CHAPTER XIX.

DEPARTURE OF THE COMMITTEE.

By the last election for President a man has been put in office who is

the acknowledged tool of the Trusts and Monopolies. He has avowedly

sealed his independence by accepting a nomination brought about by the

ring leader of a syndicate of Railroad Magnates and Steel and Oil Kings.

The people are in such a depressed condition that it is believed no

determined opposition to the dominant party can be conducted. So this

man is a candidate for re-election. The few intrepid men who succeed in

keeping the people's party in the field are derided and denounced as

anarchists. Their very lives are threatened, and in one instance a

Governor of the people being elected, he is immediately assassinated.

But for the certainty of the Plutocrats that their money will win them a

victory, all the leaders of the Independence party would be forcibly

done away with.

The prospects of the coming election look dubious for the people. On

August thirteenth the Committee of Forty determined to take the step for

re-emancipation. The time to strike the telling blow at monopoly is

approaching. The men all know what the work outlined will entail, and

they have brought themselves to look at the matter in much the same

light as the originator of the unparalleled expedient.

"We have been forced into adopting the plan of annihilation," Professor

Talbort declares to Henry Neilson, a fellow committeeman with whom he is

traveling to the Pacific coast.

"I agree with you," replies Neilson, "it is the only course open to us;

we have given every other proposal careful consideration. They would

only temporarily avert a conflict."

"I have pondered on the question of how our acts will be accepted by the

people," the Professor resumes. "I believe they will hail our acts as

those of deliverance."

"They will appreciate that we gave our lives for them," Neilson declares

unhesitatingly.

All of the Forty act with similar coolness.

Men of action are not as a usual thing great talkers; so it is with the

members of this committee. They waive much that would be deemed

essential by less resolute and active men. How the several annihilations

are to be effected is a matter left for each man to decide for himself.

He will have to carry out any plan he devises, and it is considered as

the best policy to let his method be known to no one else. This is the

surest way of avoiding a possible miscarriage of the plan.

The failure of one of the forty men will not then involve the remaining

thirty-nine. Every contingency is weighed. The chance of one or more of

the men going insane because of the frightful secret, is taken into

account and the idea that each man shall decide the details of the

course he is to pursue is adopted.

"I am glad that we parted without formality," Nettinger declares to the

group of committeemen who are his companions on a train that leaves

Chicago for the South.

"It would have unnerved us to speak of our meeting as '_the last_'" says

another of the group. "I have faced danger in my life, but I regard this

as the most astounding departure that has ever been made in the

interests of humanity."

"The future of the Republic is at stake," observes a third. "How will it

all end?"

This is the question that is uppermost in the minds of all.

"There is no time left to weigh the effects of defeat," Nettinger

asserts. "Each of us has but one thing to do, and to do this

successfully he has pledged his life. No man can do more."

The eleven disciples, as they separated after the crucifixion, each to

pursue a separate course, inaugurated the preaching of a great and

potential religion, and their work is the most momentous in history. So

it may prove that this Nineteenth Century aggregation of men united for

the purpose of benefiting their fellowmen, is of tantamount influence on

the human race.

From acting as component parts in a body that exists as a moral protest

against the wrongs of the world and the unrelenting hands of the

usurpers of the right of the people, these forty men go forth as an army

of crusaders.

On the committee of forty there is not a man who has not argued his

conscience into a state of appreciation of the worthiness of the action

he is to perform.

It is past midnight. Two months from this date, on October thirteenth,

the fulfillment of the vows the men have taken, must be made. In the

sixty days that are to intervene will any of these intrepid wills bend

under the pressure of mental anxiety? Will any of them prove a modern

Judas?

Nevins is the last to quit the store-room. He is nervous, almost

hysterical; his thin classical features are distorted and tense, as

though he were undergoing actual physical pain. And indeed to his

sensitive nature, the events of the night are sufficient to unnerve his

mind and body.

He is to meet Carl Metz and Hendrick Stahl in the morning, to start for

the East.

"The syndicate of annihilation is now incorporated," he observes, half

aloud. "I am no longer the promoter; now I assume a place as one of the

avengers of the people. God alone knows how repugnant this plan for

physical vengeance is to me, yet it is better than to permit a storm of

anarchy to come upon us. And the conditions that exist cannot long

continue."

Although every man has been called upon to make a personal sacrifice

there is none who makes a greater one than he. It is not alone the

relinquishment of his position in the world as a patient and industrious

worker; his sacrifice of love; the obliteration of his hope for

preferment, but the extinction of life itself at an age when all men

cherish it most highly.

Nevins is in the heyday of manhood; his forty years and six having been

spent in the perfection of his mental and physical forces. He is

equipped with a quick, perceptive brain that grasps the intricacies of a

problem almost intuitively; his logic is profound. Years of study have

made his mind a storehouse of knowledge.

To Nevins, in the allotment of the proscribed, has fallen the head of

the money trust, a multi-millionaire banker, a financial Magnate known

throughout the civilized world as the most rapacious miser on record.

This man has repeatedly shown that he has no regard for honesty of

purpose, and his moral appreciation is imperceptible. To recount the

deeds of cunning, of fraud, of gigantic robbery that he has committed in

his relentless quest for wealth, would be to retell the story of wrecked

railroads, enormously profitable bond issues and Wall street panics of

the past decade. The obituaries of the hundreds he has ruined afford the

best method of arriving at a partial conception of his power for evil.

"What a privilege to rid the world of this genius of evil!" is Nevins's

inward comment as he reads the fatal slip and sees that upon him has

fallen the lot to execute the sentence of annihilation upon James

Golding, the King of Wall street.

The Transgressors. Story of a Great Sin. A Political Novel of the Twentieth Century · 第 7 / 12 章