REMOVED FROM EPINAL TO PHALSBURG, AND THENCE TO
VERDUN.—SUFFERINGS OF THE PEOPLE ON THE MARCH, AND EFFORTS
MADE FOR THEIR RELIEF AND IMPROVEMENT.—THE REV. ROBERT WOLFE
OFFERS HIS SERVICES AND ASSISTANCE.—MRS. BRENTON’S ARRIVAL AT
VERDUN.—RESIDENCE AT CHARNI.—ILLNESS, AND PERMISSION GRANTED TO
RESIDE AT TOURS.—CONDUCT OF THE FRENCH GOVERNMENT TOWARDS THE
ENGLISH PRISONERS OF WAR.
The arrangements which have been mentioned, placed the officers and
midshipmen in a state of comparative comfort; but it was otherwise with
the crew. Upon the approach of winter, the seamen and marines being
unprovided with clothes or bedding, and placed upon very slender diet,
began to suffer severely. A little addition was made to their food by
subscription amongst the officers, when they met as they did every week,
at Captain Brenton’s lodgings, for divine service; and through the same
fund a quantity of old tapestry, from some of the ruined houses in the
neighbourhood, belonging to the ci-devant nobility, was purchased, as a
covering for them at night.
Again we have access to Captain Brenton’s journal. “In the middle of
November the negociation for an exchange of prisoners having failed,
we were ordered to march to Phalsburg, a small fortress in the Vosges
mountains, which was considered a more secure place for confining
the prisoners than the open town of Epinal. We had however scarcely
established ourselves in lodging there, before we were again removed,
and sent to Verdun, now established as a general depôt. As this place
appeared to be nearer the line of our probable march to the coast for
embarkation; we persuaded ourselves that this sudden removal certainly
indicated an approaching exchange; and our spirits were buoyed up with
the hopes, which cheered us under a very severe season. Upon our arrival,
however, every prospect of release seemed to have vanished, and the
dispositions that were made for the regulation of the prisoners, were
evidently such as foreboded the establishment being a permanent one. We
had however the comfort of a regular intercourse by letter with England;
and those which I received at this time were full of affection, of piety,
fortitude, and resignation. My captivity, your beloved mother viewed
as the greatest blessing. She had been greatly alarmed at the state of
my health, when I rejoined the Minerve the last time, and attributed
my recovery to my having quitted active service, which no other event
perhaps could have been the means of my doing. She also derived comfort
from the idea that I was sheltered from the dangers of my profession, and
from the hope of our being soon restored to each other.”
In describing the state of his sailors on this march to Phalsburg,
Captain Brenton says, “The weather was very severe, and numbers of the
poor destitute prisoners must have perished, but for the assistance
afforded to them by their officers, to which the captains of the merchant
vessels very liberally contributed.
“After marching during the whole of a tempestuous day, they reached Rem,
where they were to remain for the night, and were shut up in a ruined
roofless chapel. A small quantity of straw thrown upon a broken pavement,
was in a short time soaked with rain; and each man having received his
three sols, had no other means of procuring food than purchasing it
at the door, from persons who flocked there with wretched spirituous
liquors, and boiled liver. The spirits were of course preferred, and the
money intended for their supper was expended in the purchase, leaving
the wretched prisoners no other support than their allowance of bread.
To alleviate as much as possible this distress, on the following day,
I requested the officer of the escort to put into my hands the daily
allowance of three sols for each prisoner, to which I added a sum out of
the subscription purse; and giving it to one of the gens d’armes, he was
sent forward to Luneville, where it was laid out in meat and vegetables,
which were cooked in the house of a bourgeois; who, as well as the
messenger was remunerated for his trouble; and thus upon the arrival of
the prisoners, they found at least a comfortable meal; and being confined
in barracks had less cause to complain of their lodgings. So orderly
and well behaved were these poor fellows, and so obediently respectful
in their march, even to the youngest midshipman, as well as to their
conductors, that upon their arrival at Sarrebourg, they were allowed
to be billeted and quartered among the inhabitants in small parties,
taking with them their respective portions of meat and vegetables, the
inhabitants cheerfully finding them fire to cook it.
“At Phalsbourg the men had excellent barracks, but they were now in a
most deplorable state from want of clothes, and lame from performing such
a march barefoot. To supply the place of shoes, a number of sabots, or
wooden shoes, in value about three pence per pair were sent in; but it
was not until stern necessity rendered it necessary, that the sailors
could be induced to put them on. One, actually with tears in his eyes,
exclaimed with an expletive, ‘Who would have thought I should come to
this:’ so inseparable was the association between misery, slavery, and
wooden shoes in his mind. M. Parmentier, the Mayor, treated them with the
utmost humanity and benevolence. He filled the hospitals with them, that
they might enjoy the comfort of good beds, and nourishing food; and used
every exertion in his power to procure them supplies of clothing, but
without success. A slender provision of old blankets had been made, but
they were some that had been used by the army of the Meuse, and had been
kept in depôt since that time. I previously had written to the Admiralty,
stating the distresses of the prisoners, and requesting permission to
procure them necessaries, and advance to them a small daily sum, to
enable them to live. The answer reached me at Phalsbourg, approving of my
suggestion, and sending me a credit of £2000 for the purpose. It arrived
most opportunely, for the prisoners were again ordered to march. Verdun
was their destination, as the journal transcribed has already shewn. The
order to move was peremptory, although the commandant was unprovided
with funds to pay either the arrears due to the prisoners, or their daily
allowance of money; and but for the remittance above-mentioned, they
must have subsisted until their arrival at Nancy (three days) upon their
allowance of bread only. The prisoners now amounted to four hundred,
and were formed into three divisions, following each other on three
successive days. With the first were all the officers, and nearly one
hundred seamen. They began their march in the early part of December. On
their arrival at Sarrebourg, the people were again confined in a place
similar to that they had been put into at Rem; but such was the severity
of the weather that few of them could have survived the night had they
remained there. However, the commander of the escort declared he had
neither authority, or means, to give them any other accommodation. It was
in vain that I observed to him, that in that very town, only three weeks
before, the men had been billeted amongst the inhabitants, and had shewn
themselves worthy of such indulgence by their good conduct. I earnestly
requested that application might be made to the municipality for
permission for the people to be again billeted amongst the inhabitants;
but this was objected to, from there being no security against their
escape.
“However, on our way to consult a magistrate, I observed in the street
a house to let; and it occurred to me that this house, a capacious
one, might be hired for the night; and application being made to the
owner, he consented to my proposal for a very small sum, about fifty
francs. The officer of the escort also consented, on the condition of
a further sum being given for the soldiers, for the additional duty of
a night guard; I giving my parole at the same time for the prisoners
not attempting to escape. The number of people to be accommodated in
this house was about one hundred and fifty; two remaining divisions
being expected on the two following days. The supplies of food for the
people were immediately ordered to be got ready; and in the meantime a
quantity of firewood was sent in, and large fires made in every room.
Heaps of straw were also provided, and the meat and soup were brought
in in tubs, according to the number of inmates destined for each room.
By the time all was completely prepared, the prisoners arrived, and
were immediately distributed according to the previous arrangement. As
no communication had been made to them, from the time I left them in
their prison, their joy and delight at the sight of so much unexpected
comfort, may be better conceived than described; tired, and perishing
with cold and hunger, their food, their fire, and their straw, were
indeed luxuries, which it requires a person to be in their situation
thoroughly to appreciate. This they certainly did do, nor was their
loyalty to their beneficent sovereign and grateful country forgotten,
in their expressions of enjoyment. Fires under a proper watch were kept
throughout the night; and day-break found the poor men refreshed, and
grateful, ready to resume their march, in the most contented and willing
state of discipline. The good effect produced by this arrangement led
me to request of the magistrate, that the two following divisions might
have the benefit of the house in the same manner; to which he at once
assented. A sum was accordingly left in his hands for the payment of the
rent, and the provision of food and fuel; and each division enjoyed the
unexpected treat that awaited them. My officers and myself, with the
first division, marched on successively to Sarrebourg, Luneville, Nancy,
and St. Michel to Verdun, where we arrived on the 17th of December, and
were joined by the other two divisions. Here the people were allowed to
repose for some days, previous to their continuing their march to their
destined depôt, Givet, on the banks of the Meuse; and this time was taken
advantage of, in clothing the prisoners from head to foot, in a warm
substantial manner, and in providing them with blankets. In the course
of a week they proceeded on their route, but having none of the officers
to superintend their conduct, and watch over them; they were soon again
involved in misery; and a large part of their clothes were disposed of
for the merest trifle to provide for their wants. So true it is, that
seamen even of experience, and of sterling abilities in the exercise of
their profession, are but children of a larger growth when on shore; and
hence arises the necessity for that rigorous superintendence, so much
blamed by those who are ignorant of the sailor’s character. Hence also it
is that officers whilst their men are under their command on board ship,
are obliged to keep lists of every article of their clothing, and to call
them to a rigid account, when any of them are missing. The consequence
of the separation of those men from their officers in this case was,
that when they arrived at Givet, after a march of five or six days from
Verdun, they were again in a state of destitution. The barracks at Givet
not being in readiness to receive them; they were marched up to the
fortress of Charlemont, and there confined in a souterrain, with all the
old system of suttlers, and wet straw, and want of clothing renewed; and
this in the last days of December, in that inclement climate.”
The officers in the mean time were permanently settled at Verdun, to
which place all the English detenus, from every part of France, were
assembled; forming perhaps one of the most extraordinary groupes of
character, that had ever been collected in the same spot. There were
many highly respectable, and exemplary persons; some of whom had been
travelling in France for their pleasure, some for the purpose of
educating their children, and some for economy. There were others, whose
sole object was curiosity, or dissipation. There were many skilful
artificers, who had brought their talent to a French market, and were
engaged in setting up manufactures, that might rival or surpass their
own country. There were many, who from seditious conduct, and republican
principles, had found it necessary to take shelter in France. There were
fraudulent bankrupts, and broken tradesmen. There were many who had fled
from their creditors, and even some who had fled from the gallows. With
this motley assemblage the prisoners of war were involved, enveloped in
one measure, subject to the same proscription, and the same parole. The
amalgamation was not very favourable to the latter, particularly the
younger branches of the service. Much good was done, and some striking
instances of conduct highly honourable to Great Britain occurred; but
all know the influence of bad example, and how easily it captivates the
unwary. This very soon became evident. Gaming houses were set up by the
French government’s authority, and a notice was stuck up against the
door, that “They were exclusively for the English; and that the French
were forbidden to frequent them.”
Captain Brenton received a letter early in January from one of the
prisoners at Charlemont, informing him of the situation to which they
were again reduced, and imploring him to visit them if possible. He
immediately waited upon the General commanding at Verdun, and requested
and obtained permission, on condition that he would take a gens d’armes
with him in the carriage, and consider himself for the time in his
custody. To this he readily agreed, and proceeded to Givet, through
Stenay, Sedan, Rocroy, and the Ardennes. On reaching the place he
immediately went to Charlemont, and found that the statement he had
received was not in the least exaggerated. It was a complete recurrence
of the worst days, and all was to be done over again. It is but justice
however to the French Military Authority to say, that every facility was
given to Captain Brenton for the purpose of carrying out the object of
his journey. The barracks, very spacious buildings on the banks of the
Meuse, were now ready. The rooms were large, and capable of containing
twenty men in each: and the following letter from Captain Brenton to the
Transport Board, will best explain the measures taken for the comfort of
the prisoners.
“VERDUN, JANUARY 25, 1804.
“GENTLEMEN,
“The British seamen, prisoners of war, having been sent
to Charlemont, in the department of Ardennes, I judged it
necessary to apply to the French government for permission to
go there, that I might see them properly clothed, and supplied
with what might be indispensibly necessary for their comfort.
This indulgence was instantly granted, and I have just returned
from thence. I beg leave to lay before you an account of the
measures, which I have thought proper to take for the present,
until I receive your orders for my future guidance. The
prisoners are allowed, by the French government, three sols per
day, one pound and a half of bread, a bundle of straw, and a
small quantity of wood. The latter is by no means sufficient to
dress their victuals, and a part of it has always been stopped
to pay for the hire of kettles to dress their meat, and earthen
pans to put it in when cooked.
“Upon my arrival at Charlemont, I found orders had been
received there for the prisoners to be removed to the great
barracks at Givet, upon the banks of the Meuse, in a healthy
good situation. They are divided into rooms containing twenty
men each, with brick floors. The rooms are however comfortable,
spacious, well shaped, perfectly clean, with a good chimney in
each. As no furniture of any kind is allowed them, I have hired
ten bedsteads for each room. The bedstead with a palliasse
is sufficient for two men. For the bedstead and palliasse
I pay ten sols each per month. The prisoners are allowed a
blanket by the French government, in addition to which I have
furnished them with others, as I stated in my letter of the
first. I considered this arrangement as better than purchasing
bedding, which would create a great expense; and in the event
of the depôt being changed, be impossible to carry. In order
to prevent the stoppage taking place in the quantity of fuel,
I have also hired a kettle, jug, and two earthen pans for
each room, which costs thirty sols a month. Well aware that
by putting any sum into the hands of the seamen, it might, in
many instances, occasion intoxication and improper conduct;
and that by supplying clothing only, without adding to their
allowance of provisions, I should have defeated his Majesty’s
most gracious intentions of succouring his distressed subjects,
as their clothes would have been sold to supply their wants; I
have judged it necessary, till I have received your directions,
to continue their daily allowance, as mentioned in my last,
viz. six sols to the people belonging to his Majesty’s vessels
and packets; four sols to those belonging to merchants’
service; and three sols to boys. I have contracted with a
butcher at Givet, to supply them with half a pound of good meat
a day, at two sous per pound below the market price, which is
brought to them every morning at nine o’clock, and distributed
to the several rooms. The chiefs of the several rooms
receive the payment due to their companions, from the French
government, a certain part of which is appropriated to the
purchase of vegetables, and the remainder distributed for the
purpose of supplying their inferior wants. I have directed that
the care of their clothes should be indispensibly necessary to
their receiving a continuation of indulgence; that they should
be regularly mustered every week; and that whosoever shall
be found deficient, his allowance shall be stopped until the
article missing can be purchased and committed to his charge.
“In order to insure obedience to these regulations, regularity
in the payment, and good order in general, I have placed Mr.
W. T. Bradshaw, acting clerk of the Minerve, a young man of
excellent character, as superintendent, who will pay particular
attention to the comfort and good order of the people, and
have allowed him, until I can receive your directions on
the subject, two shillings per day, and sixpence per league
travelling expences from Verdun to Charlemont, as he belonged
to this depôt, until removed by my application.
“I feel it a pleasing duty to say, that the prisoners are
treated with the utmost kindness and attention by the French
officer, charged with their superintendence; from whom I have
received every possible assistance, and indulgence, in the
performance of my duty; and it is with the most heartfelt
satisfaction, I can state, that his Majesty’s most gracious
bounty has been attended with the happiest effects; and that I
left my countrymen on the 16th instant, cheerful, contented,
and grateful in the highest degree.
“Upon my return to Verdun I found that Captain Gower and his
officers had arrived there. Captain Gower, wishing to see the
wants of his own ship’s company supplied, immediately set out
for Valenciennes, where they are. I have in consequence given
him a letter of credit on Messrs. Peregaux for £400 for the
purpose.
“We have a depôt here of nearly one hundred men, provided
for, as those at Givet; there is also a depôt of prisoners
at Bitche, who have as yet received very little assistance,
for which purpose I mean to set out for that place on the
30th instant, having procured permission. I have also clothed
fifty men, left in the hospital at Phalsbourg, through the
assistance of the municipality. The clothes are of a higher
price than those I have purchased, but at the same time of a
much better quality, as I have observed by some of the people
passing through this place, on their way to Givet, the prices
vary very much at the different places. I have endeavoured to
unite comfort with economy. I beg leave to annex the different
prices. There are here a few commissioned and petty officers,
who have been passed from Toulon, and having had no opportunity
of procuring supplies from England, are consequently for
the moment in great distress. I flatter myself that I have
only anticipated your wishes, in giving to each a small sum
on account of their pay, viz. to a lieutenant £10, and to a
midshipman £5. I must request you will be pleased to grant me
a further supply of money, as what now remains, must in a few
weeks be exhausted.
“Having met with ten masters of merchantmen in the forest of
Ardenne, on their way to Verdun, totally destitute of money,
having only three sols a day, and in the most wretched apparel,
I gave to each of them a small sum of money for their present
necessities, amounting to forty-four livres and four sols;
and since my return to Verdun, have extended the like aid to
several other masters in the same predicament. There is a
number of men to whom such assistance would be highly useful,
and who I really believe do not possess the means of procuring
relief for themselves; but as they are allowed twenty-nine
livres per month by the French government, I could not take
upon myself to act in their favour, without your instructions
for that purpose.—I have, &c. &c.
(SIGNED) “JAHLEEL BRENTON.”
Captain Brenton says, “On my return to Verdun, I found dissipation and
extravagance the order of the day. The gaming tables were in full career,
and frequented by the greater part of the prisoners, who could collect a
stake whereby to try their fortune. The result was, as might have been
expected, extensive misery and wretchedness, with many acts of gross
misconduct. The studies of the young people were greatly interrupted, and
a gloomy prospect presented itself for the remainder of the captivity.”
On another occasion, it appears to have been on a visit to the depôts
and hospitals of Bitche, Captain Brenton says, “I set off on the day
appointed, visiting on my way the hospitals of Metz, Nancy, Luneville,
Blemont and Phalsbourg, in each of which I found many English prisoners.
I was accompanied in this journey by the Rev. Lancelot Charles Lee, an
English Clergyman, who having been travelling in France, at the period
of the war breaking out, was included in the general arrest, and sent
to Verdun. This gentleman, who devoted all his time and property to
the relief of his fellow sufferers, volunteered accompanying me, in
the expectation of finding many of his fellow detenus in the different
prisons and hospitals, we were likely to visit; nor was he disappointed;
for many were found, and all were relieved to the utmost extent of his
power. The society of this amiable man was a source of much enjoyment
to me; and the foundation of a friendship was laid at this time, which
lasted during the remainder of Mr. Lee’s life.” He died at his living
near Oxford in the year 1842 or 1843. A singular instance of the ability
of the persons employed in the charge of prisoners, and their fitness
for the office they had to fill, occurred upon the occasion of their
journey. “The gens d’armes who had been sent with me to Givet, upon my
first visit there, appeared very anxious to learn English; enquiring the
name of every article which presented itself in that language, and making
awkward attempts to pronounce it. He at the same time gave some not
obscure hints, as to his feelings respecting the situation of prisoners;
shewing that he considered those who had left families at home, as almost
justified, in any effort they might make to effect their escape. This
at once put me on my guard, as to the treachery I might expect from my
companion, if I were to give him the slightest advantage, even in common
conversation; and I consequently avoided the subject of the prisoners
with the greatest care, keeping my escort at as great a distance as
circumstances would admit. But as it was customary for all prisoners who
were placed under the particular custody of gens d’armes to admit them
to their table; a custom I felt obliged to follow, as much of the good
I hoped to do for the prisoners, would depend on my being on friendly
terms with this man. This rendered my situation the more dangerous. The
journey however was performed, and no effort made by the gens d’armes at
mischief. On my next journey I was told that the same guard would attend
me. He persevered in his apparent efforts to pick up a little English.
Convinced as Mr. Lee and myself were of this man’s utter ignorance
of the English language, we felt under no restraint before him, but
indulged ourselves in talking freely upon every subject which presented
itself. The French Government, the first Consul, the treatment of the
prisoners, and even the conduct of this man himself, whose gluttony, and
egregious vanity, and boasting, made him a very prominent subject for
remark, and ridicule, were all very freely handled; but all this passed
before him without producing the slightest effect upon the muscles of his
countenance; and yet upon our return to Verdun, it was discovered that
this very man spoke English as well as French; and had been five years
in the Irish Brigade under General Stack, in the French service. This
information was given to me by the General himself. That no mischief was
done by this person, can only be accounted for, on the supposition, that
the object of his espionage was to detect, if possible, the existence of
any plan of importance, either respecting the escape of prisoners, or as
connected with some of the diplomatic secrets at that time carried on
by Mr. Drake, at Munich, whom Buonaparte considered as involved in the
conspiracies of Georges, and his accomplices. Nothing having transpired
that could have been brought to bear upon this subject, silence was
imposed upon the spy, on every other point, as no good could result from
the disclosure.
“Whilst changing horses on the road to Givet, a beggar came to the
carriage to whom I gave a sol; which my companion, the gens d’armes,
observing, said, ‘Monsieur, voila un de mes defants. Je suis trop
charitable. Je ne vois jamais la misère, sans que les larmes me viennent
aux yeux.’ None were however observable on this occasion, nor did he
give any other testimony of his being ‘trop charitable.’ On our arriving
in the evening at Rocroix, where we were to sleep, another gens d’armes
presented himself, who being a brother Brigadier to my escort, was
invited to join the dinner party; and the prowess of the French troops
became naturally a subject of conversation. The charitable gens d’armes
then observed to me, ‘Ah, Monsieur, voila un autre de mes defants.
Je suis, trop brave o si vous pourriez me voir marcher contre une
redonte—ah, vraiment c’est une chose a voir.’
“On our arrival at Phalsbourg we found nearly fifty men still in the
hospital, of those who had been left there on the breaking up of the
depôt in December; and it is but justice to that worthy man, Monsieur
Parmentier, the mayor, (whose kindness to the prisoners I before
mentioned) to say, that it is impossible any people could have been
treated with more kindness, and real benevolence, than these people were;
much praise is also due to M. Geville, the surgeon of the hospital. I
mentioned in my official letter to the Transport Board, the conduct of
M. Parmentier, and stated that he had a relation, M. Leopold Liot, who
had been taken prisoner at St. Domingo; and requested that he might be
liberated, as an expression of gratitude to M. Parmentier, and I have
the impression on my mind that this was granted. From Phalsbourg we
proceeded to Bitche, where we found forty men confined in a souterrain.
These were generally persons who had been detected in an attempt to make
their escape, and were sent here as a punishment, and at the same time
for greater security. On our return we visited Nancy and Metz, relieving
the prisoners in the hospitals at those places; and reached Verdun in the
early part of March.”
Soon after the prisoners had assembled at Verdun, the Rev. Robert B.
Wolfe, a Clergyman of the Church of England, who was a detenu, arrested
while living at Fontainbleau, made an offer of his services for the
performance of divine worship. Applications were in consequence made to
the General, for the use of a Government building, then vacant, which
had formerly been the chapel of a convent: and this being granted,
the service was regularly performed every Sunday, to a congregation
consisting of by far the greater part of the prisoners, and amounting to
more than one hundred persons. Mr. Wolfe received frequent assistance
from the Rev. W. Gordon, another very amiable young clergyman, amongst
the detenus. A school was at the same time established for the children
of the prisoners, and for the boys taken in the vessels of war, and
merchant vessels; all of whom under a certain age had been permitted
to remain at Verdun. These boys having been clothed uniformly in neat
jackets and trowsers, were marched to church on the Sunday, but the
display proved to be unwise. The French authorities took umbrage at
it, and an order was soon received from Paris, that the whole of these
children should be sent off to Sarrelibre, to a new depôt which had been
formed at that place, to the great detriment of these young people,
indeed it may be said, to the utter ruin of many.
In the course of the spring a very great increase had been made in the
number of prisoners. The officers of several ships of war, of Indiamen,
and other vessels, had arrived, as well as detenus from the more remote
parts of France. Verdun began to lose the appearance of a French town;
and many shops with English signs and English designations were seen,
such as “Anderson, grocer and tea dealer, from London; Stuckey, tailor
and ladies’ habit maker, from London, &c. &c.” The Rue Moselle, the
principal street in Verdun, got the nom de guerre of Bond Street, and
was often called by the French themselves, “Bon Street.” Races were
established, and a race course hired, and fitted up, near the village of
Charni, with distance posts, stewards’ box, &c. &c. A pack of beagles
was procured, which was hunted regularly three times a week, and became
a very favourite amusement. A motley groupe followed them, consisting
entirely of prisoners, with horses of every description; sometimes as
many as forty horsemen being seen in the field; but it was an amusement
eagerly followed up, and seemed to break the monotony of the prisoner’s
life, being something to look forward to.
The General in allowing the exercise of hunting, granted a Rayon of two
leagues on each side of Verdun; but this was qualified by the necessity
each prisoner was under of signing his name in a book kept for the
purpose in an office at Verdun, twice in the course of the day; viz.,
once between eight and ten in the morning, and again between two and four
in the afternoon. Those who wished to hunt therefore, took care to sign
as early as they could in the morning, and provided they could ensure
returning before four, they felt secure as to their last signature. It
was necessary in consequence that the hunt should begin early, and it
was seldom of long duration. This necessity of appearing twice a day was
felt by the superior officers, who had been taken in arms, as a great
indignity, and forcibly remonstrated against by them in the following
letter.
“SIR,
“We feel it a duty we owe to ourselves, and the rank we hold
in the British Navy, to remonstrate against the treatment
we receive as prisoners of war. When under the necessity of
surrendering the ships we commanded to the arms of the French
republic, we considered ourselves under its protection. We were
taken in the performance of our duty, which in all ages, and
in every part of the world, has been considered as the most
noble either in public or in private life; that of supporting
the cause of our country in open and honourable warfare. No
exertions could save us from captivity under the circumstances
attending our ships; no honour was consequently lost, and
misfortune ought to strengthen our claims to hospitality.
The fate of war has placed us in the hands of the French
republic, and from it, Sir, we have a right to demand that
respect, which the customs of all civilized nations accord to
officers of our rank, who have not forfeited their titles to
it by improper conduct. Ours has been invariably regulated
by a sacred attention to the word of honour exacted from us
upon landing in France, nor can we recollect having given the
slightest cause of complaint. We are now placed on a level with
the lowest description of prisoner, and enjoy no distinction
whatever above them. Notwithstanding we have pledged our honour
not to leave Verdun without permission, we are ordered to
present ourselves twice in each day, to verify our keeping it.
The Captains of the French ships Carrieré, St. Nicholas, and
Success, taken by the ships we commanded in the late war, can
testify how differently they were treated whilst our prisoners.
“You must naturally expect, Sir, that under such circumstances
we should feel and act as we do in laying a statement of these
facts before you.
“We are, Sir, &c.
E. L. GOWER,
JAHLEEL BRENTON.”
“TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE MINISTER OF MARINE.”
No answer was returned to this letter; the cause probably was, that it
was referred to the Bureau of the Minister of war, who was charged with
the control of the prisoners, for from the invariable kindness of Mons.
Decrês, the Minister of Marine, there can be but little doubt of his
readiness to attend to so just a complaint. In the course of a few weeks,
however, an indulgence was granted to the officers of rank to sign only
every fifth day, and the same privilege was extended to the principal of
the detenus.
It is proper to mention here a fact, which occurred at this period of
Captain Brenton’s confinement, which is not only interesting in itself,
but which eventually may have led to some important consequences to
him and his associates in captivity. He was visiting at the house of a
French gentleman in Verdun, and was struck by a large picture hanging
up in the room, in which a person strikingly resembling the master of
the house was painted, in the act of giving charity to a ragged little
boy; and on enquiring what the picture was intended to represent, he
received the following affecting little narrative from M. Godard, the
gentleman himself. “During the reign of terror,” he stated that “both
Madame Godard and himself were arrested, and confined in prison, in the
hourly expectation of being sent to the guillotine; while their family,
consisting of six young children, were left totally unprotected. After
some days passed under the most dreadful anxiety, Robespierre having been
put to death, the prisoners were released, and flying to their home found
all their children but one; and after the most indefatigable search, they
could obtain no information respecting him. It was supposed that he must
have perished in some of the conflicts which were of daily occurrence in
Paris; and he was accordingly given up and mourned over as dead. Three
or four years afterwards M. Godard, having business in Holland, went to
Rotterdam, and was accosted in the streets by a boy in rags, begging. The
child’s accent was evidently French, and attracted M. Godard’s notice.
On asking his country, he said that it was France, and that his name
was Romain. And what besides, asked the gentleman with great agitation?
The boy replied, Romain Godard. In fact it was the missing child. The
father’s joy may be easily conceived. He found that the child expecting
to be put to death at Paris, had contrived to join a party going to
Holland, where he had long subsisted upon charity. He was of course soon
returned to the bosom of his family, and received as one from the dead by
his afflicted mother.”
On Captain Brenton’s continuing his enquiries respecting the youth, he
was told that he had been sent out to St. Domingo on employment; and on
that island being evacuated by General Rochambeau, in 1803, Romain had
embarked in a merchant vessel for France; but he was taken on the passage
by an English cruizer; and was at that time actually on board the Sultan,
prison ship, in Portsmouth harbour.
Captain Brenton immediately wrote to the Transport Board, stating all
the circumstances of this most affecting case, and suggesting that as
M. Godard was very much respected at Verdun, the indulgence of his
son’s release might have a happy effect upon the welfare of the British
prisoners in that depôt. The Transport Board immediately obtained the
sanction of the Admiralty to his being liberated; and in a few weeks he
arrived once more in the paternal dwelling.
No comment need be made on this simple but affecting story. It shews how
wonderfully, and yet how mysteriously, the purposes of Providence are
accomplished; but it also shews how various are the opportunities of
doing good, which are placed within the reach of those who are diligent
in seeking for them.
Much real good probably did arise from this conversation. The young
Godard was delivered from a very miserable and protracted captivity, and
his family were made happy by his restoration. But beyond this, we cannot
doubt that a kindly feeling was generated towards the English prisoners
by the interference which led to his release; the bitter feelings which
war has a tendency to produce in hostile nations were mitigated, and an
interchange of kindness must have reminded the parties concerned, that
the real happiness of man is the making others happy.
But while these were the apparent occupations of Captain Brenton, while
he was thus busily employed in relieving the distresses and promoting the
welfare of all around him, there was much passing within his own mind
of which the world knew nothing; and his labours for the good of others
were secretly promoting his own. Light broke in on his own mind, while
he was endeavouring to enlighten others. His work and labour of love
were made the means of awakening his mind to truths which had hitherto
been partially considered and imperfectly felt; and these benevolent
employments which withdrew him from the ordinary dissipations of the
world led him to meditate more deeply and seriously on the real interests
of man, on his own state before God, and his future final prospects.
“At this time,” his private journal says, “I began to reflect seriously
upon my religious opinions. I had indeed long been in the habit of
attending to the form of religion, particularly from the period of my
having served under that exemplary character, Sir James Saumarez. It had
been habitual to me on the approach of danger or battle, to offer up
a mental prayer for support; but upon a more deliberate examination I
came to the conclusion, that _christianity made no part of my religion_;
that it was almost entirely confined to the first sentence in the Prayer
book, ‘When the wicked man turneth away from his wickedness,’ &c. I
had always felt some indefinite purpose of doing this, and of amending
my life; but then it was only done in trying myself by the letter of
the commandment; and when there was not a decided breach of duty, I
felt perfectly satisfied. With regard to the New Testament, it hardly
appeared to me as of any importance; it was seldom read, and less
meditated upon. I was scrupulous in performing a certain round of duties,
in the cold and heartless manner which may be supposed; but they were all
tasks performed in fear, and none in love. The only light which seemed
to break through the thick mist of utter darkness, arose from occasional
glimpses of the working of Divine Providence. I had very long been in
the habit of attributing my successes, and my preservation from danger,
to Omnipotence, and not to second causes; but this is the utmost amount
of religious feeling to which at that period I could lay any claim. The
same merciful and long-suffering Being, who had spared and prospered me,
still continued his divine and wonderful forbearance; and I may have been
made, even under these appalling circumstances of ignorance and error, an
instrument in keeping up among those around me, some faint recollection
of spiritual things, so far at least as shewing the worship of God to be
a duty, if it were lost sight of as a privilege.”
It may be profitable that the reader’s attention should be drawn to
these expressions; and that he should trace the progress of light in
the mind of the subject of this memoir, by considering the way in which
he here viewed and judged himself. That the journal contains a simple
artless narrative of his own experience, must be evident to every one who
reads it. It was designed for the perusal of those who knew him best,
to whom his heart was always open with all its workings, and who were
in consequence capable of interpreting its language, and understanding
its meaning; and that the writer could have wished to impose on them a
notion which did not exist in his own mind, or in any degree to disguise
or exaggerate his own feelings, is impossible to be believed. Still we
must be surprised at hearing the language which he uses concerning his
own state, and in particular the description here given of his religious
feelings. At the period spoken of, he was not only a moral character, but
an exemplary man. The world had not only known him as a distinguished
officer, but had seen him discharging accurately and fully all the
relative duties of society, as a son, as a brother, as a husband, as a
friend. In the circle at Verdun, the humanity and kindness which he had
exhibited towards the poorer prisoners, and the exertions and self-denial
he was submitting to in their service, had probably caused him to be
considered as a model of benevolence and charity; while the regularity
with which he attended to his religious duties, and the efforts which he
made for the moral improvement of the people, led them to regard him as a
man of piety.
We cannot be surprised at this having been the conclusion which was drawn
by others from what was seen; but we may with reason be surprised at
the confession which we read, and at the acknowledgment thus recorded,
by the object of the world’s admiration, that he was at the moment so
far from what they thought him. Some allowance must be made for the
humility with which a man, once awakened to the real state of his heart,
will speak of his own attainments; some further allowance must be
made for the circumstances of dejection under which he first drew up
this memorial; but it still may be expedient to state the causes which
may have occasioned this remarkable difference between the apparent
character, and that which he considered to be the truth, and which
raised him in appearance, so high above that which he knew and felt
to be his real condition. Those who had the advantage of knowing Sir
Jahleel Brenton personally, can bear witness to what may be stated of
the singular amenity of his character. His natural affections were so
strong, his tastes so refined, his manners so gentle, his kindness so
consistent; that much of what the world calls goodness, seemed to grow
up in him spontaneously, and cost him nothing. He was amiable without
an effort, benevolent without reflection; and habitually thinking more
of others than himself, he exhibited from his earliest years much of
that love which is the fulfilling of the law, as a rule of life, without
feeling that love which supersedes the law as a ground of hope. The
active habits of his profession, a high sense of the character that he
was to maintain as a British officer, and that thirst for glory, but too
justly described as the last infirmity of noble minds; conspired to give
vigour and animation to his moral feelings, and to raise him above all
that was base or degrading. To these high toned principles of action,
his early and persevering attachment added delicacy and tenderness of
sentiment; and it is not impossible to trace the effect which these
united and combined circumstances must have had, in producing as fine a
substitute for that, which in reality is the work of grace on the heart,
as can well be conceived. Under the influence of these impressions he
was in the fullest sense what the world thought him. He was excellent in
all social relations; he was brave, kind, generous, and forgiving; but
he was not what he had flattered himself with being, a real Christian.
Acquaintance with himself, the result of leisure, meditation, trial, all
used by the Holy Spirit, and employed for the purpose of awakening his
conscience, and enlightening his mind, enabled him to see the source
from which these qualities proceeded, and thus to understand their real
nature. He then saw, that through life he had been striving to obtain
the favour of man rather than that of God. He saw that the love of men,
and the praise of men had been desired, and not the praise of God. He
felt that he had been touched by the love which his fellow creatures
bore to him, while strange to say, he had been indifferent to the love
which he believed that his Redeemer had evinced towards him. He saw that
his own glory, not the glory of God had been the object of his ambition;
and that though his life had been led in a very different way from that
in which it was spent by others, it had not been lived to God as in
duty it ought to have been. He thus learnt, that that which was highly
esteemed among men, might be an abomination to God; and the twilight of
his former state seemed nothing less than darkness, when compared with
the brightness of the truth which burst on his mind as revealed in the
Gospel. Those qualities which had won him the affections of his family
and his friends, that warm and disinterested benevolence which had made
him the instrument of mercy to so many in distress, were considered in a
very different way, when their principles were analysed, and their real
nature ascertained; and he no doubt was astonished at finding how far it
was possible to go in what seemed to be the ways of God, without having
really known the motives by which he was actuated. Other men less happily
constituted, would have been in less danger of self deception. The evil
that was in them, lay nearer to the surface, and would have germinated
and shewn itself sooner. His danger arose from that which seemed to be
his security; and the man whom all the world was agreeing to admire and
to love, was likely to be lost, because nothing occurred to awaken his
anxiety, or to lead him to suspect himself.
Adverting to the time that the British seamen remained at Epinal, during
the first months of their captivity, from August to the commencement of
December, Captain Brenton says, “Their conduct in general was such as to
procure them the respect of the inhabitants. Some of them remarked to me,
that their town had in the previous war, been made a general depôt for
prisoners; that they had had Austrians, Poles, Russians, and in short
men of all nations in Europe confined there; and that the consequence
was, that the whole district was infested by beggars; but that although
the British seamen were evidently worse off than any who had preceded
them, there was no instance of any of them being seen begging. Another
circumstance very creditable to the British sailor was, that the
inhabitants of Epinal were anxious to get the prisoners to do labouring
work for them; but none accepted this employment without my permission.
I gladly consented to their having such advantage, under one only
restriction, the necessity of which was obvious; that they should not
engage in any of the public works usually performed by French soldiers;
lest having taken the place of these men, the soldiers might be sent
to the army. To these conditions they invariably adhered, in spite of
threats and coercion.”
On the establishment of the depôt at Sarrelibre, Captain Brenton says, “I
applied for permission to visit the prisoners who were confined there,
but my request was refused. An evident feeling of jealousy began at
this time to manifest itself, with regard to the influence the British
officers exercised over their countrymen; and all communication was
forbidden between them. In the course of the autumn I obtained permission
to reside at Etain, a little village about twelve miles from Verdun.
General Abercrombie was my companion, he was the son of Sir Ralph, and
had been arrested at Calais, just as he was stepping into the packet
for England, previous to the commencement of the war. We were enjoying
with great relish this little change in our captivity, when a detenu
of rank thought proper to make his escape; and having succeeded, he
wrote to the French government, defending his conduct; and adding that
no detenu considered his promise to be binding. In consequence of this
conduct all the prisoners were instantly recalled to Verdun. The gates
were shut, and all passports taken away; nor could the prisoners under
such circumstances justly complain of the severity exercised towards
them. The officers taken in active service again remonstrated, but for a
time without effect. The measures of restraint however were soon again
relaxed, and they returned to their former state.”
Relative to this period the journal supplies the following entry, as
made from a paper left by Mrs. Brenton. July 3rd, 1804, she writes,
“Grant O most merciful God, that my beloved husband may this day be
reflecting with gratitude on his escape from the perils of this day year,
and returning humble thanks to Thee for his preservation. Continue to
protect him, O heavenly Father, and if it be according to Thy all wise
decree, grant that he may soon return in health and safety.” To this
simple and touching prayer the husband has subjoined, “I earnestly hope
that I did fulfil your beloved mother’s most pious wishes in offering
up on that day, my grateful recollection and praises to the Almighty,
for the protection He had been pleased to vouchsafe me on the day of my
capture.” I have for many years endeavoured to retain the impression upon
my mind, by making it a part of my daily prayer: “O Almighty God, father
of all mercies,” he adds, “from my earliest infancy Thou hast blessed
and protected me. Thou didst bless my dearest parents, and make us their
children, the instruments of their welfare. O Lord, in the hour of
danger, and in the day of battle, on the bed of sickness, how constantly
Thou hast protected me. O merciful Creator, Thou hast preserved unto me
for a series of years, the greatest of earthly blessings, a virtuous and
affectionate wife. Thou hast supported her in the hour of trial, Thou
hast enabled her to bear her afflictions. Thou hast softened the miseries
of my captivity, by the protection of my wife and child.” “Although (he
continues) we had not at this time been united much more than two years,
I considered that my wife had been preserved unto me, from the earliest
period of my fixing my affections upon her, more than thirteen years
previous to our marriage.” On Sunday, 29th July, 1804, Mrs. Brenton
writes again; “I have had the pleasure of conversing with Mr. Forbes and
his family about my invaluable husband, and listened with delight to the
praises bestowed upon him. Continue to preserve him, O merciful God, if
it be according to Thy divine will, and Thy all wise decrees. Grant that
he may soon return in health and safety: this I beg through Jesus Christ
our Lord.”
Captain Brenton remarks, “Mr. Forbes had been detained as a prisoner in
France, with many more of his countrymen, whilst on his travels; but he
was liberated at the instance of Sir Joseph Bankes, to whom he was known.
Buonaparte wishing to be considered the friend and patron of literary
men, and this gentleman being known to have collected materials for a
very considerable work upon India, which has since been published, he
was glad to take the opportunity of evincing his respect for science by
granting to Sir Joseph Bankes, and in favour of a man of letters, what he
would have yielded to no other application.
“Mr. Forbes was a worthy pious man, who took much delight in relieving
the sufferings of his poor countrymen, who were in captivity with him.
Upon his liberation, we formed the most sanguine hopes that our own
would speedily follow. He shewed great kindness in charging himself with
letters and presents for our dear friends in England: and promised to
deliver them in person; a promise which he most punctually performed. It
was indeed a great source of comfort to both of us, that this opportunity
of corresponding was granted. Under any other circumstances, I should be
guilty of unpardonable vanity, in transcribing the observations contained
in the memoranda of this day; but, you my beloved children will read
them, as coming warm from the heart of your angelic mother; dictated by
that ardent affection, which was, if possible, increasing in both of
us, during the whole of our union.” “A considerable period,” he adds,
“elapses from this time, in which I can find no journal. It may have
been lost, as in many other instances; or probably was not written, from
the state of suspense in which we were constantly kept on both sides
respecting an exchange. Alternate hopes and fears were excited by the
rumours of the day. I had carried on a correspondence upon the subject,
with the Minister of Marine, M. Decrés, who expressed in his letter a
wish for the establishment of a cartel, which seemed to be retarded, more
from punctilio than from any real obstacle. Buonaparte himself appeared
by this time to have considered the measure of making hostages of the
travellers, in a much less advantageous light than it had presented
itself to his mind at first.
“Under these impressions I indulged the hope that were any considerable
effort made in England, by persons in power, it might be attended with
success. I therefore urged my beloved Isabella to write to the first
Lord of the Admiralty in her own name, and her own words, and to urge a
further official application. This she did, doubtful, and as it appears
almost despairing of success, but anxious to leave nothing undone, which
it was in her power to do, particularly when it had been suggested by me.
But in this, as in every other act of her exemplary life, she recommended
her cause to the power and protection of the Almighty, and with the most
delightful resignation, placed all her hopes in him. The application was
unavailing. Buonaparte tenaciously insisted upon the Hanoverians, and
detenus being first exchanged, against the French prisoners taken in the
beginning of the war. This sacrifice we could not expect our country
to make, and the preservation of its dignity, even reconciled us to a
further captivity. We felt, and appreciated the motive.”
Referring to the memoranda of October the 29th, 1804, Captain Brenton
writes, “The apprehensions of our kind friends made them too solicitous
respecting the consequences, to allow them to excite any sanguine
hopes on either side. They rather seemed to recommend resignation, and
acquiescence in what seemed to be unavoidable; and my hopes by this
time had entirely vanished. From the tenor of my last letter from the
Minister of Marine, I had been convinced that all prospect of an exchange
of prisoners, had now become more remote than ever; and I immediately
turned my thoughts towards making my captivity as light as possible, by
associating with it what was dearest to me in the world. I determined
to call for my beloved wife and child, and to take advantage of those
blessings, which a most bountiful Providence had bestowed upon me; to
enjoy them with gratitude; to resign myself to the Divine will; and to
remain in peaceful expectation of the hour, when God might be pleased
to liberate me. This plan had often suggested itself to me, but I
deferred acting upon it, until I should be justified by having made
every effort to procure my liberty. Having failed in these, M. Decrés,
the Minister, had the kindness to forward my wishes to the utmost of
his power, by sending me not only a passport for my family, but letters
of recommendation for my beloved wife to wait her arrival at Rotterdam.
Having once allowed such a prospect of happiness to present itself to my
mind, I no longer gave captivity a moment’s consideration; but counted
the days to the return of spring, when I might recommend my darling
Isabella to begin her journey. I had travelled sufficiently as a prisoner
to know that there was neither risk nor difficulty in the undertaking;
and I depended upon that benignant and merciful Power, who had so often
supported us, to continue His gracious mercy and protection to my beloved
wife and child.”
That this meeting between the husband and the wife who came to share his
captivity, was happily effected, is recorded in the note, affixed to the
memoranda of New Year’s Day, 1806. “We were permitted to meet early in
this year; and to pass it, I may almost say, in perfect happiness. Such
at least it appears, although we had great trials in consequence of the
ill health of our darling child, as well as from my own indisposition.
I was attacked, in the course of the summer with a complaint upon the
lungs, which to me wore a most threatening aspect. I however concealed
from my dear suffering and anxious companion the most serious symptom,
which was spitting of blood; and I believe she never knew it for many
years afterwards, nor until I had regained perfect health, and till
her’s, still more valuable to me, was menaced by the same alarming
indication. I then gladly told my secret, as well to comfort my beloved
invalide, as to excite my own hopes. Our dear boy also was attacked,
whilst travelling with us towards Tours, with a dropsical complaint,
which for some time threatened his life. How little did I think that I
should have lived to weep over them both. In one short month they were
both taken from me.”
Captain Brenton has left some details of his wife’s journey, which
as being made through an enemy’s country, under such very peculiar
circumstances, are not without interest. He says, “The vigour and energy
of mind displayed by my angelic wife, were the theme of praise to all
who knew her. Naturally timid and fond of retirement, her habits of life
were but ill adapted to the exertion and resolution, which this journey,
performed under such formidable circumstances, required. But prompted by
her affection for me, and by a sense of duty, she placed herself under
the care of her Divine Protector, and was immovably fixed in her purpose,
incapable of being deterred by any consideration of personal risk or
suffering. Even in her anxiety for her beloved child, she was supported
by the same sense of piety, and confidence in the blessing of God upon
her virtuous efforts; and the blessing of God attended her through life
in all she did.
“My brother was at this time commanding the Amarantha, and most
providentially lying at the Nore. He had been alarmingly ill, and was
still in a state of great weakness; but he was all activity for the
comfort and assistance of my beloved Isabella; who with her boy, and your
dear aunt Mary, had embarked in a small Prussian vessel, which was hired
to take them to Rotterdam. There they were most kindly received by the
respectable persons to whom letters of credit and introduction had been
sent, and they there also received assurances of my welfare. In your
dear Aunt Mary your beloved mother had a most affectionate and active
companion, as her knowledge of the French language, and the energy of
her mind rendered her peculiarly well qualified for such a journey. The
fears that had been excited in England, at the necessity of travelling
through hostile armies, vanished entirely as the ladies proceeded; and
they found the road even better protected in consequence of the vicinity
of the great French army, and of the number of gens d’armes patrolling
in every direction to prevent desertion. Let this part of your beloved
mother’s character, which stimulated her to so much exertion, in what she
considered the cause of affection and duty, be treasured up, my darling
children, for your imitation. Pay a due regard to the advice of your
friends, but at the same time bring your own judgment into exercise.
Compare the probabilities which may threaten you, with the nature of the
duty you have to perform. Pray ardently to God that He would be pleased
to direct you in your decision; and then, should the object you have
in view appear to be sanctioned by duty, let no circumstance arising
from other considerations shake your resolution. ‘Reflect, ponder,
and resolve.’ Let this be your motto, and be inflexible in every good
purpose. How much happiness should we mutually have lost, had my beloved
companion been deviated from her purpose, by an apprehension of danger,
which she afterwards found did not exist, or had she possessed less
confidence in her Heavenly Protector. In reviewing the different events
of our lives, we shall always find cause to regret having allowed the
consideration of present convenience and comfort to preponderate, against
what conscience had placed before us, as a duty. The same principle of
resolution which your exemplary mother evinced, in the exercise of her
affection for me, would on greater occasions lead to the most heroic,
or the most splendid actions. These always, and only originate in right
motives, inflexibly acted upon, to the utter exclusion of all minor
considerations. But at the same time, you must never forget, that the
object thus unremittingly pursued, should be paramount to all others, and
be sanctioned by religious, as well as moral obligations.”
I regret that the only memoranda I have found of this interesting
journey, are merely the names of the places, with the period of arriving
at each. They are as follows:—
“Thursday, April 16th, sailed from England for Holland.
“18th, arrived at Rotterdam after a passage of fifty-two hours.
“20th, left Rotterdam, took a carriage from thence to Antwerp,
crossed to Williamstadt, slept at Breda.
“21st, arrived at Antwerp.
“22nd, arrived at Brussels.
“23rd, left Brussels for Namur.
“24th, arrived at Namur.
“25th, left Dinant, passed through Givet, and the forest of
Ardennes, and arrived at Mezieres. Friday, April 26th, hired
another carriage to take us to Sedan, or to Verdun, in case
of not meeting my beloved Brenton; but heaven allowed me to
enjoy that supreme happiness, and I thought no more of the
fatigues of the journey. Grant, O most merciful God, that I may
never cease to feel a proper sense of Thy goodness, however
impossible it must be for me to express half the gratitude I
feel for Thy continued proofs of mercy, and favour, to myself
and all dear to me.
“Saturday, the 27th, slept at Stenay, and arrived at Verdun on
Sunday the 28th.”
These memoranda may appear unimportant, and irrelevant to the subject
of our present biography; but yet they seem to justify Captain Brenton
in having planned a journey, which, by those less deeply interested,
might have been condemned as being too full of peril, and involving
too much hardship to the object of his affection. His wife’s example
may also serve to animate some drooping spirits placed under similar
circumstances; and if it be true, as no member of the Church of England
will deny, that matrimony was ordained for the mutual society, help, and
comfort, that the one ought to have of the other, both in prosperity
and adversity; we cannot but feel that the purposes of this merciful
ordinance were singularly realised in the case before us. His own
grateful reflections on the subject, are thus further expressed. “Our
meeting was indeed one of pure, and unmixed felicity. My beloved wife
forgot in a moment all her fatigue, and anxieties; and the recollection
of captivity itself was instantly banished from my thoughts, or if I
remembered it at all, it was as a blessing which brought me the happiness
I enjoyed. I had been long impatiently expecting this joyful event, and
the evening before had received a letter from my beloved wife, informing
me of her arrival at Rotterdam. I was then living in the little village
of Clermont, a few miles distant from Verdun. On this notice reaching
me, I requested permission of the General to go as far as Sedan, to meet
my family, which was kindly granted. On my road I was most anxiously
examining every carriage as it approached. At sunset I had got within
three miles of Sedan, and had begun to give up all hopes of seeing the
object of my wishes; when I espied a travelling carriage, I felt a
presentiment that it contained all I held most dear in the world, and was
soon convinced of it.
“We only stopped one day at Verdun, and then removed to Clermont, where
we passed some days in perfect happiness. The distance however from
Clermont to Verdun was too great for convenience, as the village afforded
but few requisites for a family, and I was also frequently called upon
in behalf of the prisoners. I therefore procured a lodging at Charni,
a little village on the Meuse, about two miles from Verdun, in a most
commodious house, with a very respectable family.” Of the events of
the following year, which was passed in captivity, we can only find
any account by referring to the memoranda and notes, out of which the
following extracts have been taken.
In reference to Charni, Captain Brenton says, “Our retreat here was a
most delightful one, in a spacious mansion belonging to Monsieur de
Beaumont, who was of an ancient and noble family. We had an excellent
suite of apartments, and the use of an extensive garden. The season of
the year was particularly delightful; and every thing for some time
conspired to make us enjoy as much felicity as human nature is capable of
doing. If I had not entirely forgotten that I was a prisoner, I ceased to
feel the pressure of captivity, and was resigned to my lot. An anxious
thought of being deprived of the active exercise of my profession would
now and then intrude, but it was soon dispelled in the recollection of
the happiness I enjoyed. This however received some interruption a short
time afterwards, from my health being seriously attacked. I had caught a
cold, which in the month of June brought on spitting of blood. I hope the
precaution I took of concealing this alarming symptom from my beloved
companion, rendered her apprehensions less dreadful to her; but I allowed
my own mind to be extremely depressed. I considered a rapid decline to
be the inevitable consequence; and the thoughts of my dear and helpless
family, left unprovided for, and unprotected, in a foreign land, and in
an enemy’s country, preyed upon my spirits with a force that I cannot
describe. It is unknown to all but myself, how many hours of dreadful
anxiety I suffered on this account, and indeed on my own; for these
very feelings prove that I was not prepared for death; that I was but a
nominal christian. So blind, and worldly minded I was, that I derived
no comfort from the assurances given in every part of scripture, of the
mercy and goodness of God. I could not then comfort myself by resigning
all I held dear into the hands of that Bountiful Creator, who gave them
to me. I felt as though their happiness depended upon my sole exertions;
and that without me they must be destitute. It is this way of thinking,
this practical want of faith, disguise it as we may, which is the cause
of all our anxiety, and even of all the misery we meet with. It could
not exist, were we as sensible, as we persuade ourselves we are, of the
Omnipotence, and the Omnipresence, and the merciful goodness of God.
Often have I tried to reason myself into this firm trust and confidence
in the Divine mercy, but the sick bed, the dear disconsolate widow, and
the unprotected infant were objects, which with all my efforts, I could
not look beyond; and yet, I should have thought the greatest injustice
had been done me, if any one at the time had called in question the
sincerity of my religious profession. I felt as though I were living
in a general, if not a constant practice of its duties. How little do
we know ourselves, till the day of trial comes. I could read treatises
upon patience and resignation with the most cordial concurrence in every
argument; and even wonder that they were not universally efficacious; but
when called upon to practice what they prescribed, I found I was indeed
living without God in the world. I did not dare to impart these wretched
feelings to my beloved and inestimable wife, in the apprehension of
affecting her, and thus I lost the balm of her affectionate counsels.
“The attack which I experienced, would, I am now convinced, have been of
little importance, but for the effect I allowed it to have upon my mind.
This aggravated its force, and it soon assumed so serious an appearance
as threatened to realize all my apprehensions. What a lesson is this for
you, my dear children, to teach you the folly as well as the wickedness
of worldly anxiety. How often do the evils we dread never reach us;
whilst the blow which humbles us comes from a quarter where we least
expected it. Even the events, which seem to menace us with some serious
calamity, frequently become instruments of good to us. Nearly thirteen
years have now elapsed since this period; and instead of the evil I
foreboded, my health has probably been strengthened and preserved, by the
care and precaution which that illness rendered necessary. It was the
cause of my removing from Verdun to the interior of France, to the most
delightful climate, where I soon nearly recovered. All my apprehensions
were groundless. I was mercifully preserved to those so justly dear to
me, and preserved by a gracious Providence to be the humble instrument of
their future welfare.
“It was impossible to enjoy greater advantages than we possessed, in the
retired village of Charni, during the summer months; and I avoided the
bustle and constant interruption, which I met with at Verdun from various
quarters. We had some excellent and valuable friends, in whose society we
found much gratification; their habits were similar to our own; with them
we lived on terms of the kindest intimacy, and avoided, by having this
residence, the necessity of keeping up an intercourse with others who
found enjoyment only in society of a very different description. As the
autumn however approached, we thought it necessary to remove into Verdun,
as Charni was too low for a winter residence. We continued to live in
retirement, as my health was too weak to admit of my entering into
evening parties, and it was with great difficulty that I could prevail
upon my beloved and excellent companion to leave me only for a few hours.
Even the change from Charni to Verdun was beneficial to me. The progress
I made towards recovery was very apparent, and my mind being consequently
relieved, I was in a great measure restored to happiness. The mercy and
goodness of God has visited me through life, in a very remarkable manner;
and this ought to excite the warmest gratitude, and the most entire
resignation to all He should in future require of me.
“One other circumstance at this period occurred most providentially,
which relieved me from much anxiety. My pecuniary circumstances had
always been far from affluent. The loss of my ship just fitted out; the
necessity of keeping two houses; and the other unavoidable expences of
my situation, had exhausted the little which I had made in the late war.
At this time I received two sums most opportunely, namely £468, prize
money from Genoa, of which I had given up all hopes; and nearly £400
as a remuneration from the Admiralty for the charge I had taken of the
prisoners. This materially increased our comforts; but the circumstance
derived its chief value in the estimation of my angelic wife, from the
effect it produced in tranquillizing my mind. To please and obey her God;
to share in, or contribute to the happiness of those dear to her, was the
great and invariable object of her life. She thus gave additional charms
to prosperity itself, by the delight she took in the joy of all around
her: but how often have I felt her sweet influence of still greater value
in cheering me under the pressure of adversity.
“In order to re-establish my health entirely, I was anxious to remove
into a milder climate; I was also very desirous of procuring a residence
for my family, at a distance from the general depôt, where much of the
society was very exceptionable, and where we were constantly unsettled,
by the multitude of reports daily in circulation, suggested without any
foundation by the hopes and fears of our fellow prisoners, or from mere
idleness. With this view I solicited permission to pass the winter at
Tours. The Minister of Marine, M. Decrés again stood my friend, and
after some delay, in consequence of Buonaparte being at Berlin, he at
length succeeded, and informed me in the kindest manner of my request
being granted. We made our preparations with almost as much pleasure, as
though it had been for a journey to England. I employed myself during the
remainder of our stay at Verdun, in concluding all my affairs relative
to the prisoners at that depôt. The French government had recently
forbidden any further supplies being given to the British prisoners, by
their own country; declaring that each nation should support its own
prisoners. The fact was, that whilst the Englishmen were so liberally
provided for by their own government, there was no hope of inducing
them to desert; and all intrigues carried on by the French to seduce
them from their allegiance proved fruitless. In consequence of this new
arrangement, my presence was no longer necessary at Verdun. I settled
all my affairs relative to the prisoners, and this was rendered less
complicated by an order recently issued by the French Government, that
all supplies sent from England to her people should cease, and each
nation support their own prisoners. I had nothing therefore now to do,
but to close my accounts previous to my departure. The situation of
the prisoners of inferior rank, became in consequence wretched in the
extreme. They were now deprived of the comforts to which they had been
accustomed; they neither saw nor heard of their officers; they knew
nothing of the continued solicitude of their truly paternal government,
and of the efforts it had made in their behalf. All hopes of exchange
had died away, and complete despair seemed to have taken possession
of the sufferers. Numbers attempted to make their escape, and some
few succeeded; but many were intercepted and cruelly treated; whilst
additional measures of severity were adopted to prevent further attempts
at desertion. All who were taken at this time, were sent off, as close
prisoners to the fortress of Bitche, and confined in the dark and
gloomy souterrain. It was at this time that Mr. Wolfe, finding that the
principal objects of his solicitude, the children, were all removed to
the distant depôts, and that none would be permitted to reside at Verdun,
came forward in a manner most creditable to himself, as a volunteer to
reside at Givet, a depôt in which there were twelve hundred prisoners,
but no officers. He was aware that he must deprive his family of all
the advantages they possessed of comfort and society at Verdun, and
subject them to many privations; but this excellent man did not hesitate,
whatever sufferings or inconveniences might await him, to put in
execution a resolution which was made in the hope of being instrumental
to the temporal and eternal welfare of his suffering countrymen.”