CHAPTER XVII.

OPENING THE CAMPAIGN.

A National Headquarters at the height of a Presidential election is of

all places in the world the busiest. Men there seem to concentrate the

pent-up energy of four years in the four months that are devoted to the

campaigning; they work day and night, regardless of sleep or food. A few

hours rest, taken when a momentary lull will permit, must suffice; a

hurried meal must appease their appetite. Meetings have to be arranged;

funds distributed to the various committees; literature has to be

prepared and distributed; doubtful districts need the attention of the

ablest spell-binders; the movements of the opposing parties have to be

met and counteracted.

Especially is the present campaign an exciting one. The strain on old

party lines has at length snapped. The two leading parties in the West

and South are disrupted. While not utterly disorganized, the same

parties have suffered serious disintegration in the manufacturing

districts of the East.

On the virtual ruins of the effete political organizations, the spirit

of the people finds utterance through the agency of the new party which

chooses as its name the "Independence Party." Vitalized by the infusion

in its body of the energetic and patriotic young men of the country, the

new party sprang into the lists, as it were, full grown. Its period of

adolescence has been as rapid as the transit of a comet. Yesterday it

had not existed, even in the minds of dreamers; to-day, in the

convention of one of the great political organizations an attempt was

made to throttle the voice of the majority. The voice of a single man

rose high and clear above the tumult; it was the voice of a Moses come

to lead his people from bondage. And that people were quick to

appreciate the importance of the presence of a great leader. The

convention cast aside all conservatism and cant; it produced a platform

that offered to mankind the direct and constitutional means for the

restoration of general prosperity and the re-establishment of the

principles of equality.

In the first struggle against the entrenched power of corruption, the

new party had been defeated, not by reason of a disinclination on the

part of the people to support it, but because of the coercive methods

employed by the Trust Magnates. In the momentous campaign of 1900, the

vote of the people being divided, the candidate of the Democracy was

elected. He was a man of worth and was eager to do the people's bidding.

This, however, was not productive of any good to the people, as the

President had a House and Senate hostile to him. Thrice his first

Congress had attempted to impeach him, and they were deterred from

carrying out their partisan measure only by the ominous demonstration of

the laboring men in all sections of the land.

Now, the greatest election ever held in this country is on; the forces

have met on three occasions and know each other's methods; they know

also that the result of the vote at this election will decide the future

of the country--it will continue to be a Republic in fact as in name;

or, if the Plutocratic party dominates, the dynasty of the first emperor

will be established.

The Chicago Auditorium is selected as the quarters of the Plutocratic

contingent. The corridors of this magnificent hotel are crowded night

and day by throngs of visitors. Men from every state are there to

consult with the campaign committee. The grim visaged chairman of the

finance committee, Anthony Marcus, is always at his desk in an inner

room. Millionaires troop into his presence in a ceaseless stream; they

come with their bankbooks in hand and after a short interview with the

Powerful One, they depart, reassured that their millions are safe. They

pay their tithe to the Protector of American Plunderers.

Anthony Marcus is in many ways a remarkable man; he is exempt from the

imputation of being a little man in any sense. His ideas are daring;

they can contemplate the debauchery of the Senate; the purchase of the

President, and the disruption of the Supreme Court; they cannot stoop to

the committal of petty larceny. So every dollar of the funds raised for

the expenses of the campaign is spent in purchasing votes or in buying

off dangerous leaders of the opposition.

As fast as the funds are received they are distributed, and the method

of their final disposal is outlined by the great moving spirit. He seems

to possess infinite power of grasping the minutia of politics. None of

his lieutenants dares to misappropriate the funds turned over to him.

All know that their master has a disagreeable faculty of unexpectedly

asking for an accounting.

"We will win by a margin of thirty-one votes in the Electoral College,"

Chairman Marcus tells every one who inquires as to the probable result.

"This figure is based upon the canvass I have had made in the doubtful

states; it will not vary from the count by one vote."

It is impossible to get the chairman to give an amplified statement as

to which he considers the doubtful states and as to how the canvass has

been conducted.

One of the morning papers in Chicago, which takes an impartial stand,

and accordingly seeks to publish all of the news, creates a sensation by

the publication of a tabulated statement of the contributions paid into

the treasury of the Plutocratic party. This table shows a total of

forty-seven millions of dollars.

With such a sum to expend, and with the knowledge that the chairman of

the finance committee will see that every dollar is properly

distributed, it is not unreasonable to suppose that a house to house

canvass of the doubtful states has actually been made. The corruption

fund provides more than three dollars for each voter in the land.

Did Marcus think that one hundred million dollars will be necessary, he

would demand that sum, and it would not be withheld by the prosperous

band that derives its wealth from the law-makers whom Marcus elects.

What a contrast is presented by the headquarters of the Independence

party. It is in a dilapidated hall in the western part of the city. The

only feature of the furnishings in keeping with the times, is the Bureau

of Publicity. This provides the campaign committee with telegraphic and

telephonic communication with the country at large.

The instruments are arranged on two plain deal tables. In its appearance

the room is more like the editorial room of a hustling Western newspaper

than the headquarters of a political organization that is aspiring to

elect a President of the United States. The floor is bare; obsolete gas

fixtures afford the artificial light that is made necessary day and

night. The chairs and benches that are scattered about the room, are of

the type commonly seen in cheap music halls. There are no ante-rooms, no

council chambers and no secret cabinets.

A campaign fund of but two hundred and sixty thousand dollars has been

raised through the agency of the labor organizations. This comparatively

paltry sum is being doled out in niggardly fashion by a finance

committee who feel reluctant to part with a single dollar unless assured

that it will have a hundred fold its natural effect on the result.

There are some causes that do not need money to make them successful,

and the people's fight against Plutocracy is one of this kind. It needs

only the awakening of the people's interest to make victory certain.

The surest way of gaining the public ear is by sending out speakers.

There is no dearth in the supply of brilliant orators who offer their

services. They foresee that the crucial test is to be given the

Institution of Popular Government and they wisely align themselves on

the side of the people.

No stream of Millionaires comes to the Independence Party's

Headquarters; no line of retainers Stand with open hands to receive the

funds of fraud; there is as sharp a contrast between the two

headquarters as there is between the platforms and candidates of the

parties.

Harvey Trueman is the guiding spirit at Drover's Hall. It is Tuesday, a

month before election. He visits the Hall for the last time before the

verdict of the people shall be recorded.

"I am going to New York to-night," he tells his friend Maxwell, the

Chairman of the Speakers' Committee. "You had better notify the leaders

all along the line that I am prepared to make short speeches at every

available place."

"Have you made arrangements with the railroads?" asks Maxwell.

"It will not be necessary for me to consult with them; I have outlined

my route so that I can make connections on one road or another and go

through to New York in sixty hours. This will give me time to make

twenty short speeches."

"When do you reach New York city?"

"Friday night. It will be about seven o'clock. I want you to arrange for

a meeting in Madison Square Garden. It may cost us two thousand dollars,

but it will be money well spent."

"We cannot get the Garden; not if we offered five thousand dollars. It

has been leased for three months straight by the Plutocrats," Maxwell

replies.

"Then get the New York Committee to obtain a permit for an out-door

meeting. I will speak to twenty thousand people in New York on Friday if

I have to address them from a house-top."

"One of the best places for an out-door meeting in New York is on West

street, between Cortlandt and Spring streets," suggests an operator who

has overheard the conversation. "That's the broadest thoroughfare in the

city."

"Yes, that is a splendid place," acquiesces Trueman.

"Have the meeting located there, Maxwell."

Maxwell departs to carry out the order.

A dozen men are soon receiving final instructions from their leader.

They hear the plan for the invasion of the East, and all agree that it

will be a wise move, and one which the enemy cannot counteract in so

short a time as will be left.

The Judas that is present in almost all human conclaves, is among the

loudest in his remarks of approval.

"You could do nothing that would give the Plutocrats a harder rub than

to speak on the eve, as it were, of election, in the hotbed of

Plutocracy," he assures Trueman.

After a few minutes of further conversation on this line, the betrayer

departs. He is closeted with Marcus an hour later. The scheme for a

counter demonstration in New York is quickly formulated.

Unconscious of the treachery that has been practiced, Trueman prepares

for the trip East.

The Transgressors. Story of a Great Sin. A Political Novel of the Twentieth Century · 第 5 / 12 章