not regarded
as detrimental to high thinking. But if one substitute for the
Buddhistic _karma_ the _karma_ of to-day, he may well believe that his
acts are to have effect hereafter, not as a complex but as individual
factors in determining the goodness of his descendants and indirectly
of his environment. Then there remains the attainment of purity,
kindness,[37] and wisdom, which last may be interpreted, in accordance
with the spirit of the Master, as seeing things in their
true relations, and the abandonment of whatever prevents such
attainment, namely, of lust, anger, and ignorance. But to be a true
Buddhist one must renounce, as lust, all desire of evil, of future
life, which brings evil; and must live without other hope than that of
extinguishing all desire and passion, believing that in so doing he
will at death be annihilated, that is, that he will have caused his
acts to cease to work for good or ill, and that, since being without a
soul he exists only in his acts, he will in their cessation also cease
to be.
At least one thing may be learned from Buddhism. It is possible to be
religious without being devout. True Buddhism is the only religion
which, discarding all animism, consists in character and wisdom. But
neither in sacrificial works, nor in kindness alone, nor in wisdom
alone, lies the highest. One must renounce all selfish desires and
live to build up a character of which the signs are purity, love for
all, and that courageous wisdom which is calm insight into truth. The
Buddhist worked out his own salvation without fear or trembling. To
these characteristics may be added that tolerance and freedom of
thought which are so dissimilar to the traits of many other religions.
So much may be learned from Buddhism, and it were much only to know
that such a religion existed twenty-four centuries ago. But in what,
from a wider point of view, lies the importance of the study of Hindu
religions? Not, we venture to think, in their face value for the
religious or philosophical life of the Occident, but in the
revelation, which is made by this study, of the origin and growth of
theistic ideas in one land; in the light these cast by analogy on the
origin of such ideas elsewhere; in the prodigious significance of the
religious factor
in the development of a race, as exhibited in this instance; in the
inspiring review of that development as it is seen through successive
ages in the loftiest aspirations of a great people; and finally in the
lesson taught by the intellectual and religious fate of them among
that people that have substituted, like the Brahman ritualist, form
for spirit; like the Vedantist, ideas for ideals; like the sectary,
emotion for morality. But greatest, if woeful, is the lesson taught by
that phase of Buddhism, which has developed into Lamaism and its
kindred cults. For here one learns how few are they that can endure to
be wise, how inaccessible to the masses is the height on which sits
the sage, how unpalatable to the vulgar is a religion without
credulity.
Ever since Cotton Mather took up a collection to convert the
Hindus,[38] Americans have felt a great interest in missionary labor
in India. Under the just and beneficent rule of the British the Hindus
to-day are no longer plundered and murdered in the way they once were;
nor is there now so striking a contrast between the invader's precept
and example as obtained when India first made the acquaintance of
Christian militants.
The slight progress of the missionaries, who for centuries have been
working among the Hindus, is, perhaps, justified in view of this
painful contrast. In its earlier stages there can be no doubt that all
such progress was thereby impeded. But it is cause for encouragement,
rather than for dismay, that the slowness of Christian advance is in
part historically explicable, sad as is the explanation. For against
what odds had not the early missionaries to struggle! Not the heathen,
but the Christian, barred the way against Christianity. Four hundred
years ago the Portuguese descended upon the Hindus, cross and sword in
hand. For a whole century these victorious immigrants, with unheard-of
cruelty and tyranny, cheated, stripped, and slaughtered the natives.
After them came the Dutch, but, Dutch or Portuguese, it was the same.
For it was merely another century, during which a new band of
Christians hesitated at no crime or outrage, at no meanness or
barbarity, which should win them power in India. In 1758 the Dutch
were conquered by the English, who, becoming now the chief
standard-bearers of the Christian church, committed, Under
Varisittart, more offences against decency, honor, honesty, and
humanity than is pleasant for believer or unbeliever to record; and,
when their own theft had brought revolt, knew no better way to impress
the Hindu with the power of Christianity than to revive the Mogul
horror and slay. (in their victims' fearful belief) both soul and body
alike by shooting their captives from the cannon's mouth. Such was
Christian example. It is no wonder that the Christian precept ('thou
shalt love thy neighbor as thyself') was uttered in vain, or that the
faith it epitomized was rejected. The hand stole and killed; the mouth
said, 'I love you.' The Hindu understood theft and murder, but it took
him some time to learn English. One may hope that this is now
forgotten, for the Hindu has not the historical mind. But all this
must be remembered when the expenditures of Christianity are weighed
with its receipts.[39]
In coming to the end of the long course of Hindu religious thought, it
is almost inevitable that one should ask what is the present effect of
missionary effort upon this people, and what, again, will eventually
be the direction which the native religious sense, so strongly
implanted in this folk, will take, whether aided or not by influence
from without.
Although it is no part of our purpose to examine into the workings of
that honest zeal which has succeeded in planting so many stations up
the Indic coast, there are yet some obvious truths which, in the light
of religious history, should be an assistance to all whose work lies
in making Hindu converts. To compile these truths from this history
will not be otiose. In the first place, Christian dogma was formally
introduced into South India in the sixth century; it was known in the
North in the seventh, and possibly long before this; it was the topic
of debate by educated Hindus in the sixteenth and seventeenth. It has
helped to mould the Hindus' own most intellectual sects; and, either
through the influence of Christian or native teaching, or that of
both, have been created not only the Northern monotheistic schools,
but also the strict unitarianism of the later Southern sects, whose
scriptures, for at least some centuries, have inculcated the purest
morality and simplest monotheistic creed in language of the most
elevated character.[40] In the second place, the Hindu sectary has
interwoven with
his doctrine of pantheism that of the trinity. In the third place, the
orthodox Brahman recognizes in the cult of Christianity, as that cult
is expressed, for instance, in Christmas festivities, one that is
characteristic, in outward form and inner belief, of a native
heterodox sect. In the fourth place, the Hindu sectary believes that
the native expression of trinitarian dogma, faith-doctrine, child-god
worship, and madonna-worship takes historical precedence over that of
Christianity; and the orthodox Hindu believes the same of his
completed code of lofty moral teachings. Vishnuism is, again, so
catholic that it will accept Christ as an _avatar_ of Vishnu, but not
as an exclusive manifestation of God. In the fifth place, the Hindu
doctors are very well educated, and often very clever, both delighting
in debate and acute in argument It follows, if we may draw the obvious
inference, that, to attack orthodox Brahmanism, or even heterodox
Hinduism, requires much logical ability as well as learning, and that
the best thing a missionary can do in India, if he be not conscious of
possessing both these requisites, is to let the native scholars alone.
But native scholars make but a small part of the population, and among
the uneducated and 'depressed' classes there is plenty for the
missionary to do. Here, too, where caste is hated because these
classes suffer from it, there is more effect in preaching equality and
the brotherly love of Christianity, doctrines abhorrent to the social
aristocrats, and not favored even by the middle classes. But what here
opposes Christian efforts is the splendid system of devotion, the
magnificent fêtes, the gorgeous shows, and the tickling ritualism,
which please and overawe the fancy of the native, who is apt to desire
for himself a pageant of religion, not to speak of a visible god in
idol form; while from his religious teacher he demands either an
asceticism which is no part of the Christian faith, or a leadership in
sensuous and sensual worship.
What will be the result of proselytizing zeal among these variegated
masses?[41] Evidently this depends on where and how it is exercised.
The orthodox theologian will not give up his inherited faith for one
that to him is on a par with a schismatic heresy, or take dogmatic
instruction from a level which he regards as intellectually below his
own. From the Sam[=a]jas no present help will come to the missionary;
for, while they have already accepted the spirit of Christianity,
liberal Hindus reject the Christian creed.[42] At a later day they
will join hands with the missionary, perhaps, but not before the
latter is prepared to say: There is but one God, and many are his
prophets.
There remain such of the higher classes as can be induced to prefer
undogmatic Christianity to polytheism, and the lowest class, which may
be persuaded by acts of kindness to accept the dogmas with which these
are accompanied. It is with this class that the missionary has
succeeded best. In other cases his success has been in inverse ratio
to the amount of his dogmatic teaching. And this we believe to be the
key to the second problem. For, if one examine the maze of India's
tangled creeds, he will be surprised to find that, though dogmatic
Christianity has its Indic representative, there yet is no indigenous
representative of undogmatic Christianity. For a
god in human form is worshipped, and a trinity is revered; but this is
not Christianity. Love of man is preached; but this is not
Christianity. Love of God and faith in his earthly incarnation is
taught; but this, again, is not Christianity. No sect has ever
formulated as an original doctrine Christ's two indissoluble
commandments, on which hang all the law and the prophets.
It would seem, therefore, that to inculcate active kindness, simple
morality, and the simplest creed were the most persuasive means of
converting the Hindu, if the teacher unite with this a practical
affection, without venturing upon ratiocination, and without seeking
to attract by display, which at best cannot compete with native
pageants.[43] Moreover, on the basis of undogmatic teaching, the
missionary even now can unite with the Sam[=a]j and Sittar church,
neither of which is of indigenous origin, though both are native in
their secondary growth. For it is significant that it is the Christian
union of morality and altruism which has appealed to each of these
religious bodies, and which each of them has made its own. In
insisting upon a strict morality the Christian missionary will be
supported by the purest creeds of India itself, by Brahmanism,
unsectarian Hinduism, the Jain heretics, and many others, all of whom
either taught the same morality before Christianity existed, or
developed it without Christian aid. The strength of Christian teaching
lies in uniting with this the practical altruism which was taught by
Christ. In her own religions there is no hope for India, and her best
minds have renounced them. The
body of Hinduism is corrupt, its soul is evil. As for Brahmanism--the
Brahmanism that produced the Upanishads--the spirit is departed, and
the form that remains is dead. But a new spirit, the spirit of
progress and of education, will prevail at last. When it rules it will
undo the bonds of caste and do away with low superstition. Then India
also will be free to accept, as the creed of her new religion,
Christ's words, 'Thou shalt love the Lord thy God, and thy neighbor as
thyself.' But to educate India up to this point will take many
centuries, even more, perhaps, than will be needed to educate in the
same degree Europe and America.[44]
* * * * *
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 1: Lassen interprets _ophir_ as Abh[=i]ras, at the
mouth of the Indus. The biblical _koph_ is Sanskrit _kapi_,
ape. Other doubtful equivalents are discussed by Weber,
_Indische Skizzen_, p. 74.]
[Footnote 2: The legend of the Flood and the fancy of the
Four Ages has been attributed to Babylon by some writers.
Ecstein claims Chaldean influence in Indic atomic
philosophy, _Indische Studien_, ii. 369, which is doubtful;
but the Indic alphabet probably derived thence, possibly
from Greece. The conquests of Semiramis (Serimamis in
the original) may have
included a part of India, but only Brunnhofer finds trace of
this in Vedic literature, and the character of his work we
have already described.]
[Footnote 3: Senart attributes to the Achaemenides certain
Indic formulae of administration. IA. xx. 256.]
[Footnote 4: Certain Hindu names, like those to which we
called attention in the epic, containing Mihira, _i.e.,_
Mithra; the Magas; _i.e.,_ Magi; and recommendations of
sun-worship in the Pur[=a]nas are the facts on which Weber
bases a theory of great influence of Persia at this later
period. Weber claims, in fact, that the native sun-worship
was quite replaced by this importation (_Indische Skizzen_,
p. 104). This we do not believe. Even the great number of
Persians who, driven out by Arabians, settled in Gujar[=a]t
(the name of Bombay is the same with Pumbadita, a Jewish
settlement in Mesopotamia) had no other effect on the
Brahmanic world that absorbed them (_ib._ p. 109) than to
intensify the fervor of a native cult.]
[Footnote 5: Weber ascribes to Greek influence the Hindus
first acquaintance with the planets. On a possible dramatic
loan see above, p. 2, note. The Greeks were first to get
into the heart of India (as far as Patna), and between the
court of Antiochus the Great and the king S[=a]ubhagasena
there was formal exchange of ambassadors in the third
century B.C. The name of Demetrius appears as Datt[.a]mitra
in the Hindu epic. He had "extended his rule over the Indus
as far as the Hydaspes and perhaps over M[=a]lava and
Gujarat" (about 200 B.C.; Weber, _Skizzen_). In the second
century Menandros (the Buddhists' 'Milinda') got as far as
the Jumna; but his successors retreated to the Punj[=a]b and
eventually to Kabul (_ib_.) Compare also Weber, _Sitz. d.
könig. Preuss. Akad_., 1890, p. 901 ff., _Die Griechien in
Indien_. The period of Greek influence coincides with that
of Buddhist supremacy in its first vigor, and it is for this
reason that Brahmanic literature and religion were so
untouched by it. There is to our mind no great probability
that the Hindu epic owes anything to that of Greece,
although Weber has put in a strong plea for this view in his
essay _Ueber das R[=a]m[=a]ya[n.]a_.]
[Footnote 6: The romance of a Russian traveller's late
'discovery,' which Sanskrit scholars estimate at its true
value, but which may seem to others worthy of regard, is
perhaps, in view of the interest taken in it, one that
should be told correctly. Nicholas Notovitch asserts that he
discovered seven years ago in the Tibetan monastery of
Himis, a work which purports to give a life of Christ from
birth to death, including sixteen years spent in India. This
life of 'Issa' (Jesus) is declared to have been written in
the first century of the Christian era. Unfortunately for
the reputation of the finder, he made a mistake in
exploiting his discovery, and stated that his manuscript had
been translated for him by the monks of Himis 'out of the
original P[=a]li,' a dialect that these monks could not
understand if they had specimens of it before them. This
settled Notovitch's case, and since of course he did not
transcribe a word of the MS. thus freely put at his
disposal, but published the forgery in a French
'translation,' he may be added to the list of other
imposters of his ilk. The humbug has been exposed for some
time, and we know of no one who, having a right to express
an opinion, believes Notovitch's tale, though some ignorant
people have been hoaxed by it. If the blank sixteen years in
Christ's life ever be explained, it may be found that they
were passed in a Zoroastrian environment; but until real
evidence be brought to show that Christ was in India, the
wise will continue to doubt it. As little proof exists, it
may be added, of Buddhistic influence in the making of the
Gospels. But this point is nowadays scarcely worth
discussing, for competent scholars no longer refer vague
likenesses to borrowing. Certain features are common to the
story of Christ and to the legends of Buddha; but they are
common to other divine narratives also. The striking
similarities are not found in the earliest texts of the
Southern Buddhists. [=I]ça for Jesus is modern, Weber, _loc.
cit._, p. 931.]
[Footnote 7: Elphinstone, I. pp, 140, 508; II. chap. I. The
'slave dynasty' of Kutab, 1206-1288. It was the bigoted
barbarity of these Mohammedans that drove Brahmanic religion
into the South.]
[Footnote 8: Though immediately before it the Harihara cult,
survival of Sankhyan dualism, is practically monotheistic.
Basava belongs to the twelfth century.]
[Footnote 9: The literary exchange in the realm of fable
between Arabia and later Sanskrit writers (of the twelfth
century) is very evident. Thus in Indic dress appear at this
time the story of Troy, of the passage over the Red Sea, of
Jonas, etc. On the other hand, the Arabians translated
native Hindu fables. See Weber, IS. iii. 327, _Ueber den
Zusammenhang griechischer Fabeln mit indischen_, and
_Indische Skizzen_, p. 111, and _Die Griechen in Indien_.
Arabia further drew on India for philosophical material, and
Alber[=u]ni himself translated Kapila's work (Weber,_loc.
cit_.).]
[Footnote 10: Whereby cows, snakes, cats (sacred to one of
the Çivaite 'mothers'), crocodiles, monkeys, etc, are
worshipped.]
[Footnote 11: Pantheists in name alone, most of the lower
caste-men are practically polytheists, and this means that
they are at bottom dualists. They are wont to worship
assiduously but one of the gods they recognize.]
[Footnote 12: Where Brahmanism may be said to cease and
Hinduism to begin can be defined but vaguely. Krishnaism is
rank Hinduism. But Çivaism is half Brahmanic. For the rest,
in its essential aspects, Hinduism is as old as the Hindus.
Only the form changes (as it intrudes upon Brahmanism).]
[Footnote 13: It is highly probable that the mention of the
Northwestern Ç[=u]dras in Mbh[=a]. VI. 9. 67 refers to the
Afghan S[=u]droi, and that the slave-caste as a whole, which
bears the name Ç[=u]dra, received this appellation first as
conquered tribes of Afghanistan.]
[Footnote 14: Brahmanism has always been an island in a sea.
Even in the Brahmanic age there is evidence to show that it
was the isolated belief of a comparatively small group of
minds. It did not even control all the Aryan population.]
[Footnote 15: We refer partly to literature, that of the
drama and novel, for instance; and partly to the fine arts.
But in connection with the latter it may be remarked that
painting, and the fine arts generally, are expressly
reckoned as the pursuit of slaves alone. For instance, even
as late a jurist as he that wrote the law-code of 'Vishnu'
thus (chap. ii.) parcels out the duties and occupations of
the four castes: The duty of a priest is to teach the Veda,
his means of livelihood is to sacrifice for others and to
receive aims; the duty of the warrior is to fight, his means
of livelihood is to receive taxes for protecting the other
castes; the duty of the V[=a]içya is to tend cattle, his
means of livelihood 1s gain from flocks, farm, trade, or
money-lending. The duty of a slave, Çudra, is to serve the
three upper castes; his means of livelihood is the fine
arts.]
[Footnote 16: It is this that has exaggerated, though not
produced, that most marked of native beliefs, a faith which
Intertwines with every system, Brahmanic, Buddhistic, or
Hinduistic, a belief in an ecstatic power in man which gives
him control over supernatural forces. Today this Yogism and
Mah[=a]tmaism, which is visible even in the Rig Veda, is
nothing but unbridled fancy playing with mesmerism and
lies.]
[Footnote 17: The Hindu sectarian cults are often strangely
like those of Greece in details, which, as we have already
suggested, must revert to a like, though not necessarily
mutual, source of primitive superstition. Even the sacred
free bulls, which roam at large, look like old familiar
friends, [Greek: aphetôn dniôn taurôn en tps tou IIoseidônos
Ierps] (Plato, _Kritias_, 119); and we have dared to
question whether Lang's 'Bull-roarer' might not be sought in
the command that the priest should make the bull roar at the
sacrifice; and in the verse of the Rig Veda which says that
the priests "beget (produce) the Dawn by means of the roar
of a bull" (vii. 79. 4); or must the bull be _soma_? For
Müller's defence of the Hindu's veraciousness, see his
_/India, What Can It Teach Us_, p. 34.]
[Footnote 18: Some exception may be taken to this on the
ground that moral laws really are referred to the Creator in
one form or another, This we acknowledge as a theory of
authority, but it so seldom comes into play, and there is so
little rapport between gods and moral goodness, that the
difference in this regard is greater by far than the
resemblance. A Christian sins against God, a Hindu sins
against himself. The Christian may be punished by God; the
Hindu punishes himself (the _karma_). The latter may say
that moral laws are of God, but he means that they are
natural laws, the violation of which has the same effect as
touching fire.]
[Footnote 19: The _lex talionis_ is in full force in Hindu
law, even in the codes of Hinduism; for example, 'Vishnu,'
V. 19.]
[Footnote 20: Deceit of a foe is no sin in any system. "All
is fair in war."]
[Footnote 21: This idea may be carried out in other
instances. The bravery of civilization is not the bravado
that savages call bravery, and modesty is now a virtue where
boasting used to be reckoned as the necessary complement of
bravery. As for hospitality in the old sense, it is not now
a 'virtue' not to kill a guest.]
[Footnote 22: India's relations with Rome were late and
wholly of mercantile character.]
[Footnote 23: It is interesting, as showing incidentally the
close connection between Buddhism and Çivaism in other than
philosophical aspects, that the first Indic grotto-temple
mentioned by foreigners (in the third century A.D.) was one
which contained a statue of an androgynous (Çivaite) deity
(Weber, _Indische Skizzen_, p. 86, note).]
[Footnote 24: Rosaries are first mentioned in the AV.
Pariçista, XLIII. 4. 11 (Leumann, Rosaries).]
[Footnote 25: In Lamaism there is also the tiara-crowned
pope, and the transubstantiation theory; the reverence to
Virgin and Child, confessions, fasts, purgatory, abbots,
cardinals, etc. Compare David's _Hibbert Lectures_, p. 193.]
[Footnote 26: The literature on this subject is very
extensive (see the Bibliography). On Buddhism and
Christianity see Bohlen's _Altes Indien_, I. 334 (Weber,
_Indische Skizzen_, p. 92). At a recent meeting of the
British Association E.B. Tylor presented a paper in which is
made an attempt to show Buddhistic influence on
pre-Columbian culture in America. On comparing the Aztec
picture-writing account of the journey of the soul after
death with Buddhistic eschatology, he is forced to the
conclusion that there was direct transmission from Buddhism.
We require more proof than Aztec pictures of hell to believe
any such theory; and reckon this attempt to those already
discussed in the eighth chapter.]
[Footnote 27: It is a mooted question in how far the
influence in this line has been reciprocal. See _Indische
Studien_, iii. 128.]
[Footnote 28: The S[=a]nkhya has no systematic connection
with the 'numbers' of Pythagoras.]
[Footnote 29: Compare on the Çulvas[=u]tras, Thibaut, J.A.
Beng. xliv. p. 227; Von Schroeder, _Pythagoras und die
Inder; Literatur und Cultur_, p. 718 ff, who also cites
Cantor, _Geschichte der Mathematik_, p. 540, and refutes the
possibility, suggested by the latter, of the loan being from
Greece to India on the ground that the Çulvas[=u]tra are too
old to belong to the Alexandrine period, and too essentlal a
part of the religious literature to have been borrowed; and
also on the ground that they are not an addition to the
Çr[=a]utas[=u]tra, but they make an independent portion (p.
721, note).]
[Footnote 30: Compare Garbe (_loc. cit_. below), and his
_S[=a][.m]khya Philosophic_, p. 94.]
[Footnote 31: This view is not one universally accepted by
Sanskrit scholars. See, for instance, Weber, _Die Griechen
in Indien_. But to us the minute resemblance appears too
striking to be accidental.]
[Footnote 32: Lassen, and Weber, _Indische Skizzen, p_. 91.]
[Footnote 33: Garbe, in a recent number of the _Monist_,
where is given a _résumé_ of the relations between Greek and
Hindu philosophical thought.]
[Footnote 34: Weber, _loc. cit._]
[Footnote 35: The existence of a soul (spirit) in man is
always assumed in the Upanishads. In the pantheistic system
(the completed Ved[=a]nta) the verity of traditional belief
is also assumed. The latter assumption is made, too, though
not in so pronounced a manner, in the Upanishads.]
[Footnote 36: The Upanishad philosopher sought only to save
his life, but the Buddhist, to lose it.]
[Footnote 37: This is not a negative 'non-injury' kindness.
It is a love 'far-reaching, all*pervading' (above, p. 333).
The Buddhist is no Stoic save in the stoicism with which he
looks forward to his own end. Rhys Davids has suggested that
the popularity of Tibet Buddhism in distinction from
Southern Buddhism may have been due to the greater weight
laid by the former on altruism. For, while the earlier
Buddhist strives chiefly for his own perfection, the
spiritualist of the North affects greater love for his kind,
and becomes wise to save others. The former is content to be
an Arhat; the latter desires to be a Bodhisat, 'teacher of
the law' (_Hibbert Lectures_, p. 254). We think, however,
that the latter's success with the vulgar was the result
rather of his own greater mental vulgarity and animism.]
[Footnote 38: Hurst's _Indika_, chap. XLIX, referring to
_India Christiana_ of 1721, and the correspondence between
Mather and Ziegenbalg, who was then a missionary in India.
The wealthy 'young men' who contributed were, in Hurst's
opinion, Harvard students.]
[Footnote 39: The Portuguese landed in Calcutta in 1498.
They were driven out by the Dutch, to whom they ceded their
mercantile monopoly, in 1640-1644. The Dutch had arrived in
1596, and held their ground till their supremacy was wrested
from them by Clive in 1758, The British had followed the
Dutch closely (arriving in 1600), and were themselves
followed soon after by the Germans and Danes (whose activity
soon subsided), and by the French. The German company, under
whose protection stood Ziegenbalg, was one of the last to
enter India, and first to leave it (1717-1726). The most
grotesquely hideous era in India's history is that which was
inaugurated by the supremacy of the Christian British. Major
Munroe's barbaric punishment of the Sepoys took place,
however, in Clive's absence (1760-1765). Marshman, I, p.
305, says of this Munroe only that he was "an officer of
undaunted resolution"! Clive himself was acquitted by his
own countrymen of theft, robbery, and extortion; but the
Hindus have not acquitted him or Hastings; nor will
Christianity ever do so.]
[Footnote 40: For specimens of the sacred Kural of
Tiruvalluvar N[=a]r[=a]yana*N[=a]yan[=]r, see the examples
given by Pope, _Indian Antiquary_, seventh and following
volumes. The Sittars, to whom we have referred above, are a
more modern sect. Their precept that love is the essential
of religion is not, as in the case of the Hindu idolators,
of erotic nature. They seem to be the modern representatives
of that Buddhistic division (see above) called S[=a]ugatas,
whose religion consists in 'kindness to all.' In these sects
there is found quietism, a kind of quakerism, pure morality,
high teaching, sternest (almost bigoted) monotheism, and the
doctrine of positive altruism, strange to the Hindu idolator
as to the Brahman. The Prem S[=a]gar, or 'Ocean of Love,' is
a modern Hindu work, which illustrates the religious love
opposed to that of the Sittars, namely, the mystic love of
the Krishnaite for his savior, whose grace is given only to
him that has faith. It is the mystic rapt adoration that in
expression becomes erotic and sensual.]
[Footnote 41: Hinduism itself is unconsciously doing a
reforming work among the wild tribes that are not touched by
the Christian missionary. These tribes, becoming Hinduized,
become civilized, and, in so far as they are thus made
approachable, they are put in the way of improvement; though
civilization often has a bad effect upon their morals for a
season.]
[Footnote 42: The substitution of the doctrine of redemption
for that of _karma_ is intellectually impossible for an
educated Hindu. He may renounce the latter, but he cannot
accept the former. The nearest approach to such a conception
is that of the Buddhistic 'Redeemer' heresy referred to
above. In all other regards Samaj and pantheism are too
catholic to be affected; In this regard they are both
unyielding.]
[Footnote 43: We question, for instance, the advisability of
such means to "fill up the church" as is described in a
missionary report delivered at the last meeting of the
Missionary Union of the Classis of New York for the current
year: "A man is sent to ride on a bicycle as fast as he can
through the different streets. This invariably attracts
attention. Boys and men follow him to the church, where it
is easy to persuade them to enter." But this is an admission
of our position in regard to the classes affected. The
rabble may be Christianized by this means, but the
intelligent will not be attracted.]
[Footnote 44: After the greater part of our work had passed
the final revision, and several months after the whole was
gone to press, appeared Oldenberg's _Die Religion des Veda_,
which, as the last new book on the subject, deserves a
special note. The author here takes a liberal view, and does
not hesitate to illustrate Vedic religion with the light
cast by other forms of superstition. But this method has its
dangers, and there is perhaps a little too much straining
after original types, giant-gods as prototypes and totemism
in proper names, where Vedic data should be separated from
what may have preceded Vedic belief. Oldenberg, as a
ritualist, finds in Varuna, Dawn, and the Burial Service the
inevitable stumbling-blocks of such scholars as confuse
Brahmanism with early Vedism. To remove these obstacles he
suggests that Varuna, as the moon, was borrowed from the
Semites or Akkadians (though be frankly admits that not even
the shadow of this moon lingers in Vedic belief); explains
Dawn's non-participation in _soma_ by stating that she never
participates in it (which explains nothing); and jumps over
the Burial Hymn with the inquiry whether, after all, it
could not be interpreted as a cremation-hymn (the obvious
answer being that the service does imply burial, and does
not even hint at cremation). On the other hand, when
theoretical barbarism and ritualism are foregone, Oldenberg
has a true eye for the estimation of facts, and hence takes
an unimpeachable position in several important particulars,
notably in rejecting Jacobi's date of the Rig Veda; in
rejecting also Hillebrandt's moon-_soma_; in denying an
originally supreme Dy[=a]us; in his explanation of
henotheism (substantially one with the explanation we gave a
year ago); and in his account of the relation of the Rig
Veda to the (later) Atharvan. Despite an occasional
brilliant suggestion, which makes the work more exciting
than reliable, this book will prove of great value to them
that are particularly interested in the ritual; though the
reader must be on his guard against the substitution of
deduction for induction, as manifested in the confusion of
epochs, and in the tendency to interpret by analogy rather
than in accordance with historical data. The worth of the
latter part of the book is impaired by an unsubstantiated
theory of sacrifice, but as a whole it presents a clear and
valuable view of the cult.]
* * * * *
ADDENDA.
Page 154, note 3: Add to (RV.) x. 173, AV. vi. 88.
Page 327, third line from the top: Read Buddhaghosha. According to
Chalmers, as quoted by T.W. Rhys Davids in his recent lectures, traces
of mysticism are found in some of the early texts (as yet
unpublished). The fact that the canonical P[=a]li books know nothing
of the controversy (involving the modification of traditional rules)
of the second council gives a terminus to the canon. Senart, on the
other hand, thinks that the vague language of the Açoka inscriptions
precludes the fixing of the canon at so early a date.
Page 340, note 4: The gods here are priests. The real meaning seems to
be that the Brahman priests, who were regarded as gods, have been put
to naught in being reduced to their true estate. Compare Senart,
(revised) _Inscriptions de Piyadasi_, third chapter. Açoka dismissed
the Brahman priests that his father had maintained, and substituted
Buddhist monks.
Page 436, note 2: From B[=e]r[=u]n[=i] it would appear that the Gupta
and Valabh[=i] eras were identical (319-20 A.D). See Fleet, Indian
Antiquary, xvii. 245. Many scholars now assign Kum[=a]rila to the
eighth century rather than to the end of the seventh.
* * * * *
BIBLIOGRAPHY.[1]
GENERAL WORKS.
#Journals#: Journal of the Royal Asiatic Soctety (JRAS.);[2] Journal of
the German Oriental Society (Zeitschrift der Deutschen
Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, ZDMG.); Journal Asiatique (JA.);
Journal of the American Oriental Society (JAOS.); Branch-Journals of
the JRAS.; Calcutta Review; Madras Journal; Indian Antiquary (IA.).
Some of the articles in the defunct Zeitschrift für die Kunde des
Morgenlandes (ZKM.), and in the old Asiatick Researches (AR.) are
still worth reading. Besides these, the most important modern journals
are the transactions of the royal Austrian, Bavarian, Prussian, and
Saxon Academies, the Muséon and the Revue de l'histoire des religions.
Occasional articles bearing on India's religions or mythology will be
found in the American Journal of Philology (AJP.); the Wiener
Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes (WZKM.); the Babylonian and
Oriental Record (BOR.); Kühn's Zeitschrift für vergleichende
Sprachforschuhg (KZ.); Bezzenberger's Beiträge (BB.); and the
Indogermanische Forschungen (IF.).
#Histories, studies, etc.#: Prinsep, Essays (Indian Antiquities);
Lassen, Indische Alterthumskunde. Histories of India by Elphinstone
(religious material, chapters iv book i, and iv book ii), by
Elliot, by Marshman (complements Elphinstone), and by Wheeler
(unreliable); The Rulers of India; Hunter's Indian Empire and Brief
History. Mill's excellent History of India is somewhat prejudiced.
Dutt's History of Civilization in Ancient India is praise-worthy
(1890). Invaluable are the great descriptive Archaeological Surveys by
Cunningham, Burgess, and Bühler, and Hunter's Statistical Account of
Bengal. Literary History:[3] Colebrooke, Essays, reedited by Cowell,
with notes by Whitney; Wilson, Essays; Weber, Indische Studien (IS.);
Benfey, Orient and Occident (OO.); Müller, Ancient Sanskrit Literature
(ASL.), Science of Religion; Weber, Vorlesungen über Indische
Literaturgeschichte (also translated), Indische Streifen, Indische
Skizzen; L. von Schroeder, Indiens Literatur und Cultur; Whitney,
Oriental and Linguistic Studies, Language and the Study of Language;
Duncker, Geschichte des Alterthums (third volume, may be bought
separately); Williams, Indian Wisdom (inaccurate but readable).
VEDIC RELIGION.
#Literature#: Roth, Zur Literatur und Geschichte des Weda;[4] Benfey,
Vedica und Verwandtes; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben (AIL.);
R[=a]jendralala Mitra, Indo-Aryans(unreliable); Bergaigne, La Religion
Védique (also JA. ix, xiii); De Gubernatis, Letture sopra la Mitologia
Vedica; Pischel and Geldner, Vedische Studien;[5] Regnaud, Le Rig Veda
et les origines de la mythologie indo-européenne, and Les hymnes du
Rig Veda, sont-ils prières? (Ann. d. Mus. Guimet, Bibl. d'études, t.
i, and special studies). Regnaud's point of view renders nugatory most
of what he writes on the Veda.[6] The most useful collection of Vedic
and Brahmanic Texts that illustrate Hindu Mythology and Religion is to
be found in Muir's Original Sanskrit Texts (OST.), especially the
fourth and fifth volumes.[7] For the Sacred Books of the East (SBE.)
see Hems below.
#Translations of the rig veda#: Complete, by Grassmann and by Ludwig;
partial, by Roth, Benfey, Langlois, Bergaigne; in English chiefly by
Wilson, Müller, Muir, Peterson, Griffith. Of these the German
translation of Grassmann is often inaccurate;[8] that of Ludwig, often
unintelligible. Benfey has translated a number of specimens, OO., BB.,
i, vii, and in Kleinere Schriften. The incomplete translation of
Wilson has been carried on by Cowell; those of Peterson and Griffith
are publishing in India; Langlois' is useless. Müller's partial
translations will be found in various volumes, Ancient Sanskrit
Literature, India: What Can it Teach Us, Chips, Hibbert Lectures,
JRAS. ii. 448, iii. 199, etc.; and all the Hymns to the Maruts, SBE.
xxxii. Whitney has translated the cosmogonic hymn, PAOS., May, 1882;
and Deussen has just published the philosophical hymns, Geschichte der
Philosophie, i, 1. A group of Vedic hymns in English dress will be
found in Muir, OST. v.; extracts (without connection) are given by
Bergaigne, in La Religion Védique, and special essays in JA. (above).
In German a capital little collection is the Siebzig Lieder of Geldner
and Kaegi. The best general introductory manual for the study of the
Rig Veda, accompanied with frequent translations, is Kaegi's Der Rig
Veda (translated into English by Arrowsmith).
#Translations of the atharva veda# are all partial. The handiest
collection is Grill's Hundert Lieder des Atharva Veda. Specimens will
be found translated by Aufrecht, IS. i. 121 (book xv); (Roth) Bruce,
JRAS. 1862, p. 321 (book xii. 1); Kuhn, Indische und Germanische
Segensspriiche, KZ. xiii. 49, 113; Weber, IS. iv. 393, v. 195, 218,
xiii. 129, xvii. 178 (books i-iii, xiv); Grohmann, _ib._ ix. 381;
Ludwig, vol. iii, of his translation of the Rig Veda; Zimmer, AIL.:
Victor Henry, books vii and xiii (Les hymnes Rohitas);[9] Bloomfield,
Seven Hymns, and Contributions AJP. vii. 466, xi. 319, xii. 414, JAOS.
xv. 143, xvi. 1; ZDMG. xlviii. 541; Florenz, BB. xii. 249 (book vi.).
Of The S[=a]ma V[=e]da: Stevenson (1842) in English (inaccurate) and
Benfey (1848) in Gcrman have made translations. On the Yajur Veda
see Schroeder, Literatur und Cultur, and below.
#Vedic mythology#: Windischmann, Ursagen der Arischen Völker, Bay.
Ak., 1858; Kuhn, KZ. iv. 88, Herabkunft des Feuers (Prometheus);[10]
Roth, Die höchsten Götter der Arischen Völker, ZDMG. vi. 67 (_ib._
vii. 607); Wilson, Preface of Langlois: Cox, Aryan Mythology; Whitney,
Oriental and Linguistic Studies, ii. p. 149, JAOS. iii. 291, 331;
Müller, Second Series of Science of Language, Biographies of
Words.[11] General interpretation of divinities, Müller, Muir,
Bergaigne, Kaegi, Pischel-Geldner, _loc. cit._ The last books on the
subject are Oldenberg's scholarly volume, Die Religlon des Veda (note,
p. 571, above), and Phillip's The Teaching of the Vedas (1895), the
work of a charlatan.
SPECIAL STUDIES OF VEDIC DIVINITIES:
#Aditi#: Roth, IS. xiv. 392; Hillebrandt, Ueber die Göttin Aditi;
Müller, SBE. xxxii. 241; Colinet, Étude sur le mot Aditi, Muséon, xii.
81. [=A]dityas, Roth, ZDMG. vi. 67 (above); Darmesteter, Ormazd et
Ahriman.
#Agni#: L. von Schroeder, Apollon-Agni, KZ. xxix. 193[12] (see epic,
below).
#Apsaras# (see Gandhanas).
#Aryaman# (Açvins, Mitra, etc.): Bollensen, ZDMG. xli. 494.
#Asura# as Asen, Schrader, p. 599; P. von Bradke, Dy[=a]us Asura. See
Dy[=a]us.
#Açvins#: Myriantheus, Die Açvins oder Arischen Dioskuren; _not_
Dioskuroi, Pischel, Vedische Studien, Preface, p. xxvii; as
constellation, etc., Benfey, OO. ii. 245, iii. 159; Gemini, Weber,
last in R[=a]jas[=u]ya, p. 100; as Venus, 'span-god,' Bollensen, ZDMG.
xli. 496; other literature, Muir, OST. v. 234; Colinet, Vedic Chips,
BOR. iii. 193 (n[=a]satya, Avestan n[=a]onhaithya, n[=a] as
'very').[13]
#Brihaspati#: Roth, ZDMG. i. 66; Muir, v. 272; Hillebrandt, Vedische
Mythologie, i. 404.
#Dawn# (see Ushas).
#Dy[=a]us#: P. von Bradke, Dy[=a]us Asura, also Beiträge, ZDMG. xl.
347; not the same with Teutonic Tiu, Bremer, IF. iii. 301; as
'all-father' of primitive Aryans, Müller, Origin of Religion, p. 209;
followed by Tiele, Outlines of History of Ancient religions, p. 106;
see Hopkins, PAOS. Dec. 1894; form of Word, Collitz. KZ. xxvii. 187;
BB. xv. 17.
#Earth# (see Nritus).
#Gandharvas#: KZ. i. 513; Meyer, Gandharven-Kentauren (list of
Apsarasas); Pischel, VS. i. 78; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, i.
427.
#Haritas# (sun's steeds) as Charites, KZ. x. 96; ib. 365; Sonne, _loc.
cit. s_. S[=u]ryra; Müller, Science of Language, ii. 388.
#Heaven# (see Dy[=a]us and Varuna).
#Indra# (etymology, Benfey, OO. i. 49; PW. sv.; añdra, A.-Sax. 'ent,'
'giant,' BB. i. 342;[17]] nar, [Greek: _anor-_, Jacobi, KZ. xxxi. 316;
Indra's bolt, vadha, 'wetter,' Delbrück, KZ. xvi. 266): Perry, Indra
in the Rig Veda, JAOS. xi. 117 (see epic, below).
#K[=a]ma#: Weber, ZDMG. xiv. 269, IS. v. 224, xvii. 290; Muir, v. 402.
#Manu#:[15] Roth, ZDMG. iv. 430; Weber, IS. i. 194 ('man and moon'),
ZDMG. iv. 302; Muir, OST. i. 161; Kuhn, KZ. iv. 91; Burnouf, Preface
of Bh[=a]g. Pur[=a]na, p. iii; Ascoli (m[=a]nus, mactus), KZ. xvii.
334; Maspiter as 'man,' Corssen, KZ. ii. 32;[16] Manu's wife, Weber,
ZDMG. xviii. 286. Compare also KZ. xii. 293, xix. 156, Mannus (see
Laws, below).
#Maruts# (dubious etymology, Grassmann, KZ. xvi. 161; P. von Bradke,
_loc. cit. s._. Dy[=a]us): von Bradke, Wunderliche Geburt, Festgruss
an Roth, p. 117 (Brahmanic, same point of view in parody, RV. x. 102,
ZDMG. xlvi. 445). Hymns to Maruts, translated by Müller, SBE. xxxii.
#Mitra#: Windischmann, Abh. K.M., 1857; Weber, IS. xvii. 212 (see
Varuna).
#Namuci#: Lanman, JAS. Beng. viii. 1889; Bloomfield, JAOS. xv. 143.
#Nritus# as Nerthus, Hoffmann; (Roth) Bruce, Vedic Conceptions of the
Earth, JRAS. 1862, p. 321; Prithiv[=i], ZDMG. xli. 494.
#Parjanya#: Bühler, Zur Mythologic des Rig Yeda, OO. i. 214; Hirt, 1F.
i. 481, 'oak-god.'[4]
#Purandhi#: Pischel, VS. i. 202; Hillebrandt, WZKM. iii. 188, 259;
Colinet, BOR. ii. 245, iv. 121 ('abundance'), Congress, 1892.
#Priçni# (p[r.]çni) as Frigy, KZ. ii. 478; 'freckles,' KZ. xix. 438.
#P[=u]shan#: Muir, OST. v. 171; Bergaigne, La Relig. Vèd. ii. 420;
Hillebrandt, ved. myth., i. 456 (with soma); gubernatis, letture, p.
82 (as setting sun); pischel, vs. i. 11 (s[=u]ry[=a] and p[=u]shan);
perry, notes on the vedic deity p[=u]shan, drisler memorial, p. 240.
#Ribhus# ([r.]bhavas, etymology, 'alf,' 'Orpheus'; or Orpheus from
[r.]gh, [Greek: orchietai], Kuhn KZ. iv. 103; Wackernagel, KZ. xxiv.
297); Ludwig, iii. 187, as Seasons. Nève, Études sur les hymnes
(1842), and Essai sur le mythe des Ribhavas (1847, misleading, Ribhu
as apotheosis).
#Rohitas#: Henry (above).
#Rudra# (etymology, Pischel, VS. i. 57[18]): Weber, Vedic Conception
of, IS. ii. 19; Pischel, Vedica, ZDMG. xl. 120; Rudra's mouse
and Smintheus, KZ. iii. 335; Grohmann, Apollo Smintheus und die
Bedeutung der Mäuse in der Mythologie der Indogermanen.
#Sarany[=u]# (sara[n.]y[=u]): [Greek: ertngis], ZDA. vi. 117; KZ. i.
439 (storm; riddle, _ib_. 440); Bloomfield, JAOS. xv. 172; as Dawn,
Müller, Lectures, Second Series; Saram[=a], and S[=a]rameyas as
Hermeias, _ib._; Aufrecht, ZDMG. xiii. 493 (RV. x. 108, translated).
#Soma#: Windischmann, Ueber den Somacultus der Arier, Abh. Münch. Ak.,
iv; Roth, ZDMG. xxxv. 681, xxxviii. 134; Ehni, _ib._ xxxiii. 166;
Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, i; Soma and the eagle, Kuhn,
Herabkunft (above); Roth, ZDMG. xxxvi. 353; Bloomfield, JAOS. xvi (p.
1, further literature), Festgruss an Roth, p. 149; Weber, Vedische
Beiträge, p. 3 (Sitz. Berl. Ak. 1894, p. 775); and Agni ritual,
Knauer, Vedische Fragen, Festgruss an Roth, p. 61.
#Surya# (see Haritas): sonne, hymn to, kz. xii-xv; form of word, j.
schmidt, kz. xxvi. 9. see p[=u]shan (and hinduism, below).
s[=a]vitr[=i], whitney, colebrooke's essays, ii. iii.
#Trita#: Macdonnell, Mythological Studies, JRAS. 1893, p. 419 (ap[=a]m
nap[=a]t, lightning; Trita as Thridhi, name of Odin, 'third' form of
fire); form of word, BB. ix. 99; Perry, see Indra (p. 26); Bloomfield,
PAOS. 1894, p. cxix. Other literature, Kaegi, _loc. cit._, note 112 d.
#Ushas# (U[S.]AS): Muir, v. 181; Bergaigne, i. 241, etc; Sonne, KZ. x.
416; Müller, Science of Language, ii. 391, etc.
#Vv[=a]c#: logos, Weber, IS. ix. 473.
#Varuna# (varu[n.]a): Roth, ZDMG. vi. 71; Weber, IS. xvii. 212; Muir,
v. 58; Bergaigne, iii. 110; Hillebrandt, Varu[n.]a und Mitra;
Darmesteter, Ormazd et Ahriman; Sonne, KZ. xii. 364; Pischel, VS. i.
188; Geldner, _ib_. 142; Ludwig, iii. 314; Oldenberg as a borrowed god
(PAOS. 1894); as water, Geldner, BB. xi. 329; form of word, Bolensen,
ZDMG. xli. 504 (var 'hell sein'); Bohnenberger (Roth), Varu[n.]a nach
den Liedern des Rig Veda (Mitra as appellative becomes a new god, p.
85);[19] as svar, Regnaud, Rev. xix. 79.
#Vastoshpati# ('house-lord'): Windisch, Vassus und Vassallus, Bericht.
d. k. Säch. Gesell. 1892, p. 174 (vassus for vast).
#V[=a]ta#, vayu (v[=a]ta is [Greek: aêtês], 'wind'): Stokes, BB. xix.
74, compares Irish fath, 'breath,' but gives also fáth, a kind of poem
(vates, vôds, English 'wood' as 'mad'). V[=a]ta, Wuotan, Zimmer, ZDA.
vii. (19) 179
#Vishnu# (vi[s.][n.]u like jishnu, ji[s.][n.]u, vi, 'fly,' the
heavenly bird?): Muir, iv and v (older texts relative to Vishnu),
PAOS. Dec. 1894.
#Yama#: Roth, ZDMG. ii. 216, iv, 417 (Jemshid), JAOS. iii. 335, IS.
xiv. 393; Whitney, Oriental and Linguistic Studies, i. 46; Müller,
Science of Language, ii. 528, 534; Westergaard, with Weber's notes,
IS. iii. 402; Muir, JRAS. i. 287; OST. v. 284; Bergaigne, i. 86, ii.
96, etc; Grassmann, KZ. xi. 13, 'binder'; Ehni, Der Vedische Mythus
des Yama; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, i. 489; Bloomfield, JAOS.
xv. 163, 172; Hopkins, PAOS. 1891, p. xciv; Scherman,
Visionsliteratur; Leumann, KZ. xxxii. 301 (Yam[=i][20]); L. von
Schroeder, Literatur, p. 217 (Ymir, Praj[=a]pati); Bréal, Hercule et
Circus; Benfey, Vedica, 149; Van den Gheyn, Cerbère (1883);
Casartelli, Dog of Death, BOR. iv. 265.[21] Yama's sadana, Pischel,
VS. i. 242.[22]
#Veda and brahmanism#: Oldenberg, Die Hymnen des Rig Veda, and ZDMG.
xlii. 199, Ueber die Liedverfasser des Rig Yeda (see Hinduism, below);
Roth, _ib_. iv. 514, divisions of the Rig Veda; Bergaigne, Recherches
sur l'histoire de la Samhit[=a] du Rig Veda, JA. (1886 and following
years), also on the liturgy, _ib_. 1888; JA. x. No. 3; Pincott, JRAS.
xvi. 381; Hillebrandt, Spuren einer älteren Rig Veda Recension, BB.
viii. 195; Lanman, JAOS. x. 580; Brunnhofer, KZ, xxv. 374, BB. x. 234
(Collitz, BB. vii. 183); Roth, on the worth of tradition, ZDMG. xxi.
1; Whitney, on Translation of Veda, OLS.; PAOS. Oct. 1867; Goldstücker
on S[=a]ya[n.]a, in Preface to P[=a][n.]ini. Cult against mantra,
Roth, ZDMG. vii. 604; viii. 467; Weber, _ib._ viii. 389; Pischel and
Geldner, Preface to Vedische Studien and ZDMG. xlviii. 702; Colinet,
Les Principes de I'exégèse védique, Muséon, 1890; Bloomfield,
Contributions (above); E. Hardy, Die Vedisch-brahmanische Periode d.
Relig. d. Alt. Ind.; Muir, Priests and Interpreters of the Veda, JRAS.
ii. 257, 303; Haug, Contribution, 1863, and Interpretation of the
Veda, Congress, 1874; Ludwig, Die philosophischen und religiösen
Anschanungen des Veda; also Ludwig, Rig-Veda, iii (Mantra-Literatur),
pp. 262, 284, 301, and his works, Ueber Methode bei Interpretationen
des Rig Veda, and Ueber die neuesten Arbeiten auf dem Gebiet der RV.
Forschung. Further (Vedic and later literature), Oldenberg, ZDMG.
xxxvii. 54; _ib_. xxxix. 52; Windisch, Verh. d. Geraer Philologen
Versammlung, Vedische Wettfahrtt in Festgruss an Roth; Weber, Episches
im Vedischen Ritual, Sitz. Berl. Ak., 1891; Schermann, Philosophische
Hymnen (also Visionsliteratur).
#Vedic and brahmanic belief#: Pott, Vedic and Orphic Kosmic Egg,
Ovidiana, KZ. viii. 179 (Peleus as _Urschlamm I_); von Bradke,
Beiträge z. altind. Religions und Sprachgescbichte, ZDMG. xl. 347,
655; Schrader, chapter xiii; Zimmer, AIL.; Roth and Böhtlingk,
Vedische Räthsel, ZDMG. xxxvii. 109; (and eschatology) xlvi. 759;
Windisch, _ib_. xlviii. 353.[23] Eschatology: Weber, Eine Legende,
ZDMG. ix. 237 (Bhrigu) and 308; Burnell, a Legend from the
Talavak[=a]ra, Congress, 1880, IA. xiii. 16, 21; Benfey, Orient und
Occident, iii. 169, and Hermes, Minos, Tartaros; Whitney, PAOS., Nov.,
1858, May, 1886; Böhtlingk, Bericht d. k. Sächs. Gesell, 23. April,
1893, p. 88; Henotheism: Whitney, _loc. cit_., Oct. 1881, see IA.
xi. 146; Hopkins, Drisler Memorial. Social position of priests
(castes), Weber,[24] Nachträge, p. 795; Collectanea, IS. x; Muir,
JRAS. ii. 257; OST. i; Hopkins, Four Castes, also JAOS. xiii;
Schlagintweit (Caste at Present), ZDMG. xxxiii. 549. Cult: E. Hardy,
_loc. cit_. above; on _Om_ see Bloomfield, PAOS. Oct. 1889; Cult of.
Manes, Caland, Altind. Ahnencult, and Ueber Totenverehrung bei Einigen
der IE. Völker; Winternitz, WZKM. iv. 199; Whitney, OLS. i. 46; Kaegi,
_loc. cit_., note 265, with literature. Funeral: Roth, ZDMG. viii.
467; Müller, _ib_. ix. pp. i and xiiii (sic); Wilson, JRAS. 1854, p.
201; Regnaud, Çr[=a]ddha védique, Rev. d'hist. d. relig. xxv. 1;
Donner, pi[n.][d.]apit[r.]yajña; Lanman, Mortuary Urns, PAOS. May,
1891. Wedding: Weber, Hochzeitssprüche, IS. v. 177; Stenzler,
P[=a]raskara, ZDMG. vii. 527; Haas, Heiratsgebräuche d. alten Inder,
IS. v. 267; Schröder, Die Hochzeitsbräuche der Esten; Winternitz, Das
Ai. Hochzeitsrituell. Omens, Ordeals, etc.: Weber, Zwei Vedische
Texte über Omina und Portenta, Wurfel-Orakel, Vedische Beiträge;[25]
Schlagintweit, Gottesurtheile; Stenzler, ZDMG. ix. 661; Kaegi, Alter
und Herkunft der germanischen Gottesurtheile (with further
literature); Jolly, Beiträge zur Rechtsgeschichte, ZDMG. xliv. 347.
The earliest essay on Ordeals was presented by Warren Hastings, 1784,
Asiatick Researches, i. 389. Star-lore: Colebrooke; Weber, IS. ii.
236; Haug, Introduction to [=A]it. Br.; Weber, Die Vedischen
Nachrichten von d. Nakshatra; Sitz. Berl. Ak. 1861, p. 267;[26]
Müller, Ancient Hindu Astronomy and Chronology; Burgess, JRAS. xxv.
717; Jacobi, Methods and Tables. Witchcraft, Medicine: Kuhn, KZ.
xiii. 49; Grohmann, IS. ix. 381; Bloomfield, Contributions, AJP. vii,
xi, xii; Pictet, KZ. v. 24, 321; Jolly, Knoblauch, Festgruss an Roth,
p. 18; medicine and divination, Bower MS.,
JASB. 1891; IA. xxi. 29, 129; WZKM. v. 103. Blood-money: Roth, ZDMG.
xli. 672; Aryan and Indic, Bühler and Schroeder, Festgruss an Roth;
Jolly, _loc. cit._., p. 339. Sacrifices: Hillebrandt, Das altind.
Neu-u. Vollmondsopfer, and Nationale Opfer, Festgruss an Böhtlingk;
Lindner, Die Diksk[=a], and _loc. cit._, Ernteopfer; Weber,
V[=a]japeya and R[=a]jas[=u]ya, Sitz. Berl. Ak., 1892, 1893, and Zur
Kenntniss d. Ved. Opferrituals, IS. x. 321, xiii. 217; Schwab, Das
Altindische Thieropfer. Suttee and Human Sacrifices: Colebrooke,
Duties of Faithful Hindu Widow, Asiatick Researches, iv. 209; Wilson,
JRAS. 1851, p. 96, 1854, p. 201, 1859, p. 209; Müller, Chips, ii. 34;
Hall, JRAS. iii. 183, 193; R[=a]jendral[=a]la Mitra, Indo-Aryans, ii.
114; Weber, ZDMG. vii. 585, xviii. 262 (Manu, Minotaur, _ib._ p. 286),
Ind. Streifen, i. 54; Zimmer, AIL. p. 328; Hillebrandt, ZDMG. xl. 711.
#Ritual, etc#: (above and) Müller, ZDMG. ix. p. xliii; Garbe, ZDMG.
xxxiv. 319 (Pravargya); Rarity of Soma-sacrifice, Haug, ZDMG. xvi.
273; Hindu Doctrine of Atonement, Stenzler, Congress, 1874, p. 205;
Atharva Ritual, Garbe, V[=a]it[=a]na S[=u]tra; Magoun, Asur[=i] Kalpa;
Agni Sacrifice, Thibaut, Agni Citi, Pandit, JAS. Beng., xliv, 1875,
Çulva S[=u]tra; Koulikovski, Les Trois Feux Sacrés, Rev. xx. 121.
Serpent-worship: Stier, Sarpedon, KZ. xi. 234; Fergusson, Tree and
Serpent Worship; Cuthbert, Serpent Temples, JRAS. 1846, p. 407;
compare _ib_, 1891; Winternitz, Sarpabali, Schlangencult, Mit. d.
anthrop. Gesell., Wien, xviii; IA. xv. 258; Bühler, _ib_. vi. 270;
Snakes and Buddha, Bendall, Meghas[=u]tra, JRAS. xii. 286; Senart,
Buddha; Oldham, JRAS. xxiii. 361. Idols: Weber, Omina und Portenta,
p. 337; Ludwig, Nachrichten; Bollensen, ZDMG. xxii. 587, xlvii. 586;
Müller, Chips, i. 37;[27] Muir, OST., v. 453; Kaegi, Rig Veda, note
79^a. Ages and Holy Numbers:[28] Roth, Ueber den AV., and Ueber den
Mythus von den fünf Menschen-Geschlechtern bei Hesiod; Weber, Cycles,
IS. ix. 460; ZDMG. xv. 132; Kaegi, Die Neunzahl; Schroeder, seven as
holy number, KZ. xxix. 224; Hopkins, Holy Numbers of the Rig Veda.[29]
See Star-lore, above.
#Brahmanism#: Specimens, Muir, OST. iv; S[=a]man, Benfey, Griffith;
Sha[d.]vi[.m]ça, Weber, Omina (above); M[=a]it. S., Haug, IS. ix. 174;
von Schroeder, Literatur, and ZDMG. xxxiii. 177; Çatapatha, partial
translation, Eggeling, SBE., xii, xxvi, xli; Muir, JRAS. 1862, p. 31
(OST.); Weber, IS. i. 161 and Ind. Streifen, i. 9; first chapter,
ZDMG. iv. 289; Brunnhofer (relation of parts), BB. x. 234; [=A]it.
Br., Haug; Weber, IS. ix. 177; Deluge, etc., Bopp, Sündflüt; Weber,
ZDMG. v. 525, Ind. Streifen, i. 9; Roth, ZDMG. vi. 243; Lindner, Ir.
Fluthsage, Festgruss an Roth. Upanishads:[30] Cowell, Roer, Bib.
Ind.; Whitney, Böhtlingk (Ka[t.]ha, Ch[=a]ndogya, Ait
K[=a]ush[=i]tak[=i], Kena, B[r.]had[=a]ra[n.]yaka); Weber, IS. i, ii,
ix; Müller, SBE., i, xv (all the chief works);[31] Oertel,
J[=a]imin[=i]ya, PAOS. 1894; list of, Müller, ZDMG. xix. 137;
Concordance of Upanishads, Jacob. For a general introduction the best
work in English are the translations in the Sacred Books. Gough's
Philosophy of the Upanishads has many translations, but the book is
otherwise not to be recommended. On [=a]tm[=a] as [Greek: autmên], see
KZ. xvii 145. Philosophy: Deussen, Das System des Ved[=a]nta, 1883,
is now the standard work;[32] to which should be added the same
author's S[=u]tra; Jacob's Ved[=a]ntas[=a]ra; and Thibaut, Ved[=a]nta
S[=u]tra, SBE. xxxiv.[33] For the S[=a]nkhya, Davies, S[=a]nkhya; and
Ballantyne, Aphorisms; but the best work is now Garbe, Die S[=a]mkhya
Philosophie (1894). A good general introduction to Hindu Pantheism has
been given by Lanman, Beginnings of Hindu Pantheism. The best general
summary[34] of Hindu philosophies is found in the revised edition of
Colebrooke's Essays. Other special studies include Roth, Brahma und
die Brahmanen,[35] ZDMG. i. 66 (on _brahma_); Müller, _ib_. vi. 1,
219, vii. 287 (Beiträge zur Kenntniss der Ind. Phil.); Roer, _ib_.
xxi. 309, xxii. 383 (Die Lehrsprüche der Vaiçeshika Philosophie);
Muir, Theism in Vaiçeshika Philosophy, JRAS. 1862, p. 22; Ballantyne,
Ny[=a]yas[=u]tras; Windisch, Ueber das Ny[=a]yabh[=a]shya, 1888, an
Sitz der denkenden Seele, Beitr. d. k. Sächs. Gesell., 1891, p. 55;
Ballantyne and Cowell, Ç[=a][n.][d.]ilya's Aphorisms (text by B.,
translation by C., Bib. Ind.); Regnaud, Le Pessimisme Br[=a]hmanique,
Ann. du Mus. Guimet, i, and Matériaux pour servir à l'histoire de la
philosophie d'Inde. The Sarvadarçanasa[.n]graha is translated by
Cowell and Gough. The S[=u]tras of the six systems have all been
translated (with the texts) in India. On the date of Çankara see
Pathak, IA. xi. 174; and Telang and Fleet, _ib_. xiii. 95, xvi. 41;
Logan, _ib_. xvi. 160.
#House-rules and law#: All the most important manuals of custom and
law have been translated by Stenzler, Bühler, Jolly, Oldenberg,
Bloomfield and Knauer (SBE. ii, vii, xiv, xxv, xxix, xxx, xxxiii;
Stenzler, P[=a]raskara, [=A]çval[=a]yana and Y[=a]jñavalkya;
Oldenberg, IS. xv. 1, Ç[=a]ñkh[=a]yana; Knauer, Gobhila, also Vedische
Fragen, Festgruss an Roth; Bloomfield, Gobhila, ZDMG. xxxv. 533).[36]
JAINISM.
Colebrooke's Essays (Cowell), ii. 402; Lassen, iv. 763; Wilson,
Essays, i. 319; Weber, IS. xv. 263, xvi. 211, xvii. 1,[37] and Berlin
MSS., vol. ii, 1892; Klatt, Stotra (MSS.), ZDMG. xxxiii. 445; Leumann,
Berichte von den Schismen der Jaina, IS. xvii. 91; Jacobi, Stutayas
and Stotra, ZDMG. xxxii. 509, IS. xiv. 359, also origin of sects,
ZDMG. xxxviii. 1, Introduction to Kalpa S[=u]tra (Abh. k. M.,[38]
1879, Mab[=a]v[=i]ra is N[=a]taputta). Compare also Jacobi, ZDMG.
xxxiv. 247; Oldenberg, _ib_. 748; Jacobi, _ib_. xxxv. 667, xl. 92;
Burnell, IA. i. 354; Rice and Bühler, _ib_. iii. 153, vii. 28, 143,
etc; Burgess, _ib._ xiii. 191; Windisch, Hemacandra's Yogaç[=a]stra,
ZDMG. xxviii. 185. Jacobi has translated Ac[=a]r[=a]nga and Kalpa
S[=u]tras for SBE. xxii. Hoernle, Digambara Pattavalis, IA. xx. 341,
xxi. 57. A popular essay on Jains by Williams appeared JRAS. xx. 279.
On Jain tradition compare Bühler, Sitz. Wien. Ak. 1883, WZKM. i. 165,
ii. 141, iii. 233, iv. 313, v. 59, 175 (Mathur[=a], Congress, 1892, p.
219). On Gos[=a]la compare Hoernle, Bib. Ind., Uv[=a]saga Das[=a]o
(seventh Anga) with Leumann's review; and Rockhill, Life of Buddha, p.
249. Compare also Jain Bh[=a]rata and R[=a]m[=a]ya[n.]a of Pampa,
Rice, JRAS. xiv. 19; Leumann, Daçavaikalika-S[=u]tra und Niryukti,
Jinabhadra's J[=i]takalpa, Sitz. Berl. Ak. 1892, Die Legende von Citta
und Sa[.m]bh[=u]ta, WZKM. v. 111, vi. 1; Thomas, Early Faith of Açoka
(to show prior Jainism; a dubious contention) JRAS. ix. 155. On the
Jain nurture of vermin see JRAS. 1834, p. 96. On dates compare Jacobi,
Kalpas[=u]tra and Oldenberg (above). The Çatruñjaya M[=a]h[=a]tmyam
(Weber, Abh. k. M., 1858) is probably not an early work (Bühler, Three
New Edicts, IA. vi. 154). On Weber's view in regard to Jain-Greek
legends see his essay Ahaly[=a]-Achilleus, Sitz. Berl. Ak., 1887. See
too Barth, Revue, xix. 292 ff., xx. 332.
BUDDHISM.
Colebrook's Essays; Wilson, Buddha and Buddhism, JRAS., 1856, pp. 229,
357; Bennett, Gaudama, JAOS. ii. 3; R. Spence Hardy, Eastern
Monarchism and Manual of Buddhism; E. Hardy, Der Buddhismus nach
älteren P[=a]liwerken; Burnouf, Le Lotus de la Bonne Loi and
Introduction à l'histoire du Bouddhisme indien (Nepal); Köppen, Die
Religion des Buddha; Weber, Ueber den Buddhismus, Ind. Skizzen, and
Streifen, i. 104; Barthélemy Saint-Hilaire, Le Bouddha et sa religion
(now antiquated); Oldenberg, Buddha; Kern, Der Buddhismus; T.W. Rhys
Davids, Manual of Buddhism, and Hibbert Lectures; Copleston, Buddhism;
Monier Williams, Buddhism;[39] Mary Sumner's Histoire (ed. Foucaux);
Senart's Essai sur la légende du Buddha, JA. 1873, p. 114; 1874, p.
249; 1875, P. 97, and published separately. Valuable is the same
author's article, JA. viii, 1876, Notes, and work (containing) Les
Inscriptions de Piyadasi; compare IA. xvii. 188; ZDMG. xl. 127
(bühler). on N[=a]g[=a]rjuna (second century) see Beal, IA. xv. 353.
Of historical interest, if otherwise valueless, are Schoebel, Le
Buddha et le Bouddhisme, 1857; and Holmboe, Traces de Buddhisme en
Norvège avant l'introduction du christianisme. Lillie, Buddha and
Early Buddhism, also influence of Buddhism on Christianity, and JRAS.
xiv. 218, Buddhist Saint Worship, and _ib_. xv. 419, on Ceylon
Buddhism; Beal, Schools, IA. ix. 299.
#Buddhist texts#: Burnouf, Foucaux, above; Weber, Dhammapada,[40]
ZDMG. xiv. 29: Müller, Science of Religion, and SBE. x, with
Fanshöll's Sutta Nip[=a]ta; J. Weber and Huth, Tib. Buddhist
S[=u]tras, ZDMG. xlv. 577; Pischel, Assal[=a]yana Sutta; Childers,
Khuddaka P[=a]tha, JRAS. iv. 309.; Davids, Buddhist Suttas translated
from the P[=a]li; and Davids and Oldenberg,[41] Vinaya Texts, SBE. xi,
xiii, xvii, xx; Kern, Lotus, _ib_. xxi; Davids, Milinda, _ib_. xxxv;
Cowell and Müller, Mah[=a]y[=n]na S[=u]tras, _ib_. xlix; Foucaux,
Lalita Vistara, Ann. du MG. vi, xix; Pratimokha, above, and Beal and
Gogerly, JRAS. 1862, p. 407; Dickson, _ib_. vii. 1, viii. 62;
Childers, _ib_. vii. 49; viii. 219; Rogers (and Müller),
Buddhaghosha's Parables; Foulkes, IA. xix. 105; Carus, Gospel of
Buddha.
#Nirv[=a][n.]a#: Out of the immense literature we select Müller
(Buddhist Nihilism), Science of Religion, p. 141; Oldenberg, Buddha,
p. 273; Frankfurter, JRAS. xii. 548; Rhys Davids, Manual, and Hibbert
Lectures, tenth Appendix.
#Date of nirv[=a][n.]a#: Westergaard, Buddha's Totesjahr, Ueber den
ältesten Zeitraum der Ind. Geschichte; Cunningham, Bhilsa Topes;
Bühler IA. vi. 149 ff., Three New Edicts of Açoka; Kern, Jaar-telling;
Müller, Acad. March 1, 1884, SBE. x.: Davids, Ancient Coins and
Measures of Ceylon, p. 57; Oldenberg, Vinaya Pitaka, SBE. xiii. p.
xxii.[42]
#Foreign buddhism#: Stan. Julien, Histoire de la vie de Hiouen Thsang,
Mémoires (compare JA. Dec. 1857), Voyages des Pélerins Bouddhistes;
Wassiljew, Der Buddhismus; Bigandet, Life of Gaudama; Fergusson,
Hiouen Thsang's Journey from Patna, JRAS. vi. 213, 396; Wilson, _ib._
1859, p. 106 ('Summary Account'); JAS. Beng. i; As. Researches, xx
(Csoma, Asiatic Buddhism); Beal, Diamond S[=u]tras (etc., JRAS.);
Gutzlatf (Sykes), Buddhism in China, JRAS. 1854, p. 73; 1856, pp. 316,
357 (Wilson, Notes, Inscriptions); Edkins, Chinese Buddhism; Beal
(Chinese), Dhammapada, The Romantic Legend, and Travels of the
Buddhist Pilgrim Fah-Hian,[43] Life of Buddha, BOR. _passim_; Müller,
Buddhist Pilgrims, Chips, i; Köppen (above); Hodgson, Memoirs; Burnouf
(above); Schlagintweit, Buddhistic Idols in Tibet, JRAS. 1863, p. 437,
and (Ann. du Musée Guimet, iii) Buddhism in Tibet (Lamaism in the
second part); Rockhill, The Life of Buddha, and The Land of the Lamas;
Lamaistic succession, Mayers, JRAS. iv. 284; Lamaist extension of
Buddhist Confession, IA. xxiii. 73; Lamaism and Catholicism, Davids,
Hibbert Lectures; Modern Lamaism, Waddell, Buddhism of Thibet or
Lamaism; Schiefner, T[=a]ran[=a]tha's Geschichte (and Tibetische
Lebensbeschreibung); Tibet texts (above); Bastian, Buddhist Literature
of the Burmese, ZDMG. xvii. 697, and Buddhist Psychology, _ib._ xx.
419; Führer, Buddhist Manu, BBRAS. xv. 329; Jardine and Forchhammer,
Notes on Buddhist Law (in Burmah); Friederich, Buddhism in Bali, JRAS.
viii 158, ix. 59; dharmaç[=a]stra, IA. xiii. 24; Crawfurd, Hindu
Religion in Bali, AR. xiii. 128;[44] in Ceylon, Foulkes, IA. xvii.
100.
#Buddhist legends#: Burnouf, Introduction; Davids, Buddhist Birth
Stories, and BOR. iv. 9; Beal, JRAS. vi. 377; Fausböll, Two
J[=a]takas, JRAS. v. i., Five and Ten (1872); Feer, JA. 1875
(v, vi);[45] Fausböll, Weber, IS. v. 412; Açvaghosha (fifth ccntury);
Weber, Streifen, i. 186; Cowell, Açvaghosha; Lévi, JA. 1892, p. 201;
Beal, SBE. xix. Hells: Feer, Études Bouddhiques, l'Enfer indien, JA.
1892, p. 185, 1893, p. 112;[46] Köppen, p. 239; Senart, Notes, JA.
viii. 477. Symbols: Cunningham, JRAS. 1851, pp. 71, 114; Hodgson,
_ib._ 1861, p. 393; Sewell and Pincott, _ib._ xix. 238 and xxii.
299;[47] IA. vii. 176; _ib._ xv. 61, 89, 217, and following volumes
(sacred trees); Lillie, Saints and Trees, JRAS. xiv. 218. Topes,
Temples: Cunningham, above, p. 108, and St[=u]pa of Bharhut, Bhilsa
Topes (synods, schisms); Fergusson, Rock-cut Temples of India, JRAS.
1844, p. 30, and Topes of S[=a]nchi and Amar[=a]vat[=i]; Beal, JRAS.
v. 164; Burgess, Arch. Surv. of Western India, and Cave Temples of
India (symbols) with Fergusson; the latter, History of Indian and
Eastern Architecture, Tree and Serpent Worship; Simpson, JRAS. xxi. 49
(temples from tombs); Müller, Dagobas from Ceylon, ZDMG. xii. 514[48]
(also dates). Women leaders of Buddhist Reformation, Miss Bode, JRAS.
xxv. 517.
#Brahmanism and Buddhism#: Burnouf, Bh. P. Introd. p. 137 (Indra
highest god); Williams, JRAS. xviii. 127; Holtzmann, Zur Geschichte,
p. 103; (and Jainism) Leumann, Die Legende von Citta und Sambh[=u]ta,
WZKM (above); Bastian, Brahmanic Inscriptions in Buddhist Temples (of
Siam), JAOS. viii. 377.
#Buddhist heresies#, D[=i]pava[.m]sa (above); doctrines, Wassiljew
(above); Le Buddhisme et les Grecs, Lévi, Revue, xxiii. 36.
HINDUISM.
EPIC: Ktesias, IA. x. 296 ff.; McCrindle, Ancient India as
described by Ktesias and by Megasthenes and Arrian;[49] date of
Bh[=a]rata, Bühler, Kirste, Ind. Studies, No. ii; in Cambodia,
Barth, Inscriptions Sanskrites du Cambodge; of R[=a]m[=a]ya[n.]a,
Weber, R[=a]m[=a]ya[n.]a, IA., reprint; Jacobi, R[=a]m[=a]ya[n.]a,[50]
Festgruss an Böhtlingk, p. 44, GGA., Nos. 16 of 1892, 1893; epic
language, Franke, Was ist Sanskrit? BB. xvii. 54; epos and Veda,
Oldenberg, ZDMG. xxxvii. 54, xxxviii. 439, xxxix. 52; Weber, Episches
im Vedischen Ritual,[51] Sitz, Berl. Ak. 1891; Ludwig, Ironie,
Festgruss an Böhtlingk. Résumé, Wheeler, History (unreliable);
Williams, Indian Wisdom. Translations, Wilson, Sabh[=a], JRAS. 1842,
p. 137; Thomson (1855), Davies, Lorinser, and Telang (SBE. viii),
Bhagavad G[=i]ta, etc; Milman, Nala; Muir, IA. vii, viii, Metrical
Translations, and OST.; Arnold, S[=a]vitr[=i], Idylls, etc. (free);
Holtzmann (Sr.), Indische Sagen; Foucaux, 'Kairata Parva'; Sadous,
fragments (1858); H. Fauche (several books of Bh[=a]rata); Pratapa
Chandra Roy (almost all); Griffith, R[=a]m[=a]ya[n.]a, Schoebel. (Mus.
Guimet, xiii), Gorresio, Fauche, _id_. Studies, Holtzmann, Indra,
Apsaras, Brahm[=a],[52] ZDMG. xxxii. 290, xxxiii. 631, xxxviii. 167,
Agni, Arjuna (each separately), Zur Geschichte, Neunzehn Bücher
(literature); Hopkins, Manu in Epic, JAOS. xi. 239, Ruling Caste,
_ib_. xiii, etc.; Sauer, Mah[=a]bh[=a]rata and Wate (primitive epic,
unconvincing); Nève, Morals and Women (antiquated); Weber,
Mother-Worship, Zwei Ved. Texte, and West, IA. x. 245; Roussel, Les
idées religieuses, Muséon, xii. 263, 295. For Philosophy, see above.
Pur[=a][n.]as, Modern Sects: Lassen, i. 481; Wilson, Analysis,
1838-39 (essays); Burnouf, Bh[=a]gavata; Wilson, Vishnu; Rückert,
M[=a]rka[n.][d.]eya, Wortham, JRAS. xiii. 103, 355 (partial); _ib_.
xvii. 221; Wolheim, Padma (Latin, partial); Stevenson, Ga[n.]eça,
JRAS. 1846, p. 319; Ante-Brahmanic Religions, and Feudalism, _ib_.
1846, pp. 330, 390; in Dekhan, _ib_. 1838, p. 189; Sykes, Traits,
_ib_. 1860, p. 223; G[=i]ta-Govinda, Lassen (Latin), Rückert,
ZKM. i. 132. Fables: WZKM. vii. 215; Pratapa Chandra Gosha,
Durg[=a]p[=u]j[=a]; T[=i]rtha: Williams, Hinduism (list), IA. v. 209,
Cunningham, Survey; Hunter, Indian Empire (sects), Orissa, and Report;
Çivaite sects, Sen[=a]th[=i] R[=a]ja, Mus. Guim. vii; Krishna, Weber,
ZDMG. vi. 92; Berl. Ak., 1867, p. 217, IS. xiii. 354; Nève, Des
éléments étrangers, etc; Phallus, IA. iv. 211, v. 183, Kittel, Ueber
d. Ursprung des Linga Cultus (refutes Wurm, Geschichte der Indischen
Religion); Stevenson, JRAS. 1846, p. 337; P[=a]ñcar[=a]tra, Hall,
V[=a]savadatta. C[=a]rv[=a]ka, Colebrooke, Muir, _loc. cit_.
Var[=a]hamihira, see above. Fate: IA. xviii. 46. Sects: Jones, AR. ii.
334; names of week-days, Cunningham, IA. xiv. i; Grierson, _ib_. 322;
Dikshit, _ib_. xvi. 113; Wilson's Sketch of the Religious Sects of the
Hindus, AR., Essays; Hunter's Statistical Account of Bengal; Kitt's
Compendium of Castes and Tribes; Elphinstone's History; Müller, Chips,
iv. 329; Williams, Religious Thought and Life, and Brahmanism and
Hinduism; W.J. Wilkins, Modern Hinduism; Wilson, On the Sikhs, JRAS.
1846, p. 43; Prinsep, Origin of Sikh Power; MacGregor, History of
Sikhs;[53] Kab[=i]r; Trumpp, [=A]digranth, JRAS. v. 197, Congress,
1880, p. 159, and [=A]digranth (complete), IA. vi ff.; Die Religion
der Sikhs. Vishnuism, Williams, JRAS. xiv. 289. Mohammedanism in
Hinduism, Dabist[=a]n, vol. ii.[54] Ritual: Bühler, IA. 1883; temples;
Hurst, Indika (especially p. 294); Burgess, IA. xii. 315; Williams,
Thought and Life, p. 448 (see Buddhism). Thugs: Reynolds, JRAS. 1837,
p. 200; Sherwood, AR. xiii. 25, Ph[=a]ns[=i]gars; Shakespear, _ib_.
xiii. 282; also Sleeman, Report, and Ramaseeana (Thugs' Argot and
papers on Thugs); Elphinstone, i. 369, 371 (Bh[=a]ts and Ch[=a]rans),
384 (Thugs and Decoits). C[=a]itanyas, Hunter, Statistical Account,
Williams and Wilkins, _loc. cit_.; On 'pocket-altars,' JRAS. 1851, p.
71; Vidh[=a]nas, Burnell, Meyer; K[=a]nph[=a]tis, Celibates, of Kutch,
JRAS. 1839, p. 268; Ling[=a]yits, Kittel, above, and IA. iv, v; Tulsi
D[=a]s, R[=a]m[=a]ya[n.]a, works of Ramavat sect, Grierson, IA. xxii.
89, 122, 227; Pandus as gods, IA, vii. 127; their fish-emblems, _ib_.
xxii. 61; Bombay Dancing Girls, IA. xiii. 165; Sun-worship, temples,
St. Julien, Voy. iii. 172; Burgess, Survey, p. 216; in Taxila, JRAS.
1859, p. 77; in Pur[=a][n.]as, Lassen, ii. 832, 919; IA. vi. 11, vii.
69, 71, viii. 30 ([=a]dityabhaktas). Theistic Reformers: Wilson,
Essays; Hunter, Account; Müller, Chips; Williams, JRAS. xiii. I, 281;
Tiru Valluvar, Graul, Kural, and Pope, IA. vii ff.; N[=a]ngi
Panth[=i]s, IA. xiii. 1; Tamil Çivaites, Foulkes, Catechism; JAOS. iv.
129; Ph[=a]ndarpur Vishnuites, Vi[t.]h[t.]ala Bhaktas (Kab[=i]r),
Stevenson, JRAS. 1842 p. 64; especially Mitchell, IA. xi. 56, 149,
hyrons of Tuk[=a], and celebration, Congress, 1892, p. 282.
Festivals:[55] above, V[=a]japeya; Hillebrandt, Sonnwendfeste; JRAS.
1846, p. 60; Gover, _ib_. v. 91; IA. xx. 430; Holi, JRAS. 1838, p.
189; 1841, p. 239; Vet[=a]la, _ib_. 1838, p. 192; Dekhan deities,
_ib_. 1842, p. 105.
WILD TRIBES.
Johnston. Yellow Men of India; Hunter, _loc. cit_.; Hewitt, Early
History of Northern India (speculative), JRAS. xx. 321, etc.; Oppert,
Original Inhabitants, Madras Journal, 1887, 1888; Breeks, Account of
Primitive Tribes, etc. (Nilagiris, Todas); Hodgson, Aboriginal Tribes,
JAS. Beng., xxv. 31; Samuelis, Native Dress and Religious Dances,
_ib_. 295; Neumann, English Realm in India, ii; Latham, Ethnology of
India; Macpherson, JRAS. 1842, p. 172, and 1852, p. 216(Khonds);
Briggs, Aboriginal Races, _ib_. 275; Sherring, Hindu (Bengal) Tribes;
the Sacred City of the Hindus; also Bhar-tribe by the same, JRAS. v.
376; Risley, Tribes and Castes of Bengal; Rowney, Wild Tribes; Khonds,
Koles,[56] S[=a]uras, Gonds (and Bh[=i]ls) JRAS. 1852, p, 216 (1844,
p. 181); also _ib_. 1842, p. 172; Marshman, History, iii. p. 108
(Khonds); thirty Snake-tribes, JRAS. xii. 229; _ib_. 1859, p.1,[57]
Frye, Uriya and Khonds, religious dances, p. 16; creed and sacrifice,
pp. 20, 36; Marshman ii. p. 164 (infanticide); Kitt, Compendium of
Castes and Tribes found in India; Santh[=a]ls, JRAS. 1852, p. 285; IA.
xxii. 294 (emigration); Avery, Aboriginal Tribes, IA. xiv. 125;
Carnegy, Races Tribes and Castes (Oude); Dalton (Bengal), Descriptive
Ethnology; Social Customs in Kashmeer and Oude, IA. xviii. 287, 386;
Campbell, Sant[=a]l folklore (totemistic origin from goose);[58]
Kork[=u]s, Kolarian Tribe in middle of (Dravidian) Gonds, JRAS. xvi.
164; Newbold, Chenchwars, wild tribe in forests of eastern Ghauts,
JRAS. 1845, p. 271; Cain, Koi, southern tribe of Gonds, JRAS. xiii.
410 (witches, Pandus, etc); Dunbar, Lurka Koles, JRAS., 1861, p. 370;
Dravidians, Kittel, and Caldwell, _loc. cit._; Polyandry, Thomas,
JRAS. xi. 37; Simpson (rites, sacrifices, etc.), P[=u]jas in the
Sutlej valley, JRAS. xvi. 13; Burnell, Devil-worship of Tuluvas, IA.
1894; Waddell, Frog-worship (Nepal), IA. xxii. 293; Steere, Swahili
Tales, IA. _passim_.[59] A volume has lately been published on the
Chittagong Hill Tribes[60] by Riebeck with superb illustrations; and
photographic illustrations of racial types may be studied in Watson's
and Kaye's volumes, The People of India. Discussion (biassed) of
_r[=a]jputs_ of Scythian origin, Elphinstone, i. 440. On Dravidian
literature, see Elliot, IA. xvi. 158. On Gipsies, Grierson, _ib._ 35;
etymology, _ib._ 239.
GEOGRAPHY, INDIA AND THE WEST.
Schmidt, Die Urheimath d. Indog. u. d. europäische Zahlsystem, Sitz.
Berl. Akad. 1890, p. 297; Hirt,[61] Die Urheimath d. Indogermanen, IF.
i. 464; Schrader, Sprachvergleichung und Urgeschlchte, p. 616; Lassen,
Indische Alterthumskunde, i. 643; Vivien de Saint Martin, Études sur
la Géographie du Véda; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, p. 3; Aufrecht,
ZDMG. xiii. 498 (Ras[=a] as Milky Way); Ludwig, Nachrichten über
Geographie, etc.; Whitney, Language and the Study of Language;
Oldenberg, Buddha, p. 399 (we cite from the first edition); Thomas,
Rivers of the Rig Veda, JRAS. xv. 357.[62] On the relations of the
Hindus and the West: Weber (relations with Semites), Indische
Skizzen, and Die Griechen in Indien, in Sitz. Berl. Akad. 1890, p.
901; Steinthal, ZDMG. xi. 396; Grill, _ib_. xxvii. 425; Stein, IA.
xvii. 89. Leo's view in regard to German-Indian unity (reviewed, ZDMG.
viii. 389) is worth citing as a curioslty.[63] Brunnhofer's works have
been cited above, p. 15. On the Beziehungen der Indier zum Westen a
valuable article has lately been written by Franke (ZDMG. xlvii. 595).
Weber, Ueber d. P[=a]ras[=i]prakaça d. K[r.][s.][n.]ad[=a]sa, as well
as in his R[=a]jas[=u]ya, V[=a]japeya, Vedische Beiträge, etc., has
treated of the relations with Persia (Fables, IS. iii. 327). In the
works cited above the same author has discussed the relations with all
other Western nations, including the Greeks, on which Sykes, Notes on
Religious State of India, JRAS. 1841, p. 243, is readable; Bohlen,
_Altes-Indien,_ and Lévi, La Grèce et I'lnde d'après les documents
indiens (revue des études grecques, 1891) should be read.[64] The
subject of Early Christianity in India has been treated by Burnell,
IA. iii. 308, iv. 153, etc. (see also above, p. 479); while Priaulx,
in JRAS. 1861, 1862, has written a series of interesting articles on
India's Connection with Rome. The Indian travels of Apollonius of
Tyana, JRAS. 1859, p. 70, etc., are of no value beside those of
Ktesias and Megasthenes. The origin of the Hindu Alphabet and the
native system of Dates have to do with the originality of parts of
Hindu literature, but these outlying subjects, which have a literature
of their own, we can only touch upon. A good _résumé_ of the
discussion in regard to the alphabet will be found in JRAS. xvi. 325,
by Cust; a new theory of Franke's, ZDMG. xlvi. 731. Halévy derives the
alphabet from Greece. But see now Bühler, Ind. Studies, iii, 1895
(North Semitic, seventh century, B.C.) The native eras are discussed
by Cunningham, Book of Indian Eras; and in Müller's India, What Can It
Teach Us? p. 282. On the native date for the beginning of the
Kali-yuga, _i.e._ this age (the year 3101 or 3102 B.C), JRAS. iv. 136,
and Thomas, edition of Prinsep's Antiquities, may be read.[65] A
general survey of primitive Aryan culture will be found in Schrader,
_loc. cit._, to which may be added on Vedic (Aryan) metres, Westphal,
KZ. ix. 437; and Allen, _ib._ xxiv. 556 (style, Heinzel, Stil d.
altgerm. Poesie). On the name [=A]rya, besides _loc. cit._ above, p.
25, may be added, Windisch, Beitr. z. Geschichte d. D. Sprache, iv.
211; Pott, Internat. Zt. für allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft, ii. p. 105
ff. Criticism of a too great confidence in the results of the
comparattve method, AJP. xv. 154; PAOS. 1895.
* * * * *
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 1: This bibliography is meant only to orient the
reader in regard to exegetical literature. It is not
complete, nor does it give editions of texts. The order
follows in general that of the chapters, but the second and
last paragraphs respectively must be consulted for
interpretation and geography. Works that cover several
fields are placed under the literature of the first. The
special studies on Vedic divinities have been arranged
alphabetically.]
[Footnote 2: On account of the inconvenient form in which
appeared the earlier numbers of the JRAS. we cite the Old
Series only by date. All references without date refer to
the New Series (vol i, NS., 1864).]
[Footnote 3: On the artistic side Emil Schlagintweit's great
work, Indien in Wort und Bild, contains much of interest to
the student of religious paraphernalia. See also below under
wild tribes.]
[Footnote 4: Roth, Morality of the Veda; Whitney, Result of
Vedic Researches (JAOS. iii. 289 and 331); Whitney, History
of the Vedic Texts, _ib_. iv. 245.]
[Footnote 5: Under this title Roth has an essay (on the
comparison of texts), KZ. xxvi. 45.]
[Footnote 6: See below. Defence of the same by the author,
WZKM. vii. 103.]
[Footnote 7: JRAS, i. 51 ff., and subsequent volumes,
Contributions to a Knowledge of the Vedic Theogony and
Mythology and Progress of the Vedic Religion toward Abstract
Conceptions of the Deity.]
[Footnote 8: It cannot be too much emphasized that
Grassmann's translation should never be used for comparative
purposes. At the same time, for a general understanding of
the contents of the whole Rig Veda it is the only book that
can be recommended. Ludwig's translation is so uncouth that
without a controlling knowledge of the original it is often
meaningless.]
[Footnote 9: Bloomfield, AJP. xii. 429. Compare also
Regnaud, Le Mythe de Rohita. The same author has published
various Vedic articles in the Rev. de l'histoire des
religions, vols. xv-xxvi. Whitney's complete translation of
AV. will soon appear.]
[Footnote 10: Sexual side of fire-cult; whirlwind of fire,
M[=a]tariçvan, Schwartz, KZ. xx. 202; compare Hillebrandt,
ZDMG. xxxiii. 248.]
[Footnote 11: Neisser's Vorvedisches im Veda, BB. xvii. 244,
is not a mythological study.]
[Footnote 12: Apollon here is Saparye[n.]ya, 'worshipful.'
This derivation is attacked by Froehde, Apollon, BB. xix.
230 (compare Fick, _ib._ xviii. 138), who derives Apollon
from [Greek: phellhôn], 'word,' comparing [Greek: hapellhaxein],
'conciliare,' _pell_ being 'spell' (in Gospel, etc.),
'inter-pellare.' Thus Apollo would be 'prophet,' 'wârspello.'
On _vahni_, Agni, compare Neisser, Vedica, BB. xviii. 301
(xix. 120, 248).]
[Footnote 13: Oldenberg, _loc. cit_., interprets Açvins as
morning and evening stars! The epithet (of Agni and Açvins)
_bhura[n.]yu_ has been equated with Phor[=o]neus, we forget
by whom.]
[Footnote 14: Oldenberg's (Die Religion des Veda)
Old-Man-of-the-Mountains-Indra thus gets etymological
support.]
[Footnote 15: For convenience included in this list.]
[Footnote 16: Maspiter is Mars-pater.]
[Footnote 17: Hirt equates Parjanya, Perkunas, Fjörgyn, as
originally epithet of Dy[=a]ns-Zeus, with [Greek:
phêgotaios], the 'Oak-god.' See also Zimmer, ZDA. vii. (19)
164.]
[Footnote 18: Müller explains Rudra as 'howler'; Leo
identifies him with Wuotan; Jones with Apollo, Kuhn. KZ.
iii. 335; as A. Sax. Rodor, _ib_. ii. 478: P. von Bradke.
ZDMG. xi. 361. Oldenberg's delineation of Rudra in Die
Religion des Veda is based on the Brahmanic Rudra-Çiva (see
PAOS. Dec 1894).]
[Footnote 19: Kerbaker, Varuna e gli Aditya (Naples,
Proceedings of the Royal Academy) is known to us only by
title.]
[Footnote 20: The author justly remarks that no sociological
data can be made of Yama's wife or sister.]
[Footnote 21: Dog sees Death, sharp sight of dog causes
myth.]
[Footnote 22: Other less important examples of etymological
ingenuity are Scherer, Brahman as flamen ([Greek: Brhagkos],
Bragi, see Kaegi, Rig Veda, note 82); abhrad[=i]t[=a] as
Aphrodite, Sonne, KZ. x. 415; Ahaly[=a] as Achilleus, Weber,
Sitz. Berl. Ak., 1887; Id[=a] as Iris (Windischmann),
Poseidon, potídas, i[=d.]aspati (Fick, KZ. xxi. 462); but in
KZ. i. 459 Poseidon is patye davan. On the form compare BB.
viii. 80; x. 237; KZ. xxx. 570. Prellwitz, BB. ix. 327,
agrees with Fick and Pott as to i[d.]as representing
[Greek: oidma] and compares [prosklhôtios]. Garga is Gorgo,
Kern, JRAS. iv. 431; P[=a]jasya is Pegasos, etc, KZ. i. 416,
xxix. 222; Parvata is Pelasgos, Burda, KZ. xxi. 470; but
compare Stier, _ib_. xi. 229, where Pelasgoi are 'cranes';
and Pische, _ib_. xx. 369, where they are [Greek:
parhrhhasioi]. Sabheya is Yavi[s.][t.]ha (not Hephaistos, as
says Kuhn), Müller, _ib._ xviii. 212; and v[r.]trahan is not
Bellerophon (as says Pott), _ib_. iv. 416, v. 140 (bellero
is varvara). Çarád is Ceres, Müller, _ib_. xviii. 211;
svav[=a]n is [Greek: enas], Autrecht, ZDMG. xiii 499; svar
'sing' in Silenus, Siren: Buddhaguru in Pythagoras, etc.
Helena is Saram[=a], and Hermes 1s S[=a]rameya. Müller,
Chips, ii. 138, note. Compare for further clever guesses
Cox's Aryan Mythology, Müller's Lectures, Second Series, and
Biographies of Words.]
[Footnote 23: Compare Deussen, Geschichte der Philosophie,
i. 105. On Vedic and Sanskrit Riddles, _loc. cit_.; also
Haug, Vedische Räthselfragen (also Brahma und die
Brahmanen); Führer, ZDMG. xxxix. 99.]
[Footnote 24: There is an essay on this subject by Kern,
Ind. Theorieen over de Standenverdeeling, which we have not
seen.]
[Footnote 25: Sitz. Berl. Ak. 1858, 1859, and 1894,
respectively. The Wurfel-Orakel (and Schiefner) is published
also in Ind. Streifen, i. 274. The essay on Omina and
Portenta contains translations of parts of the
Sha[d.]vi[.m]ça Br[=a]hma[n.]a, of the S[=a]ma Veda, and of
the K[=a]uçika (AV.) S[=u]tra.]
[Footnote 26: (Whitney) Burgess, S[=u]ryasiddh[=a]nta,
JAOS. vi; JRAS. 1863, p. 345; Whitney, _ib_. i. 316; Lunar
Zodiac, Or. Ling. St., ii. 341; Kern, translation of BS.,
JRAS. iv-vii; IS. x, xiv, xv; Weber, Ueber altir[=a]nische
Sternnamen, Sitz. Berl. Ak., 1888; see also Whitney, JAOS.
viii. 1, 382; Burgess, _ib_. 309; Weber, IS. ix. 424, x.
213; Whitney _vs_. Ludwig, PAOS., 1885. On the twelve
intercalated days, 'Twelfth Night,' see Weber, IS. v. 437
(Çabal[=i]-homa), xvii. 224.]
[Footnote 27: The statement is here made that the Vedic
religion knows nothing of idols; but see the other cited
works which seem to disprove this.]
[Footnote 28: The 'Fifteen Puzzle' is Indic (IA. x. 89, xi.
83).]
[Footnote 29: Triton und Euphemos, oder Die Argonauten in
Libyen, by Water, in 1849, treats of the holy seven in a
ridiculous way. Not less ridiculous is the author's attempt
to explain everything by the Moon-Cult, thus anticipating
modern vagaries.]
[Footnote 30: A curious though useless classic is Anquetil
du Perron's Oupnekhat, 1801, the first European version of
the Upanishads (through the Persian).]
[Footnote 31: Whitney, AJP. vii. 1, xi. 407; Jacob, IA. xv.
279; Whitney Trans. Phil. Ass. xxi. 88; Böhtlingk, Bericht
d. k. Sächs. Gesellschaft, 1890, and separately.]
[Footnote 32: Compare Windischmann, Sancara, 1833; Ecstein,
IS. ii. 369; and Bruining-Bijdrage tot de Kennis van den
Ved[=a]nta, 1871.]
[Footnote 33: Compare two native expositions, JRAS. x. 33
(Vedantic conception of _brahma_), and WZKM. ii. 95
(Çankara's _advaita_ philosophy); also Müller, Three
Lectures.]
[Footnote 34: Compare Ballantyne's Hindu Philosophy,
Williams' Indian Wisdom, Brahmanism and Hinduism, Religious
Thought and Life, and also the excellent chapters in Weber's
Lectures (above), and in Schroeder's Literatur und Cultur.
Of Deussen's Allgemeine Geschichte der Philosophie one half
volume has appeared.]
[Footnote 35: Haug has an article on the M[=a]it. Sa[.m]h.
with the same title, Brahma und Die Brahmanen.]
[Footnote 36: House-ritual: [=A]çval[=a]yana, Gobhila,
Ç[=a][.n]kh[=a]yana, P[=a]raskara, Kh[=a]dira,
Hira[n.]yakeçin, [=A]pastamba. Law: [=A]pastamba,
G[=a]utama, Vasistha, B[=a]udh[=a]yana, Y[=a]jñavalkya,
Vishnu, N[=a]rada, Brihaspati, Manu. The last is also
translated by Loiseleur, Jones, Burnell and Hopkins (besides
Bühler, SBE., above).]
[Footnote 37: Ueber die heiligen Schriften, translated into
English by Smyth in the Indian Antiquary, 1893.]
[Footnote 38: Feer, JA. 1888 (xii), p. 209. Leumann has
published in the same German series the Aupap[=a]tika
S[=u]tra, but as yet only the text (1883) has appeared.]
[Footnote 39: Of the many manuals we recommend especially
those of Rhys Davids for ontology (also J[=a]takis. First
Part) and Oldenberg (now in second edition). For Northern
Buddhism Köppen's Religion is still excellent, although it
is vitiated by the point of view taken by the author, who
regards Buddha as an emancipator, a political innovator,
etc. Davids has two recent articles on Buddhist sects, JRAS.
xxiii. 409; xxiv. 1 (see abo below).]
[Footnote 40: L. von Schroeder, Worte der Wahrheit. On the
word Dhammapada, Franke ZDMG. xlvi. 734.]
[Footnote 41: Also Oldenberg, D[=i]pava[.m]sa, with text.]
[Footnote 42: For Nirv[=a]na and its date all the manuals
may be consulted. See also D'Alwis, Nirv[=a]na (with
translation); Edkins, JRAS. xiii. 59, Congress, 1880, p.
195; Childers, Dictionary, JRAS. v. 219, 289, vii. 49, etc.;
Fergusson, _ib._ iv. 81 (Indic Chronology); Müller, Origin
of Religion, p. 130, note, and Introduction to Buddhaghosha,
and to Dhammapada (above). We incline to accept 471 to 483
as the extreme limits of the date of Buddha's death (Kern,
380; Davids, 412).]
[Footnote 43: On Hsing (671) see Beal, IA. x. 109, 194;
Müller, India. 'Fà-Hien's travels are now published by
Legge, 'Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms.' There are other
editions. See also Sykes, JRAS. 1841, p. 248; Beal, _ib._
xix. 191.]
[Footnote 44: On Japanese Buddhism there have been published
some texts by Japanese scholars (ed. Müller, Aryán Series of
Anecdota Oxoniensia). See JRAS. xii. 153.]
[Footnote 45: Chalmers, J[=a]takas (ed. Cowell, vol. 1) is
announced. Compare JRAS. xxiv. 423. On Barlaam u. Joasaph
see now the exhaustive essay of Kuhn, Abh. d.k. Bayerisch.
Ak. 1894 (with all literature).]
[Footnote 46: By the same, Avad[=a]naçataka, Mus. Guimet,
xviii (JA. 1879, xiv). The Da[t.]havamça, Melloné, Ann. du
MG. vii.]
[Footnote 47: Triratna and triçula. The articles following
are by Murray-Aynsley (Asiatic Symbolism), on svastika,
trees, serpents, evil eye, etc. On the evil eye and the
poison-girl, vi[s.]akany[=a], see now the interesting essay
of Hertz (Abh. d. Bayern. Akad, 1894), who connects the
superstition with the religious practice described above, p.
505, note 2.]
[Footnote 48: For older essays see also Schönberg, ZDMG.
vii. 101 (rock-temples); JAS. Beng. xxv. 222 (Khandgiri
temples); Yule, JAS. Beng., 1857, Ancient Buddhistic Remains
(on the Irawady): Sykes, Miniature Caityas in Buddhist
topes, JRAS. 1854, pp. 37, 227.]
[Footnote 49: Çiva is here falsely interpreted as Herakles,
p. 39. Compare too Weber, IS. ii. 409, and his
Ahaly[=a]-Achilleus, Berl. Ak. 1887. The original Greek is
edited by Schwanbeck. On Darius' conquest see Marshman, i.
p. 10.]
[Footnote 50: Sixth or eighth century, developed with
Buddhistic or Greek influence.]
[Footnote 51: An example of the survival of the Hindu cult
in the Çr[=a]uta ritual is given by Weber, IS. v. 437,
Çabal[=i]-homa.]
[Footnote 52: Weber on Skanda, IS. iii. 478.]
[Footnote 53: Compare also Malcolm, AR. xi (1812), 197; ZKM.
v. 1, Die Religion und der Staat der Sikh.]
[Footnote 54: The Dalast[=a]n or School of Manners,
translated from the Persian, with notes by Shea and Troy,
1843.]
[Footnote 55: Williams' Hinduism and the third chapter of
Wilkins' Modern Hinduism contain a list of the modern
festivals. Grierson, Peasant Life, describes Beh[=a]r.]
[Footnote 56: M[=o]ns and Koles, JRAS. x, 234. Lards,
Congress, 1874, by Drew; 1880, by Leitner.]
[Footnote 57: Snake-nation in America, Shoshone, Clark,
Sign-language, p. 337; snake-symbol of life, Schoolcraft, i.
375.]
[Footnote 58: Totemism repudiated, Kennedy, on N[=a]gas,
JRAS. xxiii. 480.]
[Footnote 59: The Indian Antiquary contains a vast fund of
folk-lore stones of more or less religious importance. See
Barth's note, Rev. xxix. 55, for the Orientalist.]
[Footnote 60: Early accounts of Burmah will be found in
Buchanan's Religion and Literature of the Burmas, AR. vi.
163; of the R[=a]jmahal tribes, T. Shaw, _ib._ iv. 45; of
the inhabitants of the Garrow Hills, Eliot, _ib._ iii. 17;
of the Kookies, MacRae (or McRae), _ib._ vii. 183; of Nepal
(temples, etc.), _ib._ ii. 307. An account of the
Tibeto-Burman tribes by Damant will be found in JRAS. xii.
228.]